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VOL.  III.     1801-1887. 



Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1887,  by 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 

All  Rights  Reserved. 

u.  c. 





i  <; 






Popular  Feeling  in  Central  America — Effect  of  Events  in  Spain — Recog- 
nition of  American  Equality — Representation  in  the  Spanish  Cortes 
— Delusive  Reforms — End  of  Saravia's  Rule — President  Jose  Busta- 
mante — His  Despotic  Course — Demands  in  the  Cortes — Constitu- 
tional Guarantees — Official  Hostility — Campaign  in  Oajaca — Revolu- 
tionary Movements  in  Salvador — War  in  Nicaragua — Conspiracy  in 
Guatemala — Treatment  of  the  Insurgents — Disrespect  to  the  Diputa- 
cion — The  Constitution  Revoked — Royal  Decrees 1 



President  Carlos  Urrutia — His  Liberal  Views — Colombian  Assaults — 
Spanish  Constitution  Restored — The  Gazistas,  or  Bacos — The  Cacos 
— Jose"  del  Valle — Pedro  Molina — Liberal  Institutions — Extent  of 
the  Political  Government — Ecclesiastical  Administration — Work  of 
American  Deputies — Party  Excitement  in  Guatemala — Urrutia  Dele- 
gates his  Powers — Substitute  President  Gavino  Gainza — Chiapas  and 
her  Government — She  Secedes  from  Spain  and  Joins  the  Mexican 
Empire — Guatemala  Declares  for  Independence — Junta  Gubernativa 
— Convocation  of  a  Congress 23 




First  Acts  of  Guatemalan  Rulers— Intrigues  of  Parties— Their  Evil  Con- 
sequences— Gainza's  Intrigues — Independence  in  the  Other  Prov- 
inces— Rewards  to-  Gainza — Troubles  in  Salvador — Dissensions  in 
Honduras — Local  Squabbles  in  Nicaragua — Predilection  for  Imperial- 
ism— Costa  Rica  Neutral — Condition  of  Various  Sections — Seceding 
Districts  of  Guatemala — Perplexities  of  the  Junta  Consultiva — Itur- 
bide's  Devices — Military  Pressure — His  Proposals  Accepted — Illegal 

Annexation — Protests  and  Resistance — War  Begins 42 







Secession  from  Mexico — Arzu's  Campaign — Prevarication  of  Salvador — 
Filisola's  Victory- — -His  Subsequent  Course — Liberal  Triumph  in 
Costa  Rica — Honduras  Favors  Union — National  Independence  Se- 
cured— Labors  to  Organize  a  Nation — The  Constituent  Assembly — 
Provincias  Unidas  del  Centre  de  America — Abolition  of  African 
Slavery — Provisional  Government — Moderados  or  Serviles — Libe- 
rales  or  Fiebres — Principles  and  Aims  of  Parties — Mexican  Forces 
Retire — Seditions  Begin — Salvadoran  Force  in  Guatemala — Cpnfed- 
eracion  de  Centre  America — Fundamental  Law— Finances — Adjourn- 
ment of  the  Constituent  Assembly , CO 




General  Elections — Meeting  of  the  First  Congress — Manuel  Jose"  Arce, 
First  President  of  the  Republic — Foreign  Relations — Arce's  Pre- 
varications— Conflict  with  Guatemala — Party  Bickerings — Liberals 
Quarrel  with  Arce — He  Joins  their  Opponents — Bitterness  Engen- 
dered— President  versus  Guatemalan  Rulers — Arrest  of  Jefe  Juan 
Barrundia — Riots  at  Quezaltenango — Murder  of  Vice-jefe  Cirilo 
Flores — Arce  as  Dictator  in  Guatemala — War  against  Salvador — Arce 
Defeated — He  Gives  up  the  Presidency,  and  Cannot  Recover  It — 
Bloody  War  of  1826-9 — Morazan  the  Victor — Jose  Francisco  Bar- 
rundia, Acting  President  —  Liberal  Measures  —  Peace  Restored—- 
Spanish Schemes 7& 




Revolution  in  Honduras— Conservatives  Invade  the  State — Second  Gen- 
eral Elections — Francisco  Morazan  Chosen  President — Plots  of  the 
Serviles — Arce's  Invasion  from  Mexico — Occupation  of  Honduras 
Ports  by  Exiled  Rebels — Spanish  Flag  Hoisted  in  Omoa,  and  Aid 
from  Cuba — Salvadoran  Authorities  in  Rebellion — Third  General 
Elections — Morazan  Reflected — Failure  of  Colonization  Plans — Rav- 
ages of  Cholera — Indian  Revolt  under  Carrera — His  Early  Life 108 




Campaign  against  Carrera/ — Several  Departments  of  Guatemala  in  Re- 
bellion— Jefe  Galvez  Deposed — Carrera  Takes  Guatemala — Murder 


of  Salazar — Carrera  Accepts  Money  to  Leave  the  City — Dictatorship 
Offered  Morazan  by  the  Aristocrats  and  Refused — Carrera's  Second 
Rebellion — The  Republic  in  Peril — Morazan 's  Efforts  to  Save  It- 
Nicaragua  and  Honduras  Forces  Invade  Salvador — Morazan  Defeats 
Them — His  Retreat  to  San  Salvador — He  Embarks — Is  Refused 
Hospitality  in  Costa  Rica — Goes  to  South  America — The  Republic  is 
Dead — Salvador  at  the  Mercy  of  Carrera 127 




State  Government  of  Guatemala— Barrundia's  Radicalism — His  Over- 
throw— Vice-jefe  Flores  Assassinated  in  Quezaltenango — Downfall  of 
the  Liberals  in  Guatemala — Aristocratic  Leaders  Exiled — Jefe  Mo- 
lina—His Differences,  Impeachment,  and  Acquittals — Rivera  Ca- 
beza's  Reforms — Earthquakes—  Galvez'  Rule  and  its  Benefits — Party 
Opposition  to  Him — Indian  Outbreaks — Carrera  Captures  Guatemala 
— Galvez  Resigns — Subsequent  Rule  of  the  Aristocrats — Guatemala 
again  Independent — Honduras'  State  Government — Jefe  Dionisio 
Herrera — Early  Dissensions — Comayagua  Assaulted  by  Rebels — 
Morazan  in  the  Field — Honduras  Secedes  from  the  Central  American 
Confederation — Federalism  Rooted  out  of  her  Territory 145 




Salvador  State  Government — Liberals  Overthrown — Secession  from  the 
Union— San  Salvador  as  the  Federal  Seat  of  Government — Guate- 
mala Imposes  her  Will — Jefe  Caiias  and  Comandante  Malespin— Nic- 
aragua's Early  Troubles — Siege  and  Bombardment  of  Leon — Organ- 
ization of  State  Government — Dissensions  and  Warfare — Eruption  of 
Cosigiiina — Secession  from  the  Confederation — Costa  Rica  as  a  Con- 
federated State — Juan  Mora's  Administration — Towns'  Bickerings 
Settled — Braulio  Carrillo's  Rule — Final  Secession  from  the  Central 

American  Republic — Prosperity  of  the  State 165 





Interstate  Dissensions — Pacto  de  Chinandega  —  Confederacion  Centre 
Americana — Supremo  Delegado  Chamorro — Hostility  of  Guatemala 
and  British  Officials — Arce  Invades  Salvador — War  of  the  Confeder- 
acy against  Guatemala — Helplessness  of  Chamorro — End  of  the 
Pacto  de  Chinandega — Condition  of  the  States — Ferrera's  Bad  Faith 

viii  CONTENTS. 

— Salvador  and  Honduras  against  Nicaragua — Horrors  of  Leon — 
Vice-president  Joaquin  E.  Guzman — Honduras  and  Salvador  at  War 
— Guardiola%s  Vandalism — Malespin  Overthrown — Renewed  Efforts 
to  Confederate — Guatemala  an  Independent  Republic — Costa  Rica 
Follows — Salvador,  Nicaragua,  and  Honduras  a  Confederacy — Its 
Short  Life — Further  Unsuccessful  Attempts 186 




Rule  of  Carrillo  Continued — Plots  for  its  Overthrow — Invasion  of  Mora- 
zan — Change  of  Government — Morazan's  Policy — Opposition — Re- 
volts— Morazan's  Defeat  and  Death— Satisfaction  of  the  Oligarchs — 
Measures  of  the  Victors — New  Constitution — Subsequent  Amend- 
ments— Sedition — Castro's  Administration — Costa  Rica  Declared  a 
Republic — Recognition  by  Spain — Relations  with  Other  Powers — 
Boundary  Questions  with  Nicaragua  and  Colombia — President  Juan 
Rafael  Mora — His  Repressive  Measures 215 




State  Government — Director  Buitrago's  Conservatism — British  Aggres- 
sion— Director  Sandoval's  Rule — Internal  Troubles — Guerrero's  Ad-      / 
ministration — The  Mosquito   Kingdom — Its   Origin  and  History —  V 
Bubbles — British  Pretensions — Seizure  of  San  Juan  del  Norte — Dip-        / 
lomatic  Complications — Clayton-Bui  wer  Treaty — Nicaragua  Recovers 
her  Own — Relations  with  Foreign  Powers — An  American  War  Ship 
Bombards  San  Juan  del  Norte — Pineda's   Government — Establish- 
ment of  the  Republic — Party  Dissensions — Legitimists  versus  Demo- 
crats— Chamorro  and  Castellon — Civil  War — Death  of  Chamorro — 
Estrada  Succeeds  Him 123S 




President  Rivera  Paz — Carrera's  Course — Pretended  Sedition — Dissolu- 
tion of  the  Assembly — A  Consejo  Constituyente  Created— Carrera 
Becomes  President — Attempt  against  his  Life — Revolt  of  Monter- 
rosa — Can-era's  Despotism — The  Republic  Established — Relations 
with  Other  Powers — Revolution  of  the  Mountain — Constituent  As- 
sembly Convened — Carrera's  Forced  Resignation  and  Exile — Liberals 
Triumphant — Their  Squabbles  and  Disintegration — The  Moderado 
Party — Revolution  of  Los  Altos — Intrigues  of  the  Serviles — Presi- 



tlencies  of  Martinez  and  Escobar — Causes  of  their  Resignations — 
Paredes — Recall  of  Carrera — Deeds  of  Vengeance — Carrera  again 
President — Partial  Restoration  of  Peace 264 




Malespin's  Acts — Lindo's  Coup  d'Etat  and  Deposal — Jefe  Guzman — 
Revolt  at  Santa  Ana — President  Aguilar — The  Bishop  Expelled — 
Viteri's  Alliance  with  Malespin  and  Honduran  Oligarchs — President 
Vasconcelos — British  Hostilities — Salvador's  Relations  with  Foreign 
Powers— San  Martin's  Administration — Destruction  of  San  Salvador 
— President  Campo — Campaign  against  Walker  in  Nicaragua — Estab- 
lishment of  the  Republic — Santin's  Overthrow — Presidency  of  Ge- 
rardo  Barrios — War  of  Salvador  and  Honduras  against  Guatemala 
and  Nicaragua — The  Latter  Victorious — Barrios'  Flight — Restoration 
of  Peace — Duefias  as  President — Barrios'  Subsequent  Return — His 
Capture  and  Surrender  by  Nicaragua — His  Execution  in  San  Salva- 
dor   285 



President   Ferrera — Revolutionary  Movements — Political   Executions — 

/Presidency  of  Juan  Lindo — New  Constitution — Lindo  Overthrown —    , 
Belize — Honduras'  Troubles  with  Great  Britain — British  Occupation  * 
of  Tiger  Island — Bombardment  of  Omoa — Bay  Islands — President 
Cabanas — War  with  Guatemala — Guardiola's  Assassination — Pro- 
visional Rules  of  Castellanos  and  Montes — Alliance  with  Barrios — 
Unsuccessful  War  with  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua — Montes  Deposed 
— Establishment  of  the  Republic — Jose  M.  Medina  Chosen  President 
— Amendment  of  the  Constitution 309 




Kinney's  Expedition — William  Walker  Joins  the  Democrats — Failure  of 
liis  Expedition  to  Rivas — Cholera  Decimates  the  Legitimists  at  Ma- 
nagua— Death  of  Munoz — Walker's  Victories  at  La  Virgen  and  Gra- 
iiada — Execution  of  Minister  Mayorga — Walker's  Convention  with 
Corral  —  Provisional  Government  Organized  —  President  Patricio 
Rivas — Commander  of  the  Forces,  Walker — Minister  of  War  Corral 
Put  to  Death  for  Treason — Recognition  by  Salvador  alid  Honduras 
— Seizure  of  the  Transit  Company's  Steamers — Costa  Ricans  011  the 
War-path— Havoc  of  Cholera 327 






Recognition  of  President  Rivas  by  the  United  States — Walker's  Hostile 
Attitude— Flight  of  Rivas— Walker  Makes  Himself  President— Alli- 
ance against  Him — Death  of  Estrada — The  Legitimists  Accept  Rivas 
—Costa  Ricans  and  Nicaraguans  in  Rivas — Destruction  of  Granada 
— It  is  Occupied  by  Allied  Forces — Walker  Reoccupies  Rivas — Where 
He  is  Besieged— Successes  of  the  Costa  Ricans— Failure  of  Lock- 
ridge's  Expedition — Surrender  of  Walker — War  of  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica — Commodore  Paulding  and  Walker's  Second  Attempt — 
Walker's  Invasion  of  Honduras,  Capture,  and  Execution — Govern- 
ment Reorganized — President  Martinez'  Administrations 347 




Rewards  to  Walker's  Conquerors — Reelection  of  Mora — His  Downfall  and 
Exile — His  Return,  Capture,  and  Execution — Montealegre's  Admin- 
istration— Violence  of  Parties — Compromise  on  Jesus  Jimenez — His 
Peaceful  Rule — President  Jose  M.  Castro — Charges  against  Him — 
His  Overthrow — Several  New  Constitutions — Jimenez  again  Presi- 
dent— His  Arbitrary  Acts — How  He  was  Deposed — President  Car- 
ranza — Other  Temporary  Rulers — President  Guardia's  Despotism — 
Failure  of  his  Warlike  Plans — His  Death — Administration  of  Pros- 
pero  Fernandez — Preparations  to  Defend  Independence — His  Sudden 
Death — Bernardo  Soto's  Peaceful  Rule 371 




Rule  of  President  Duenas— His  Conservatism — Quarrel  with  Honduras— 
The  Latter  Allied  with  Salvadoran  Liberals — Battle  of  Santa  Ana — 
Duenas  Deposed — His  Impeachment,  Release,  and  Temporary  Exile 
— Santiaga  Gonzalez  Provisional  President — Gonzalez  Elected  Chief 
Magistrate — Guatemala  and  Salvador  at  War  with  Honduras — • 
Murder  of  Vice-president  Mendez — Earthquakes — President  Valle — 
Trouble  with  Guatemala — Exeunt  Valle  and  Gonzalez— Zaldivar's 
Long  Rule — Constitutional  Changes — Alliance  with  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica — Resistance  to  Barrios'  Plan  of  Conquest — Salvador  Vic- 
torious—  Restored  Peace  —  Zaldivar  Eliminated  —  Revolution — F. 
Menendez  Matte  President. . .  392 






President  Cerna's  Rule — Partial  Revolts — Liberals  in  the  Assembly — 
Cerna's  Reelection — Riots  in  the  Capital — Zavala's  Course — Cruz' 
Rebellion,  Defeat,  and  Death — Arrests  of  Liberals — Moderation  of 
the  Government — Revolution  of  Garcia  Granados  and  Barrios — 
Plan  of  Patzicia — Cerna  Defeated  and  Overthrown — Granados  as 
Presidente  Provisorio — Seditious  Movements  Quelled — Abolition  of 
Priestly  Privileges — Prelates,  Jesuits,  and  Capuchins  Expelled — - 
War  with  Honduras— Barrios  as  Substitute  President — His  Sever- 
ity— Elections — Barrios  Chosen  Constitutional  President 413 




President  Barrios  of  Guatemala — End  of  Reactionary  War — Guatemalan 
Progress — War  with  Salvador  and  Honduras — Barrios'  Successes 
and  Generosity  to  the  Vanquished — Constitutional  Regime  in  Guate- 
mala— Barrios'  Reflections — His  Visit  to  the  United  States — Peace- 
ful Effort  to  Unite  Central  America — Resort  to  Arms — Alliance  of 
Guatemala  and  Honduras — Barrios  Attacks  Salvador — His  Defeat 
and  Death-  -His  Plan  Abandoned — M.  L.  Barillas,  Provisional  Presi- 
dent of  Guatemala — Restoration  of  Peace 431 




National  Flag  and  Escutcheon— Order  of  Santa  Rosa — Medina's  Long 
Rule — His  Differences  with  Duefias,  and  Triumph — War  with  Salva- 
dor and  Guatemala — Medina  Defeated  and  Overthrown — Celeo  Arias 
Succeeds  Him — His  Liberal  Policy — He  is  Beset  by  the  Conserva- 
tives— His  Former  Supporters  Depose  Him — Ponciano  Leiva  Becomes 
President — His  Course  Displeases  Barrios,  Who  Sets  Medina  against 
Him — He  is  Forced  to  Resign — Marco  Aurelio  Soto  Made  President 
by  Barrios — Attempted  Revolt  of  Ex -president  Medina — His  Trial 
and  Execution — Soto's  Administration — He  Goes  Abroad — His  Quar- 
rel with  Barrios,  and  Resignation — President  Bogran — Filibustering 
Schemes 453 




President  Fernando  Guzman — Insurrection — Misconduct  of  Priests — 
Defeats  of  the  Insurgents — Foreign  Mediation — Generosity  of  the 


Government — President  Vicente  Quadra — Inception  of  the  Jesuits — 
Aims  of  Parties — Internal  and  Foreign  Complications — Costa  Rica's 
Hostility  and  Tinoco's  Invasion — Presidents  Chamorro  and  Zavala — 
More  Political  Troubles — Jesuits  the  Promoters — Their  Expulsion — 
Peace  Restored — Progress  of  the  Country — President  Adan  Car- 
denas— Resistance  to  President  Barrios'  Plan  of  Forced  Reconstruc- 
tion   . .  470 




Administration  under  Spain — Influence  of  Events  in  Europe  and  Spanish 
America  on  the  Isthmus — Hostilities  in  Nueva  Granada — Constitu- 
tional Government — General  Hore's  Measures  to  Hold  the  Isthmus 
for  Spain — MacGregor's  Insurgent  Expedition  at  Portobello — Re- 
establishment  of  the  Constitution — Captain-general  Murgeon's  Rule 
— The  Isthmus  is  Declared  Independent — Its  Incorporation  with 
Colombia — Jose  Fabrega  in  Temporary  Command — Jose  Maria  Car- 
reno  Appointed  Intendente  and  Comandante  General — Abolition  of 
African  Slavery ' 488 




Panama  Congress — Provincial  Organizations — Alzuru's  Rebellion  and 
Execution — Secession  from  Colombia  and  Reincorporation — Differ- 
ences with  Foreign  Governments — Crime  Rampant  —  Summary 
Treatment  of  Criminals — Riots  and  Massacre  of  Foreign  Passengers 
— Attempts  to  Rob  Treasure  Trains — Neutrality  Treaties — Estab- 
lishment of  Federal  System — Panama  as  a  State — Revolutionary  Era 
Begins — A  Succession  of  Governors — Seditious  Character  of  the 
Negro  Population — Revolution  against  Governor  Guardia  and  his 
Death — Another  Political  Organization — Estado  Soberano  de  Pana- 
ma— Liberal  Party  in  Full  Control —  Stringent  Measures ....  510 




Presidents  Goitia,  Santa  Coloma,  and  Calancha — Undue  Interference  of 
Federal  Officials — Colunje's  Administration — President  Olarte's  En- 
ergy— Enmity  of  the  Arrabal's  Negroes — Short  and  Disturbed  Rules 
of  Diaz  and  Ponce— President  Correoso — Negro  Element  in  the 
Ascendent — Conservatives  Rebel,  and  are  Discomfited — Armed  Peace 

CONTENTS.  xiii 


for  a  Time — Feverish  Rules  of  Neira,  Mird,  Aizpuru,  Correoso,  and 
Casorla — Cervera's  Long  Tenure — Temporary  Rule  of  Vives  Leon — 
President  Santodomingo  Vila — Obtains  Leave  of  Absence — Is  Suc- 
ceeded by  Pablo  Arosemena — Aizpuru's  Revolution  —  Arosemena 
Flees  and  Resigns — Outrages  at  Colon — American  Forces  Protect 
Panama — Collapse  of  the  Revolution — Aizpuru  and  Correoso  Im- 
prisoned— Chief  Causes  of  Disturbances  on  the  Isthmus 532 




Extent  of  the  Country — Climate — Mountains  and  Volcanoes — Earth- 
quakes— Rivers  and  Lakes — Costa  Rica's  Area,  Possessions,  and 
Political  Division  and  Government — Her  Chief  Cities — Nicaragua, 
her  Territory,  Towns,  and  Municipal  Administration — Honduras' 
Extent,  Islands,  Cities,  and  Local  Government — Salvador,  her  Posi- 
tion, Area,  Towns,  and  Civil  Rule — Guatemala's  Extent  and  Posses- 
sions— Her  Cities  and  Towns — Internal  Administration — Isthmus  of 
Panama — Area,  Bays,  Rivers,  and  Islands — Department  and  District 
Rule — The  Capital  and  Other  Towns — Population — Character  and 
Customs — Education — Epidemics  and  Other  Calamities 560 




Central  American  Population — Its  Divisions — General  Characteristics  and 
Occupations — Land  Grants — Efforts  at  Colonization — Failure  of  For- 
eign Schemes-— Rejection  of  American  Negroes — Character  of  the 
Costa  Rican  People — Dwellings — Dress — Food — Amusements — Nica- 
raguan  Men  and  Women — Their  Domestic  Life — How  They  Amuse 
Themselves — People  of  Salvador — Their  Character  and  Mode  of 
Living 587 




Amalgamation  in  Honduras — Possible  War  of  Races — Xicaques  and  Payas 
— Zambos  or  Mosquitos — Pure  and  Black  Caribs — Distinguishing 
Traits — Ladinos — Their  Mode  of  Life — Guatemala  and  her  People — 
Different  Classes — Their  Vocations  —  Improved  Condition  of  the 
Lower  Classes — Mestizos — Pure  Indians — Lacandones — White  and 
Upper  Class — Manners  and  Customs  —  Prevailing  Diseases — Epi- 
demics— Provision  for  the  Indigent 608 





Public  Education — Early  Efforts  at  Development — Costa  Rica's  Measures 
— Small  Success — Education  in  Nicaragua — Schools  and  Colleges — 
Nicaraguan  Writers — Progress  in  Salvador  and  Honduras — Brilliant 
Results  in  Guatemala — Polytechnic  School — Schools  of  Science,  Arts, 
and  Trades — Institute  for  the  Deaf,  Dumb,  and  Blind — University — 
Public  Writers — Absence  of  Public  Libraries — Church  History  in 
Central  America  and  Panama — Creation  of  Dioceses  of  Salvador  and 
Costa  Rica — Immorality  of  Priests — Their  Struggles  for  Supremacy 
— Efforts  to  Break  their  Power — Banishments  of  Prelates — Expulsion 
of  Jesuits — Suppression  of  Monastic  Orders — Separation  of  Church 
and  State — Religious  Freedom 621 




Judicial  System  of  Guatemala — Jury  Trials  in  the  Several  States — Courts 
of  Honduras — Absence  of  Codes  in  the  Republic — Dilatory  Justice — 
Impunity  of  Crime  in  Honduras  and  Nicaragua — Salvador's  Judiciary 
— Dilatory  Procedure — Codification  of  Laws  in  Nicaragua — Costa 
Rican  Administration  —  Improved  Codes  —  Panama  Courts — Good 
Codes — Punishments  for  Crime  in  the  Six  States — Jails  and  Peniten- 
tiaries— Military  Service — Available  Force  of  Each  State — How 
Organized  —  Naval  —  Expenditures  —  Military  Schools  —  Improve- 
ments...  .  638 




Early  Agriculture — Protection  of  the  Industry — Great  Progress  Attained 
— Communal  Lands— Agricultural  Wealth — Decay  of  Cochineal — 
Development  of  Other  Staples — Indigo,  Coffee,  Sugar,  Cacao,  and 
Tobacco — Food  and  Other  Products — Precious  Woods  and  Medicinal 
Plants — Live-stock — Value  of  Annual  Production  in  Each  State — 
Natural  Products  of  Panama  —  Neglect  of  Agriculture  —  Mineral 
Wealth — Yield  of  Precious  Metals — Mining  in  Honduras,  Salvador, 
and  Nicaragua — Deposits  of  Guatemala  and  Costa  Rica — Mints — 
Former  Yield  of  Panama — Mining  Neglected  on  the  Isthmus — In- 
cipiency  of  Manufactures — Products  for  Domestic  Use 650 






Early  State  of  Trade — Continued  Stagnation  after  Independence — Steam 
on  the  Coasts — Its  Beneficial  Effects — Variety  of  Staples — Ports  of 
Entry  and  Tariffs — Imports  and  Exports — Fairs — Accessory  Transit 
Company —  Internal  Navigation — Highways  —  Money — Banking  — 
Postal  Service — Panama  Railway  Traffic — Local  Trade  of  the  Isth- 
mus— Pearl  Fishery — Colonial  Revenue  in  Finances  of  the  Federa- 
tion—  Sources  of  Revenue  of  Each  State  —  Their  Receipts  and 
Expenditures — Foreign  and  Internal  Debts 663 




Ancient  Ideas  on  the  North-west  Passage — From  Peru  to  La  Plata — 
Cape  Horn  Discovered  —  Arctic  Regions  —  McClure's  Successful 
Voyage  —  Crozier's  Discovery  —  Franklin's  Attempts  —  Finding  by 
Nordenskiold  of  the  North-east  Passage — Projects  to  Unite  the  At- 
lantic and  Pacific  Oceans  across  the  Isthmuses — Plans  about  Tehuan-f 
tepee — Explorations  for  a  Ship -canal  Route  in  Nicaragua,  Panama, 
and  Darien — The  Nicaragua  Accessory  Transit  Company — Construc- 
tion of  the  Panama  Railway,  and  its  Great  Benefits — Further  Efforts 
for  a  Canal — Organization  of  a  French  Company — A  Ship-canal  under 
Construction  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama — Difficulties  and  Expec- 
tations— Central  American  Railroads  and  Telegraphs — Submarine 
Cables..  .  688 










THE  opening  century  was  pregnant  with  important 
events  both  in  Europe  and  America.  By  1808  affairs 
in  Spain  culminated  in  the  French  emperor's  deten- 
tion of  the  king  and  other  members  of  the  royal 
family  at  Bayonne,  where  he  forced  them  finally  to 
resign  in  his  favor  their  rights  to  the  Spanish  crown. 
The  circle  surrounding  the  captain-general,  audien- 
cia,  and  archbishop  of  Guatemala  was  made  up,  not 
only  of  European  Spaniards,  but  of  Guatemalans 
belonging  to  the  so-called  noble  families.  Popular 
displeasure  was  manifested  both  against  the  Span- 
iards and  against  the  provincial  aristocracy.1  The 

1  See  History  of  Mexico,  this  aeries.     The  masses  of  the  people  were  kept 
HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    1 


oligarchy  was  hated  throughout  the  province  of  Gua- 
temala proper,  and  still  more  in  the  other  provinces 
of  the  presidency. 

However,  when  the  news  of  Napoleon's  usurpation 
reached  America,  it  caused  a  strong  revulsion  of 
feeling  in  Central  America,  as  well  as  elsewhere  in 
the  Spanish  dominions,  even  among  the  large  class 
which  had  hitherto  secretly  fostered  a  warm  desire 
for  independent  national  existence.  Creoles  of  pure 
Spanish  descent,  though  yearning  to  be  free  from  the 
old  thraldom,  could  not  bring  themselves  to  discard 
the  country  which  gave  them  blood,  religion,  and 
civilization.  As  to  the  educated  Indians,  who  were 
also  among  the  wishers  for  independence,  like  all  of 
their  race,  they  looked  up  to  the  ruling  power  with 
reverence  and  fear.  Thus  arose  a  struggle  between 
the  old  veneration  and  the  love  of  freedom;  a  strug- 
gle which  was  to  last  in  Central  America  a  few  years 
longer,  though  the  people  were  becoming  more  and 
more  impatient,  while  leaning  to  the  side  of  indepen- 
dent nationality.  Circumstances  seemed  to  demand 
that  the  old  connection  should  not  be  ruptured  till 
1821,  when  decisive  results  in  New  Spain  brought  on 
the  final  crisis  here.  When  the  news  of  Napoleon's 
acts  of  violence  and  usurpations  reached  Guatemala, 
popular  loyalty  was  aroused,  and  showed  itself  in 
various  ways.  Manifestations  by  the  authorities,  ex- 

Eressive  of  fealty  to  the  mother  country  and  the  royal 
imily,  met  with  an  apparently  hearty  response  from 
the  people. 

Advices  came  on  the  30th  of  June,  1808,  of  the 
occurrences  at  Aranjuez  of  March  1 9th.2  July  passed 
amid  much  anxiety  about  affairs  in  Spain,  and  the 
public  mind  became  depressed  by  unfavorable  news 
received  on  the  13th  of  August.  Next  day,  at  a 

in  utter  ignorance,  to  be  used,  if  necessary,  as  the  blind  tools  of  the  ruling 
oligarchy.  Montufar,  Resefia  Hist. ,  i.  6. 

2 1  have  told  in  my  History  of  Mexico  how  Carlos  IV.  was  forced  to  abdi- 
cate, and  his  son  Fernando  raised  to  the  throne. 


meeting  of  the  authorities,3  the  state  of  affairs  was 
anxiously  discussed.  The  mariscal  de  campo,  An- 
tonio Gonzalez  Mollinedo  y  Saravia,  had  succeeded 
Dolmas  on  the  28th  of  July,  1801,  in  the  offices  of 
governor,  cap  tain -general,  and  president  of  the  au- 
diencia.  He  had  seen  forty  years  of  service  in  the 
royal  armies,4  and  had  with  him  his  wife,  Micaela  Co- 
larte,  and  offspring.5 

President  Saravia  read  to  the  meeting  a  despatch 
from  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  and  a  copy  of  the  Gaceta 
giving  an  account  of  the  abdication  of  Fernando  VII., 
and  of  the  surrender  by  other  members  of  the  royal 
family  of  their  rights  to  the  Spanish  crown.  After 
due  consideration,  the  meeting  declared  these  acts  to 
have  resulted  from  violence,  being  therefore  illegal 
and  unjust,  and  not  entitled  to  recognition.  It  was 
further  resolved  that  the  authorities  and  people  should 
renew  their  allegiance  to  the  legitimate  sovereign, 
continue  upholding  the  laws  hitherto  in  force,  and 
maintain  unity  of  action,  for  the  sake  of  religion, 
peace,  and  good  order.  Instructions  were  received0 
to  raise  the  standard  of  Fernando  VII.,  and  swear 
allegiance  to  him,  which  were  duly  carried  out.7 

The  opportunity  has  now  arrived  for  a  radical 
change  in  the  political  status  of  Spanish  America. 
The  colonies  have  hitherto  had  no  government,  save 

'There  were  the  governor,  archbishop,  oidores  of  the  real  audiencia, 
Marque's  de  Aycinena,  high  officials  of  the  treasury,  dean  and  chapter  of  the 
archdiocese,  alcaldes  and  regidores  of  the  'muy  noble  ayuntamiento,'  officers 
of  the  university,  prelates  of  the  religious  orders,  prior  and  consuls  of  the 
real  consulado,  intendente  of  Comayagua,  temporarily  sojourning  in  the  city, 
secretary  of  the  audiencia,  commandant  of  the  artillery,  and  colonels  of  the 
militia  regiments.  Diario  M6x.,  ix.  316-18;  Guat.  por  Fern.  VII. ,  2-6,  83-94; 
Saravia,  Manif. 

4  His  last  position  in  Europe  had  been  that  of  teniente  de  rey  of  Palma,  in 
the  island  of  Majorca.  Juarros,  Guctt.,  I.  273. 

b€hiat.  por  Fern.  VII.,  50.  In  1866  their  descendants  were  living  in 

«Dec.  13,  1808. 

7  The  acts  were  performed  with  great  solemnity  and  magnificence,  the  peo- 
ple manifesting  much  joy.  This  evidence  of  loyalty  was  warmly  acknowl- 
edged, May  27,  1809,  by  the  Junta  Suprema  Gubernativa  of  Spain,  sitting  at 
Seville  and  acting  for  the  imprisoned  king.  Most  glowing  descriptions  of  the 
ceremonies  appear  in  Diario  M6x..  xi.  279-80;  Guat.  por  Fern.  VII.,  7-82, 
94-101,  158-9. 


that  of  rulers  set  over  them  by  a  monarch  whose  will 
was  absolute,  whose  edicts  constituted  their  code  of 
laws;  the  subject  being  allowed  no  voice  in  public 
affairs,  save  occasionally  as  a  timid  petitioner.  But 
troubles  beset  Spain  at  this  time.  Her  king  is  pow- 
erless; the  friends  of  constitutional  government  have 
now  the  control,  and  proceed  to  establish  the  desired 
liberal  regime.  In  order  to  be  consistent,  and  to  some 
extent  satisfy  the  aspirations  of  their  fellow- subjects 
in  America,  the  provisional  government  decrees,  and 
the  c6rtes  upon  assembling  confirm,  all  the  rights 
claimed  for  Spaniards  dwelling  in  Spain,  together 
with  representation  in  the  cdrtes  and  other  national 

The  Junta  Suprema  Central  Gubernativa  in  the 
king's  name  declares  on  the  22d  of  January,  1809,  the 
Spanish  possessions  in  America  to  be,  in  fact,  integral 
parts  of  the  monarchy,8  and,  approving  the  report  of 
the  council  of  the  Indies  of  November  21,  1808,  in 
favor  of  granting  to  the  American  dominions  repre- 
sentation near  the  sovereign,  and  the  privilege  of 
forming  by  deputies  a  part  of  the  aforesaid  junta, 
issues  to  the  president  of  Guatemala  an  order  to  invite 
the  people  of  the  provinces  to  choose  their  deputy  to 
reside  at  court  as  a  member  of  the  governing  junta.9 

8  'No  son  propiamente  colonias,  6  factorlas,  como  los  de  otras  naciones, 
sino  una  parte  esencial  6  integrante  de  la  Monarqufa  Espanola.'  Guat.  por 
Fern.  VII.,  163-6;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  i.  326-7. 

9  Ayuntamientos  of  head  towns  were  to  choose  three  honorable  and  compe- 
tent men,  from  among  whom  each  ayuntamiento  had  to  draw  by  lot  one  elec- 
tor, whose  name,  country,  age,  profession,  and  political  and  moral  qualifications 
must  be  at  once  made  known  to  the  president  of  the  audiencia.     After  the 
names  of  all  the  nominees  were  in  bis  possession,  he,  jointly  with  the  electors, 
had  to  select  by  secret  ballot  three  candidates  of  the  highest  recognized  char- 
acter and  ability,  out  of  which  three  the  audiencia,  presided  over  by  the 
governor-general,  was  to  choose  the  deputy,  to  whom  all  the  ayuntamientos 
must  forthwith  send  their  powers  and  instructions.     The  deputy,  duly  pro- 
vided with  means  to  journey  decorously,  was  required  to  embark  for  Spain, 
his  yearly  pay  being  fixed  at  $6,000.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  291-2.     A  later 
order  of  Oct.  6,  1809,  required  the  deputy  to  be  a  native  of  Spanish  America 
and  a  resident  of  the  province  choosing  him;  he  was  not  to  be  the  holder  of 
an/  of  the  chief  offices  therein,  such  as  governor,  intendente,  oidor,  etc.,  nor 
a  debtor  to  the  royal  treasury.     The  right  of  election  was  also  given  to  minor 
ayuntamientos;  and  for  the  choice  by  plurality  from  among  the  candidates  of 
cities  a  board  was  constituted,  with  two  members  of  the  audiencia,  two 


On  the  3d  of  March,  1810,  the  electors  assembled  in 
Guatemala  and  chose  for  deputy  the  colonel  of  militia, 
Manuel  Jose  Pavon  y  Munoz.10  The  powers  given 
him  by  his  constituents  were  general,  but  enjoined 
allegiance  to  the  king  and  permanent  connection  with 
the  mother  country.11 

The  supreme  government,  early  in  1810,  in  its  anx- 
iety to  be  surrounded  by  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  hastened  the  convocation  of  cortes  extraor- 
dinary. Fearing,  however,  that  there  might  not  be 
a  sufficient  number  chosen  for  their  timely  attendance 
at  the  opening  of  the  session,  it  apprised  the  provin- 
cial authorities,  reiterating  the  decree  a  little  later,12 
that  deficiencies  would  be  temporarily  supplied  until 
regularly  elected  deputies  presented  themselves  to 
occupy  their  seats  in  the  chamber.  Guatemala,  in 
common  with  the  rest  of  America,  was  unable  to  send 
her  deputies  in  time,  and  had  to  be  represented  at 
the  inauguration  by  suplentes,  or  proxies.  These13 
were  Andres  del  Llano,  a  post-captain,  and  Colonel 
Manuel  del  Llano.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  c6r- 
tesu  was  to  confirm  the  principle  that  all  the  Spanish 
dominions  possessed  the  same  rights,  promising  to 
enact  at  an  early  day  laws  conducive  to  the  welfare 
of  the  American  portion,  and  to  fix  the  number  and 
form  of  national  representation  in  both  continents. 

At  the  suggestion  of  the  diputacion  americana,  as 
the  body  of  American  members  was  called,  a  general 
amnesty  for  political  offences  was  decreed,  with  the 

canons,  and  two  citizens  named  by  the  ayuntamiento.  Guat.  por  Fern.  VII. , 

10  His  competitors  were  Jose"  de  Aycinena  and  Lieut-col  Antonio  Juarros. 

11  He  was  not  to  give  assent  to  the  transfer  of  the  Spanish  dominions  to 
any  foreign  power;  the  nation's  rights  must  be  upheld  at  all  hazards;  and 
the  last  drop  of  blood  shed  for  the  catholic  religion,  and  for  king  and  country. 

"Feb.  14  and  June  26,  1810.  Diario  Mtx.,  xiii.  549-51. 

13  The  American  suplentes  were  lawyers  or  ecclesiastics  seeking  preferment 
at  court,  or  military  officers  with  a  long  residence  there.  Ataman,  Hist.  Mdj., 
iii.,  ap.  4;  Bustamante,  Defensa,  16;  Dispos.  Varias,  ii.  fol.  10;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  viii.  450-1.  The  second  named  proxy  in  Nov.  1811  gave  up  his 
seat  to  the  regularly  chosen  deputy.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1811,  93. 

"October  15,  1810.  Alaman,  Hist.  M6j.,  iii.  10;  Zamacois,  Hist.  M6j., 
viii.  458-9. 


expectation  of  its  yielding  the  best  results  in  favor  of 
peace  and  conciliation.  Promises  of  reform,  and  of 
better  days  for  Central  America,  were  held  out,  but 
the  provincial  government  paid  little  attention  to 
them.  Meanwhile  a  jealous  and  restless  police  con- 
stantly watched  the  movements  of  suspected  persons. 
Informers  and  spies  lurked  everywhere,  seeking  for 
some  one  against  whom  to  bring  charges. 

The  promised  blessings  proved  delusive.  Instead 
of  reforms,  the  people  witnessed  the  installation  of  a 
tribunal  de  fidelidad,  with  large  powers,  for  the  trial 
and  punishment  of  suspected  persons.15  This  court 
was  short  lived,  however,  being  suppressed  about  the 
middle  of  the  following  year,  under  the  order  of  the 
supreme  government,  dated  February  20,  1811.  And 
thus  Guatemala  was  kept  quiet  and  apparently  loyal, 
when  the  greater  part  of  Spanish  America  was  in 
open  revolt. 

Saravia's  rule  came  to  an  end  on  the  14th  of  March, 
1811.  He  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
general,  and  appointed  by  the  government  at  Cddiz 
to  the  command  in  chief  of  the  forces  in  Mexico.  On 
his  arrival  in  Oajaca,  the  viceroy,  who  was  chagrined 
at  his  powers  having  been  thus  curtailed,  detained 
him  at  that  place.  In  November  1812,  the  city  be- 
ing captured  by  the  independents,  Sara  via  was  taken 
prisoner  and  shot.16 

The  successor  of  Saravia  was  Lieutenant-general 
Jose*  Bustamante  y  Guerra,  appointed  by  the  supreme 
council  of  regency,  and  soon  after  confirmed  by  the 
c6rtes  generates  extraordinarias.  He  was  a  naval 

15  Installed  June  9,  1810.     Its  first  members  were  the  Spaniards  Jose" 
Mendez,  an  artillery  officer,  Oidor  Joaquin  Bernardo  Campuzano,  and  Auditor 
de  Guerra  Joaquin  Ibanez.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  5. 

16  Saravia  died  like  a  soldier,  and  his  fate  was  deplored  even  by  the  ene- 
mies of  his  cause.  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  486,  this  series.     The  Mexican  writer  Bus- 
tamante, who  was  not  prone  to  praise  Spanish  officers,  said  of  Saravia,  '  hom- 
bre  de  bien,  humano,  religioso,  de  tm  corazon  recto,  digno  de  mejor  fortuna.' 
Cuadro  Hist.yii.  217;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  325.     He  was  accused,  how- 
ever, though  it  is  believed  the  charge  was  slanderous,  of  having  connived  at 
smuggling  by  the  treasury  officials.     The  charge  appears  in  Cancelada,  Tel. 

.,  107-9. 


officer,  and  had  made  several  important  cruises  in  the 
cause  of  science,17  and  latterly  had  been  civil  and  mili- 
tary governor  of  Montevideo,  a  position  that  he  filled 
efficiently.  His  zeal  against  the  independents  in  that 
country  pointed  him  out  as  the  one  best  fitted  to  re- 
tard the  independence  of  Central  America.  On  his 
return  to  Spain  from  South  America  he  refused  to 
recognize  Joseph  Bonaparte. 

Bustamante  is  represented  to  have  been  an  inflex- 
ible, vigilant,  and  reticent  ruler.  He  lost  no  time  in 
adopting  stringent  measures  to  check  insurrections, 
and  displayed  much  tact  in  choosing  his  agents  and 
spies.  No  intelligent  native  of  the  country  was  free 
from  mistrust,  slight  suspicion  too  often  bringing  upon 
the  subject  search  of  domicile,  imprisonment,  or  exile. 
He  never  hesitated  to  set  aside  any  lenient  measures 
emanating  from  the  home  government  in  favor  of  the 
suspected,  and  spared  no  means  that  would  enable 
him,  at  the  expiration  of  his  term,  to  surrender  the 
country  entire  and  at  peace  to  his  superiors.  He  was 
successful,  notwithstanding  there  were  several  at- 
tempts at  secession. 

Meanwhile  the  American  representatives  had  been 
permitted  to  lift  their  voice  in  the  national  councils. 
They  had  called  attention  to  the  grievances  of  their 
people.  In  a  long  memorial  of  August  1,  1811,  to 
the  c6rtes,  they  had  refuted  the  oft-repeated  charge 
that  the  friends  of  independence  in  America  were  or 
had  been  under  Napoleonic  influence.  They  set  forth 
the  causes  of  discontent,18  which  they  declared  was  of 
long  standing,  and  called  for  a  remedy.  Reference 
was  made  to  Macanar's  memorial  to  Felipe  V.,19  where- 
in he  stated  that  the  Americans  were  displeased,  not 

17  One  was  a  cruise  round  the  world  under  Malaspina,  being  the  next  in 
rank  and  commanding  the  corvette  Atrevida.  Juarros,  Guat.,  ii.,  adv.  ix.; 
Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  6;  Zamacois,  Hist.  M4j.,  vi.  134;  viii.  569; 
Los  Anales,  Sept.  1872,  30;  Salv.,  DiarioOftc.,  1874,  ap.  1. 

18  These  were  restrictions  enforced  by  the  crown  against  agriculture,  min- 
ing, fisheries,  manufactures,  and  commerce,  despotism  of  rulers,  and  disre- 
gard of  the  merits  of  Americans,  in  keeping  them  out  of  public  offices.  See 
Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  441-67,  this  series. 

19  In  the  first  half  of  the  18th  century. 


so  much  because  they  were  under  subjection  to  Spain, 
as  because  they  were  debased  and  enslaved  by  the 
men  sent  out  by  the  crown  to  fill  the  judicial  and 
other  offices.20 

The  organic  code  was  finally  adopted  on  the  18th 
of  March,  1812.21  The  instrument  consisted  of  ten 
titles,  divided  into  chapters,  in  their  turn  subdivided 
into  sections,  and  might  be  considered  in  two  parts: 
1st,  general  form  of  government  for  the  whole  nation, 
namely,  a  constitutional  monarchy;  2d,  special  plan 
for  the  administration  of  the  Indies.22 

In  lieu  of  the  old  ayuntamientos,  which  were  made 
up  of  hereditary  regidores,  whose  offices  might  be 
transferred  or  sold,  others  were  created,  their  mem- 
bers to  be  chosen  by  electors  who  had  been  in  their 
turn  chosen  by  popular  vote.  The  ayuntamientos 
were  to  control  the  internal  police  of  their  towns, 
their  funds,  public  instruction  within  their  respective 
localities,  benevolent  establishments,  and  local  im- 
provements. They  were  to  be  under  the  inspection 
of  a  diputacion  provincial,  formed  of  seven  members, 
elected  by  the  above-mentioned  electors,  in  each  prov- 
ince, under  the  presidency  of  the  chief  civil  officer  ap- 

20  In  the  matter  of  appointments  to  office,  an  early  royal  order  prescribed 
that  American  descendants  of  Spaniards  should  have  the  preference  for  the 
position  of  curate;  and  yet,  during  the  last  thirty  years,  the  most  lucrative 
curacies  wer.e  given  to  European  Spaniards.     Of  the  170  viceroys  that  ruled 
in  America,  four  only  were  of  American  birth,  and  those  were  reared  or  edu- 
cated in  Spain.     Out  of  602  captain-generals,  governors,  and  presidents,  only 
14  were  Americans.     Of  982  bishops  and  archbishops,  703  were  Europeans, 
and  279  Creoles.     Most  of  the  latter  were  nominated  in  early  times,  when 
Europeans  were  few,  navigation  difficult,  and  mitres  afforded  more  work  than 
money.  Guerra,  Rev.  N.  Esp.,  i.  278-85. 

21  We  are  assured  that  Antonio  Larrazabal,  a  clergyman,  Antonio  Juarros, 
and  Jose"  M.  Peinado  were  the  chief  authors  of  the  instructions  for  Central 
American  deputies  in  Spain.     The  Central  American  deputies  whose  names 
were  appended  to  the  constitution  were:   Larrazabal  for  Guatemala;  Jos<§ 
Ignacio  Avila  for  Salvador;  Josd  Francisco  Morejon  for  Honduras;  Jos6  Anto- 
nio Lopez  de  la  Plata  for  Nicaragua;  and  Florencio  Castillo  for  Costa  Rica. 
Cdrtes,  Col  Dec.,  ii.  158-62;  iii.  201-2;  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xvii.  240;  Pap. 
Var.,  ccx.  no.  1,  109-17;  Const.  Polit.  Monarq.,  1-134.     Larrazabal  ably  de- 
fended in  the  c6rtes  the  rights  of  the  Americans,  specially  of  the  aborigines, 
and  above  all,  the  national  sovereignty.     For  this,  after  Fernando  VII.  re- 
turned to  Spain  in  1814,  he  was  denounced  by  the  absolutists,  Conde  de 
Torre  Muzquiz  and  Marques  de  Mata  Florida,  and  confined  in  a  fort  in  Spain. 
Pineda  de  Mont. ,  in  Ouat.  Recop.  Leyes,  iii.  348. 

nM4x.t  Col.  Ley.  Fund,  34-91. 


pointed  by  the  king;  the  chief  and  the  diputacion 
were  jointly  to  have  the  direction  of  the  economical 
affairs  of  the  province.  No  act  of  either  corporation 
was  final  till  approved  by  the  national  cortes.  In 
America  and  Asia,  however,  owing  to  great  distances, 
moneys  lawfully  appropriated  might  be  used  with  the 
assent  of  the  chief  civil  authority;  but  a  timely  re- 
port was  to  be  made  to  the  supreme  government  for 
the  consideration  of  the  c6rtes.  Such  were  the  chief 
wheels  in  the  machinery  of  provincial  and  municipal 
administration.  Now,  as  to  popular  rights,  equality 
of  representation  in  the  provinces  of  the  Spanish 
peninsula,  Asia,  and  America  was  fully  recognized. 
The  descendants  of  Africans  were  alone  deprived  of 
the  rights  of  citizenship.  This  exclusion  was  combated 
with  forcible  arguments  by  many  of  the  American 
deputies  setting  forth  the  faithful,  efficient  services 
colored  men  had  repeatedly  rendered  and  were  still 
rendering  to  the  nation,  and  their  fitness  for  almost 
every  position.  Many  of  them,  they  said,  had  re- 
ceived sacred  orders,  or  had  been  engaged  in  other 
honorable  callings,  in  which  they  had  made  good  rec- 
ords; besides  which,  they  comprised  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  useful  mining  and  agricultural  popula- 
tion. Unfortunately  for  the  negro  race,  the  American 
deputies  were  not  all  of  one  mind.  Larrazdbal,  from 
Guatemala,  probably  acting  both  on  his  own  judgment 
and  on  the  opinion  expressed  in  1810  by  the  real  con- 
sulado,  asserted  the  black  man's  incapacity,  advocat- 
ing that  persons  of  African  blood  should  be  conceded 
only  the  privilege  of  voting  at  elections.  This  motion 
was  supported  by  a  Peruvian  deputy.  The  peninsular 
members  favored  the  admission  to  full  rights  of  colored 
priests,  and  all  colored  men  serving  in  the  royalist 
armies.  The  measure  was  lost,  however;  but  the 
article  as  passed  authorized  the  admission  to  full 
political  rights,  by  special  acts  of  the  c6rtes,  of  colored 
men  proving  themselves  worthy  by  a  remarkably  vir- 
tuous life,  good  service  to  the  country,  talents,  or  in- 


dustriousness,  provided  they  were  born  in  wedlock, 
of  fathers  who  had  been  born  free,  married  to  free- 
born  wives,  and  were  residents  of  Spanish  possessions, 
practising  some  useful  profession  and  owning  property. 

Pursuant  to  the  constitution,  the  c6rtes  ordered, 
May  23,  1812,  elections  for  members  to  the  ordinary 
cdrtes  of  1813.28 

The  constitution  was  received  at  Guatemala  on 
the  10th  of  September,  1812,  proclaimed  on  the  24th, 
and  its  support  solemnly  sworn  to  by  the  authorities 
and  people  on  the  3d  of  November,  with  great  satis- 
faction and  evidences  of  loyalty.  Gold  and  silver 
medals  were  struck  off  to  commemorate  the  event.24 

The  installation  of  the  cdrtes  took  place,  with  the 
apparent  approval  of  Guatemala.  The  president, 
members  of  the  audiencia,  and  other  dignitaries  who 
had  thriven  under  absolutism,  looking  on  Americans 
as  'our  colonists/  became  at  once  liberals  and  con- 
stitutionalists, pretending  to  recognize  the  wisdom  of 
the  national  congress  in  declaring  that  the  Americans 
were  no  longer  colonists,  but  citizens  of  one  common 
country.  Their  manifestation  of  September  15, 1812, 
was  followed  three  days  after  by  one  from  the  ayun- 
tamiento  of  Guatemala  to  Deputy  LarrazdJbal,  in  the 
same  strain,  suggesting  the  creation  of  a  board  ad- 

°The  junta  preparatoria,  Nov.  12, 1812,  designated  only  12  deputies  to  the 
Spanish  cdrtes  from  Central  America  (Chiapas  included),  based  on  the  inac- 
curate census  of  1778,  which  gave  the  whole  country — with  101,506  for  Chia- 
pas—949,015  inhabitants  in  881  towns.  It  was  fixed  that  the  12  provinces  of 
Guatemala,  Chimaltenango,  Quezaltenango,  Ciudad  Real  de  Chiapas,  Vera 
Paz,  San  Salvador,  San  Miguel,  Chiquimula,  Sonsonate,  Leon,  Costa  Rica, 
and  Comayagua  should  each  choose  one  deputy;  and  Guatemala,  Ciudad  Real, 
Leon,  and  Comayagua  the  four  suplentes.  Only  two  diputaciones  provin- 
ciales  were  at  first  established,  one  in  Guatemala  and  one  in  Leon.  Cdrtes, 
Act.  ord.,  i.  1813,  Oct.  12,  62;  Mendez,  Mem.  in  Pap.  Far.,  ccxv.  no.  17,  16- 
17;  Gander's  Mex.  and  Guat.,  ii.  310;  Modern  Traveller's  Mex.  and  Guat.,  ii. 
309-10.  Later,  under  the  constitutional  regime,  Chiapas  was  represented  in 
the  Spanish  c6rtes,  and  had  a  diputacion  provincial.  Larrainzar,  Discurso, 
12.  In  1812  a  census  was  formed  to  ascertain  how  many  deputies  Chiapas 
should  have  in  the  c6rtes.  Pineda,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.  Boletin,  iii.  400. 

2*  Quezaltenango  had  already,  by  its  ayuntamiento  of  Aug.  12,  1812,  ex- 
pressed approval  of  the  provisions  of  the  instrument,  promising  loyal  obedience 
to  it.  In  Honduras  Gov.  Juan  Antonio  Tornos  granted  leave  for  the  erection 
of  a  monument  in  the  plaza  of  Comayagua,  which  was  carried  out.  Ctirtea 
Diario,  ii.,  March  17,  18,  1822. 


visory  to  the  cdrtes,  on  the  reino  de  Guatemala  legis- 

After  the  fall  of  Oajaca  during  the  Mexican  war  of 
independence,  the  patriot  chief  Morelos  regarded  the 
rear  of  his  military  operations  as  secure.  Sympathiz- 
ing messages  had  reached  him  from  men  of  weight  in 
Guatemala,  which  lulled  him  into  the  belief  that  at- 
tack need  not  be  apprehended  from  this  quarter.  To 
Ignacio  Rayon  he  wrote:  "Good  news  from  Guate- 
mala; they  have  asked  for  the  plan  of  government, 
and  I'll  send  them  the  requisite  information."  It  was 
all  a  mistake.  His  cause  had  friends  in  Central 
America,  and  enemies  likewise.  Among  the  most 
prominent  of  the  latter  were  Captain-general  Busta- 
mante  and  Archbishop  Casaus.  The  ecclesiastic,  with 
a  number  of  Spanish  merchants  from  Oajaca  who  had 
sought  refuge  in  Guatemala,  prompted  the  general, 
then  anxious  to  avenge  the  execution  of  his  pre- 
decessor, to  fit  out  an  expedition,  invade  Oajaca,  and 
harass  the  insurgents  even  at  the  gates  of  the  city. 

About  700  men,  mostly  raw  recruits,  were  accord- 
ingly put  in  the  field,  early  in  1813,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant-colonel  Dambrini,  a  man  of 
little  ability  and  unsavory  record,  and  crossed  the 
line  into  Tehuantepec.  Dambrini  could  not  aban- 
don his  money- making  propensities;  and  having  been 
led  to  believe  he  would  encounter  but  little  or  no 
resistance,  took  along  a  large  quantity  of  merchandise 
for  trading.  On  the  25th  of  February  a  small  in- 
surgent force  was  captured  in  Niltepec,  and  Dambrini 
had  its  commander,  together  with  a  Dominican  priest 
and  twenty-eight  others,  shot  the  next  day.  This  was 
the  usual  treatment  of  prisoners  by  both  belligerents. 
But  on  April  20th  the  Guatemalans  were  flanked  and 
routed  at  Tonala"  by  the  enemy  under  Matamoros. 
Dambrini  fled,  and  his  men  dispersed,  leaving  in  the 
victors'  possession  their  arms,  ammunition,  and  Dam- 


brini's  trading  goods.     The  fugitives  were  pursued 
some  distance  into  Guatemalan  territory.25 

Germs  of  independence,  as  I  have  said,  were  fos- 
tered in  secret  by  the  more  intelligent,  and  slowly 
began  to  develop,  the  movement  being  hastened  by  a 
few  enthusiasts  who  were  blind  to  the  foolhardiness 
of  their  attempt.  The  government  tried  all  means  to 
keep  the  people  in  ignorance  of  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Mexico  and  South  America,  and  when  unsuccessful, 
would  represent  the  royalist  army  as  victorious.  Other 
more  questionable  devices  were  also  resorted  to.26 

Undue  restraint  and  ill  treatment,  as  practised  un- 
der the  stringent  policy  of  Bustamante,  soon  began 
to  produce  effects.  Restiveness  and  despair  seized  a 
portion  of  the  people;  the  hopes  for  a  government 
more  consonant  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  which  had 
been  held  out  from  Spain,  evaporated.  Men  were 
unwilling  to  live  longer  under  the  heel  of  despotism; 
and  the  more  high-spirited  in  Salvador  and  Nicaragua 
resolved  to  stake  their  fortunes  upon  a  bold  stroke 
for  freedom.  It  was,  indeed,  a  rash  step,  undertaken 
without  concert,  and  almost  without  resources.  It 
could  but  end  as  it  did  at  every  place  where  a  revo- 
lutionary movement  was  initiated. 

Matias  Delgado  and  NicoMs  Aguilar,  curates  of 
San  Salvador,  Manuel  and  Vicente  Aguilar,  Juan 

35  Some  authors  give  the  19th  as  the  date  of  this  defeat.  Alaman,  Hist. 
M6j.,  iii.  343-4;  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  ii.  269-73;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mtj., 
ix.  9-10,  110-11.  The  last-named  authority  asserts  that  Dambrini  again 
invaded  and  took  the  town  of  Tehuantepec,  February  1814.  During  the 
revolutionary  wars  of  Mexico,  Chiapas,  owing  to  her  isolated  position,  was 
not  a  seat  of  war;  and  even  when  Morelos'  troops  from  Oajaca  visited  Tonala, 
as  above  stated,  there  was  no  resistance.  This  country  enjoyed  peace  during 
the  struggle  in  New  Spain.  Larrainzar,  Chiapas,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.  Boletin, 
iii.  100. 

26  Letters  were  constantly  sent  to  the  Spanish  government,  and  to  private 
persons,  which  were  published  in  the  newspapers  friendly  to  the  Spanish 
cause,  representing  the  independents  as  banditti  and  murderers,  and  the 
Spaniards  as  exemplars  of  moderation.  It  was  the  emissaries  of  Bonaparte 
who  had  induced  the  Americans  to  rebel,  they  said.  Trumped-up  miracles 
and  punishments  from  heaven,  anathemas,  and  every  means  suggested  by  foul 
fanaticism  were  used  to  make  the  friends  of  freedom  odious.  Archbishop 
Casaus  granted  80  days'  indulgences  to  Guatemalans  not  participating  in  the 
revolutionary  movements  of  Mexico.  Puerto,  Convite,  pt  iii.,  2-3. 


Manuel  Rodriguez,  and  Manuel  Jose  Arce  were  the 
first  to  strike  the  blow  for  Central  American  indepen- 
dence. Their  plan  was  carried  into  execution  on  the 
5th  of  November,  1811,  by  the  capture  of  3,000  new 
muskets,  and  upwards  of  $200,000  from  the  royal 
treasury  at  San  Salvador.  They  were  supported  by 
a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  the  city,  and  in 
Metapan,  Zacatecoluca,  Usulutan,  and  Chalatenango. 
But  other  places  in  the  province  of  Salvador,  namely, 
San  Miguel,  Santa  Ana,  San  Vicente,  and  Sonsonate, 
renewed  their  pledges  of  fealty  to  the  government, 
declaring  the  movement  for  freedom  a  sacrilege.27 

The  promoters  of  the  revolt,  which  had  been  started 
in  the  king's  name,  became  disheartened  and  gave  up 
further  effort,  and  with  the  dismissal  of  the  intendente, 
Antonio  Gutierrez  Ulloa,  and  other  officials,  peace  was 
soon  restored.  San  Salvador  had  been  quiet  without 
other  government  than  that  of  alcaldes  during  the 

Upon  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  these  occurrences, 
Bustamante  despatched  Colonel  Jose  de  Aycinena 
with  ample  powers  to  take  charge  of  the  intendencia, 
and  restore  quiet.  He  had  been  getting  troops  ready 
to  send  down,  but  by  the  mediation  of  the  ayunta- 
miento  of  Guatemala  he  had  suspended  preparations, 
and  had  adopted  the  former  course.  A  member  of 
that  body,  Jose  Maria  Peinado,  was  associated  with 
AyJuena.28  They  reached  San  Salvador  on  the  3d 
of  December,  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  fickle  pop- 

27  The  invitations  sent  the  people  of  San  Miguel  to  cooperate  were  burned 
in  the  plaza  by  the  hands  of  the  public  executioner.     Nor  were  these  towns 
left  without  the  usual  cheap  reward  of  monarchs.     San  Miguel  received  the 
title  of  'muy  noble  y  leal;'  San  Vicente  was  made  a  city,  which  title  was  con- 
firmed Jan.  15,  1812.     According  to  Juarros,  Guat.  (Lond.  ed.,  1823),  257, 
many  noble  families  dwelt  in  the  place,  and  among  its  founders  were  some 
descendants  of  Gonzalo  and  Jorge  Alvarado,  brothers  of  Pedro,  the  conqueror. 
Santa  Ana  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  villa.     The  parish  priests  of  the  several 
places  were  promoted  to  be  canons  of  the  chapter  of  Guatemala.   Cdrtes, 
Diario,  1812,  xiv.  38,  167;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  8. 

28  The  archbishop  sent  priests  to  preach  against  the  insurgents.  lUarure, 
Bosq.   Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  9.     Bustamaute,  Cuadro  Hist.,  ii.  270,  says  that 
the  whole  country  would  have  been  driven  into  rebellion  but  for  the  advice  of 
the  able  secretary  of  government,  Alejandro  Ramirez. 


ulace;  their  presence  and  the  exhortations  of  the 
missionaries  checked  all  revolutionary  symptoms. 
The  authors  of  the  revolt  were  leniently  treated 
under  a  general  amnesty.29  Peinado  was  a  short  time 
after  appointed  Aycinena's  successor  as  acting  inten- 

Another  and  a  still  more  serious  attempt  at  revo- 
lution, which  may  be  called  a  sequel  to  that  of  Salva- 
dor, had  its  beginning  in  the  town  of  Leon,  Nicaragua, 
on  the  13th  of  December,  1811,  when  the  people 
deposed  the  intendente,  Jose  Salvador.  This  action* 
was  seconded  on  the  22d  at  Granada?  where  the 
inhabitants,  at  a  meeting  in  the  municipal  hall,  de- 
manded the  retirement  of  all  the  Spanish  officials. 
The  insurgents,  on  the  8th  of  January,  1812,  by  a 
coup-de-main  captured  Fort  San  Ca"rlos.  The  officials 
fled  to  Masaya.  Villa  de  Nicaragua — the  city  of 
Rivas  in  later  times — and  other  towns  at  once  adopted 
the  same  course. 

Early  in  1812,  after  the  first  excitement  had  be- 
come somewhat  allayed,  a  board  of  government  was 
organized  in  Leon,  the  members  of  which  were  Fran- 
cisco Quinones,  Domingo  Galarza,  Cdrmen  Salazar, 
and  Basilio  Carrillo.  Bishop  Fray  Nicolds  Garcia 
Jerez  was  recognized  as  gobernador  intendente  by 
all  the  towns,  and  his  authority  was  only  limited  in 
one  point,  namely,  he  was  in  no  way  to  favor  the  de- 
posed officials.  The  people  of  Granada  resolved  to 
send  two  deputies  to  the  board.31 

^Aycinena  was,  on  the  7th  of  Feb.,  1812,  made  by  the  Spanish  c6rtes  a 
councillor  of  state,  and  in  Aug.  1813,  entered  upon  his  duties  at  Cadiz.  Ctfrtes, 
Diario,  1812,  xvi.  16;  1813,  xxii.  216.  According  to  Zamacois,  the  appoint- 
ment was  made  only  after  the  adoption  of  the  constitution;  it  is  possible  that 
the  appointment  was  then  renewed  or  confirmed.  Hist.  M6j.,  viii.  557;  Ayon, 
Apuntes,  15-16;  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2-3;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  11,  1875; 
Valois,  Hex.,  213-16. 

30  Iii  1813  he  was  elected  a  deputy  to  the  Spanish  cdrtes,  but  declined  the 
position  on  account  of  ill  health.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xxii.  216. 

31 A  person  writing  from  Guatemala,  and  referring  to  a  document  issued 
August  1811,  in  secret  session  held  in  London  by  33  Spanish  Americans, 
after  registering  his  disapproval  of  its  purpose,  positively  asserted  that  the 
masses  were  well  disposed,  fond  of  peace,  and  respectful  to  authority,  if  some 
agent  of  Satan  did  not  turn  their  heads  and  make  them  believe  they  were 
superior  beings,  who  needed  no  ruler  over  them.  Cancelada,  Td.  Mex.t  438. 


The  royal  officials  at  Masaya  having  called  for 
assistance  from  Guatemala,  Bustamante  had  1,000 
or  more  troops  placed  there  under  command  of  Sar- 
gento  Mayor  Pedro  Gutierrez.  The  people  of  Leon 
had  ere  this  accepted  an  amnesty  from  Bishop  Jerez, 
and  thereafter  took  no  part  in  movements  against  the 
crown.  Granada,  more  firm  of  purpose,  resolved  upon 
defence;  caused  intrenchments  to  be  built  to  guard 
all  avenues  leading  to  the  plaza,  and  mounted  thereon 
twelve  heavy  cannon.  A  royalist  force,  under  Jose 
M.  Palomar,  on  the  21st  of  April  approached  Granada 
to  reconnoitre,  and  reached  the  plazuela  de  Jalteva.32 
Early  in  the  morning  he  opened  a  brisk  fire  on  the 
town,  and  kept  it  up  for  several  hours.  After  a  par- 
ley, next  day  the  citizens  agreed  to  surrender,  on  Gu- 
tierrez solemnly  pledging  the  names  of  the  king  and 
Bustamante,  as  well  as  his  own,  that  they  should  in 
no  wise  be  molested.  But  after  the  royal  troops  were 
allowed  to  enter  the  city  on  the  28th,  Bustamante, 
ignoring  the  solemn  guarantees  pledged  by  his  subor- 
dinate, ordered  the  arrest  and  prosecution  of  the 
leaders.  The  governor  accordingly  named  Alejandro 
Carrascosa  fiscal  to  prosecute  the  conspirators  of 
Granada.  The  proceedings  occupied  two  years,  at 
the  end  of  .which  the  fiscal  called  for,  and  the  court 
granted,  the  confiscation  of  the  estates,  in  addition  to 
the  penalties  awarded  to  those  found  guilty.  Sixteen 
of  the  prisoners,  as  heads  of  the  rebellion,  were  sen- 
tenced to  be  shot,  nine  were  doomed  to  the  chain- 
gang  for  life,  and  133  to  various  terms  of  hard  labor.33 

82  Before  the  attack  the  city  was  visited  by  Father  Benito  Soto,  as  pacifi- 
cator and  commissioner  from  the  bishop  governor.  He  tried  to  fulfil  his 
mission  without  degrading  his  countrymen;  but  seeing  the  object  of  the  war 
was  to  crush  liberal  Americans,  he  made  common  cause  with  the  Granadinos. 
Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  11-12.  Ayon,  Apuntes,  17,  gives  the  at- 
tack as  occurring  in  August,  which  is  an  error. 

38  Miguel  Lacayo,  Tele'sforo  and  Juan  Arguello,  Manuel  Antonio  de  la 
Cerda,  Joaquin  Chamorro,  Juan  Cerda,  Francisco  Cordero,  Jose"  D.  Espinosa, 
Leon  Molina,  Cleto  Bendana,  Vicente  Castillo,  Gregorio  Robledo,  Gregorio 
Bracamonte,  Juan  D.  Robledo,  Francisco  Gomez,  and  Manuel  Parrilla  were 
to  suffer  death.  Among  those  sentenced  to  hard  labor  for  life  were  Juan  Es- 
pinosa, the  adelantado  of  Costa  Rica,  Diego  Montiel,  and  Pio  Arguello.  Ayon, 
Apuntes,  17-18;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent,  Am.,  i,  12-14;  ttev.  Cent.  Am.,  3. 


The  sentence  of  death  was  not  carried  out,  however. 
The  condemned  were  taken  to  Guatemala,  and  thence 
transported  to  Spain,  where  the  majority  died  as  ex- 
iles. Four  others  were  removed  as  convicts  to  Omoa 
and  Trujillo.  The  survivors  were  finally  released  by 
a  royal  order  of  June  25,  1817.3* 

The  conduct  of  the  Leonese  in  leaving  Granada  to 
bear  alone  the  consequences  of  the  revolution  had,  as 
I  remarked,  a  bad  effect  upon  the  country.35  Prom 
that  time  dates  a  bitter  feeling  between  Leon  and 
Granada,  and  between  Managua  and  Masaya  on  the 
one  part  and  Granada  on  the  other.86 

Notwithstanding  the  existing  grievances  and  the 
generally  depressed  condition  of  business,  the  people 
did  not  fail  to  respond  to  the  calls  from  the  home  gov- 
ernment upon  all  parts  of  the  Spanish  dominions  for 
pecuniary  aid  to  meet  the  enormous  expenses  of  the 

84  One  of  them,  Manuel  Antonio  de  la  Cerda,  refused  to  accept  the  pardon 
unless  coupled  with  leave  to  prefer  charges  against  Bustamante.     But  an 
influential  friend  of  the  general's  prevented  its  being  granted,  and  Cerda,  to 
get  out  of  the  country,  escaped  on  a  vessel  bound  to  Sweden;  thence  he  went 
to  Cuba,  and  lived  there  several  years  under  an  assumed  name.  Los  Anales, 
Sept.  1,   1872,  30.     The  noted  Nicaraguan  statesman,  Tomas  Ayon,  justly 
bewails  the  seeming  ingratitude  of  some  of  his  country's  writers  in  saying 
that  Nicaragua's  independence  had  cost  nothing.     The  history  of  that  period, 
1811-21,  it  is  true,  records  no  bloody  fields,  no  brilliant  feats  of  arms;  but  it 
presents  an  array  of  victims  to  the  cause,  of  men  who  sacrificed  their  lives, 
liberty,  and  fortunes  to  secure  their  country's  freedom;  and  these  sacrifices, 
Ayon  claims,  should  be  remembered,  and  the  sufferers'  memory  held  in  rev- 
erence. Apuntes,  18.     Squier,  in  Travels,  ii.  378,  speaks  of  a  suppressed 
revolution  in  Leon  in  1815,  giving  that  city  the  whole  credit  of  the  first  im- 
pulse to  liberal  sentiment  in  Central  America.     There  was  no  such  movement 
in  that  year,  and  he  probably  had  reference  to  that  of  1811,  though  to  Salva- 
dor certainly  belongs  the  honor  of  the  first  attempt  for  independence.    Pirn's 
Gate  of  the  Pac.,  38,  prints  the  same  error. 

85  More  empty  rewards  for  Leon.   In  1812  the  c6rtes  acceded  to  the  bishop's 
petition  for  the  creation  of  a  university  in  this  town.     It  was  long  delayed, 
however.    The  ay untamiento  had  conferred  on  it  the  title  of '  muy  noble  y  leal; ' 
and  that  of  Nueva  Segovia  was  similarly  honored.     The  dean  of  Nicaragua 
was  much  commended  in  the  c6rtes,  Aug.  1813,  for  his  loyal  and  judicious 
conduct.  Cartes,  Diario,  1811-12,  xi.  198;  1813,  xvii.  247,  xxi.  45-6;  Cdrtes, 
Col.  Dec.,  ii.  47-8,  iii.  177;  Juarros,  Guat.  (Lond.  ed.,  1823),  335-8;  Belly, 
Nic.,  i.  227;  Conders*  Mex.  and  Guat.,  ii.  309.     Bishop  Jerez  had  written  the 
captain-general  a  warm  letter  on  behalf  of  the  Leonese,  for  whom  he  had  a 
special  predilection,  and  said,  'Si  me  desterrasen  un  Leones  dejo  de  ser  obispo.' 
Perez,  Biog.  Sacasa,  7. 

36  This  bitterness  originated  bloody  wars,  and  did  much  harm  to  Nicara- 
gua. Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  3;  Ayon,  Apuntes,  15,  18-19;  Registro  Ofic.,  Nov.  21, 
1846,  381. 


war  against  Napoleon's  forces,  and  other  pressing  de- 
mands. In  1812  there  were  collected  and  remitted 
as  donations  $43,538.  The  citizens  of  San  Salvador 
also  agreed  to  give  $12,000  for  1812,  and  an  equal 
sum  in  1813,  if  they  could  obtain  a  certain  reform  for 
the  benefit  of  indigo-planters.37 

We  have  seen  how  the  first  steps  toward  indepen- 
dence failed.  Nor  could  any  other  result  have  been 
expected  from  the  degraded  condition,  socially  and 
intellectually,  of  the  masses.  The  people  were  con- 
trolled by  fanaticism,  in  abject  submission  to  king  and 
clergy.  Absurd  doctrines  and  miracles  were  impli- 
citly believed  in;  and  every  effort  made  to  draw  the 
ignorant  people  out  of  that  slough  was  in  their  judg- 
ment treason  and  sacrilege,  a  violation  of  the  laws  of 
God,  an  attempt  to  rob  the  king  of  his  rights ;  certain 
to  bring  on  a  disruption  of  social  ties,  and  the  wrath 
of  heaven.  The  lower  orders  had  been  taught  that 
freedom  signified  the  reign  of  immorality  and  crime, 
while  fealty  to  the  sovereign  was  held  a  high  virtue. 
Hence  the  daily  exhibitions  of  humble  faithfulness, 
the  kneeling  before  the  images  of  the  monarch  and 
before  their  bishops,  and  the  more  substantial  proof 
of  money  gifts  to  both  church  and  crown.38 

87  The  |43,538  went  on  the  ship  Venganza  to  Cddiz,  and  the  arrival  was 
announced,  Feb.  15,  1813,  to  the  c6rtes  by  the  deputies  of  Guatemala.  Cdrtes, 
Diario,  1813,  xvii.  239-40. 

38Marure,  on  the  authority  of  the  Oaceta  de  Guatemala,  xiii.  no.  112,  and 
xiv.  no.  191,  assures  us  that  nearly  one  and  a  half  million  dollars  had  been 
remitted  by  Central  America  to  Spain,  from  donations  and  other  sources,  to 
cancel  royal  warrants.  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  18.  This  work,  that  I  have 
occasion  to  quote  so  often,  bears  the  title  Bosquejo  Histdrico  de  las  Revolu- 
ciones  de  Centra  America  desde  1811  hasta  183 Jf.  Its  author,  Alejandro  Marure, 
who  was  a  professor  of  history  and  geography  in  the  university  of  Guatemala, 
and  otherwise  a  prominent  citizen,  issued  in  Guatemala  his  1st  volume,  sm. 
4to,  295  pp.,  with  designs  on  the  frontispiece,  in  1837;  containing  events  to 
1826  only.  The  publication  of  the  other  two  volumes,  it  is  understood,  he 
was  obliged  to  withhold  by  order  of  his  government.  Montiifar,  Resena, 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,i.,  preface  pp.  iii.  and  iv.,  tells  us  the  circulation  of  the  2d 
vol.  was  not  allowed;  'un  solemne  auto  de  f6  devor6  la  edicion  entera.'  One 
copy  escaped,  however,  from  which  another  edition  was  printed  in  later  years. 
It  scathes  the  so-called  conservative  party,  more  properly  entitled  to  the 
appellations  of  fanatical  and  servile,  for  the  infamous  acts  of  its  men  that  for 
many  years  misgoverned  the  country.  Its  contents  have  been  fully  used  by 
Montufar.  The  3d  volume  has  not  been  published,  and  the  author's  heira 
HIST.  CEHT.  AH.,  VOL.  III.  2 


The  first  efforts  on  behalf  of  emancipation  were  not 
wholly  lost,  as  they  led  to  definitive  results  in  the  near 
future.  The  next  attempts  also  met  with  failure,  and 
brought  upon  their  authors  the  heavy  hand  of  Busta- 
mante.  The  first  one,  in  1813,  was  known  as  the 
Betlen  conspiracy,  which  derived  its  name  from  the 
convent  where  the  conspirators  usually  assembled. 
Much  importance  was  given  to  this  affair  by  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  loyalists.  The  meetings  were  pre- 
sided over  by  the  sub-prior  Fray  Ramon  de  la  Con- 
cepcion,  and  were  sometimes  held  in  his  cell,  and  at 
others  in  the  house  of  Cayetano  Bedoya,  under  the 
direction  of  Tomds  Ruiz,  an  Indian.89  All  were  sworn 
to  secrecy,  and  yet  the  government  suspected  the 
plot,  and  arrested  some  persons  who  had  the  weakness 
to  divulge  the  plan  and  the  names  of  their  associates.40 

The  conspirators,  all  of  whom  were  men  of  charac- 
ter and  good  standing,  soon  found  themselves  in  prison, 
excepting  Jos6  Francisco  Barrundia,  who  remained 
concealed  six  years,  and  afterward  was  one  of  the 
most  prominent  statesmen  of  Central  America.  Ma- 
jor Antonio  del  Villar  was  commissioned  fiscal  to 
prosecute  the  prisoners.  He  spared  no  one  in  his 
charges,  and  managed  to  bring  into  the  meshes  of  the 

long  refused  to  allow  any  one  to  see  the  manuscript.  This  work  furnishes 
an  interesting  account  of  political  affairs  in  Guatemala  from  the  first  attempt 
at  separation  from  the  mother  country  in  1811  to  its  accomplishment  in  1821, 
from  an  American  standpoint;  the  intrigues  by  which  Central  America  was 
yoked  to  Iturbide's  Mexican  empire,  and  subsequent  events  culminating  in 
the  second  and  final  enforcement  of  independence,  followed  by  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  federal  government;  rupture  between  Guatemala  and  the  general 
government,  and  victory  of  the  latter;  church  and  military  affairs;  intrigues 
of  parties;  authorities  being  freely  quoted  to  sustain  statements.  The  author 
does  not  enter  into  much  detail  on  military  operations,  but  is  quite  full  in  his 
description  of  party  workings,  which  affords  a  clear  understanding  of  their 
antagonistic  interests.  Under  the  title  of  Efeme'rides  de  los  hechos  notables . . . 
de  Centra  America,  the  same  writer  gave  to  the  press  at  Guatemala,  in  1844, 
a  12mo  of  77  pp.,  furnishing  a  very  brief  synopsis  of  the  chief  events  that 
occurred  from  1821  to  1842,  with  tabular  lists;  quite  useful  as  a  chronology. 

89  Among  the  implicated  were  a  number  of  military  officers  whose  role  was 
to  win  over  the  troops,  and  gain  possession  of  their  arms. 

40  The  plan  was  to  seize  Bustamante,  Auditor  de  Guerra  Ibafiez,  Archbishop 
Casaus,  and  all  the  high  military  officers;  after  which  the  Granadan  prisoners 
were  to  be  liberated,  and  the  country's  independence  proclaimed.  The  royal 
officials  chose  to  add  that  the  parties  had  harbored  'incendiary  and  horrible 
schemes  of  plunder  and  devastation.' 


prosecution  several  persons  who  were  innocent.41  On 
the  18th  of  September,  1814,  he  asked  the  military 
court  for  the  penalty  of  death,  by  garrote,  against 
Ruiz,  Victor  Castrillo,  Jose  Francisco  Barrundia  pro 
contumacia,  and  Joaquin  Yudice,  who  were  hidalgos; 
and  the  same  penalty,  by  hanging,  against  the  sub- 
prior  and  ten  others  who  were  plebeians.42  Ten  years 
of  hard  labor  in  the  chain-gang  of  the  African  posses- 
sions, and  a  life  exile  from  America,  were  pronounced 
upon  others  against  whom  no  guilt  was  proved.  The 
prisoners  were  all  set  free,  however,  in  1819,  under  a 
royal  order  of  the  28th  of  July,  1817. 

Among  the  men  regarded  as  the  most  dangerous,  ' 
and  strongly  suspected  of  being  the  real  managers  of 
the  Betlen  plot,  was  Mateo  Antonio  Marure,  who 
had  been  confined  two  years  in  a  dungeon  for  the 
part  he  took  in  the  disturbances  of  181 1.43  Busta- 
tamante  dreaded  his  presence  in  Guatemala,  and  in 
1814  despatched  him  as  a  prisoner  to  the  supreme 
council  of  regency  in  Spain,  with  his  reasons  for  this 
measure.  After  recounting  the  Betlen  affair,  and 
naming  Marure  as  the  real  instigator  and  manager  of 

41  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  16;  Romero,  Bosq.  Hist.,  42;  Mem. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  2,  3. 

42  Julian  Ibarra,  Andres  Dardon,  Manuel  de  San  Jose",  Manuel  Yot.     The 
names  of  the  other  six  do  not  appear.  Pineda  de  Mont. ,  in  Guat. ,  Recop.  Leyes, 
iii.  347-8;  Rodriguez,  Problema  Hist.,  in  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  1875,  Apr.  1  and 
May  23.     The  author  of  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  7,  who  was  evidently  blinded 
by  prejudice  against  Barrundia  and  against  the  cause,  says  that  the  latter 
lost  credit  for  being  mixed  up  in  the  Betlen  affair  with  'hombres  sin  luces, 
sin  cre"dito,  y  sin  costumbres;'  and  forfeited  the  character  for  firmness  he 
had  held  in  public  estimation  by  needlessly  petitioning  for  a  pardon  when  he 
had  not  been  imprisoned,  and  could  at  any  time  have  left  the  country  with- 
out risk.     Lorenzo  Montufar,  a  statesman  and  writer,  tells  us,  in  rebuttal, 
that  these  men  were  of  good  intelligence  and  position;  that  Barrundia's  peril 
was  imminent  all  the  time  of  his  concealment,  and  as  only  Spanish  vessels 
visited  the  ports,  it  would  have  been  risky  to  attempt  escape  upon  one  of 
them.     Moreover,  it  was  impossible  to  foresee  when  independence  would  be 
attained.     Under  the  circumstances,  Barrundia  had  to  ask  for  pardon  when 
he  could  get  it.  Costa  7?.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  2,  1854.     Villar,  the  prosecuting  offi- 
cer, became  notorious  in  1817  for  cruelties  and  wanton  murders  of  unfortunate 
inhabitants  of  Peten-Itza,  when  he  was  commandant  there.  Fajardo,  Inf. . . 
al  Min.  de  Rel.,  Campeche,  1828,  sm.  4to,  17  pp. 

43  He  was  the  father  of  Alejandro  Marure,  born  in  Guatemala,  and  one 
who  had  attained  a  respectable  rank  in  letters,  at  a  very  early  age,  in  his  coun- 
try.    At  the  time  he  began  to  figure  in  its  political  affairs  he  was  a  master  of 
philosophy.  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  14-15. 


it,  he  adds  that  the  conspirators  counted  on  him  as  a 
fearless  man  to  carry  it  out,  and  that  his  bold  language 
and  writings  rendered  his  sojourn  in  America  a  con- 
stant menace  to  Spanish  interests. 

Another  and  a  worse  planned  attempt  at  revolution 
than  the  one  of  1811  occurred  in  Salvador  in  1814. 
The  government  quelled  it,  and  the  promoters  were 
arrested,  Manuel  Jose*  Arce  suffering  an  imprisonment 
of  several  years.44 

The  reader's  attention  is  now  called  to  matters  con- 
cerning the  capitanfa  general  of  Guatemala,  which 
occupied  the  government  both  here  and  in  Europe 
immediately  before  King  Fernando's  coup-d'etat. 

Bustamante,  evidently  hostile  to  constitutional  gov- 
ernment, and  loath  to  suffer  readily  any  curtailment 
of  his  quasi-autocratic  powers,  proclaimed,  under  the 
pressure  of  necessity,  the  national  constitution,  and 
permitted  elections  under  it;  but  between  this  and 
allowing  the  diputaciones  provinciales  and  ayunta- 
mientos  free  action  under  the  fundamental  law,  there 
was  a  wide  chasm.  He  had  no  intention  of  tamely 
submitting  to  such  innovations,  whatever  might  be 
said  of  their  merits  in  the  abstract.  In  the  first 
place,  he  postponed  for  three  whole  months  the  in- 
stallation of  the  diputaciou,  and  when  it  was  installed, 
refused  to  honor  the  event  with  a  high  mass  and  te 
deum,  which  would  have  been  the  proper  thing  to  do. 
Such  a  recognition  of  the  importance  of  the  diputa- 
cion  might  have  shaken  the  faith  of  the  populace  in  a 
one-man  power.  He  next  insisted  on  the  diputacion 
having  its  sittings  at  the  government  house,  where  it 
would  be  at  his  mercy.  He  treated  the  body  disre- 
spectfully in  several  ways,*5  and  as  he  could  not  make 

**  Arce  began  to  figure  in  the  rebellion  of  1811.  After  the  organization  of 
the  federal  regime  he  was  the  first  constitutional  president  of  the  republic. 
Rev.  Gent.  Am.y  3;  Salv.,  Diario  OJic.,  1875,  Feb.  13. 

45 In  disregard  of  the  rank  and  standing  of  the  'excelentisima  diputacion,* 
he  would  append  only  his  media  firma,  or  surname,  to  its  decrees  and  docu- 
ments, when  he  should  have  used  his  name  and  surname— a  serious  breach  of 
etiquette  in  those  times. 


it  subservient  to  his  will,  tried  by  all  means  in  his 
power  to  destroy  its  influence  and  usefulness.  In  fact, 
he  looked  upon  it  as  a  mere  consultative  corporation, 
whose  advice  he  might  ask  for  or  not,  as  suited  his 
fancy.  Lastly,  he  would  not  permit  the  acts  of  the 
diputacion  to  be  published;  and  for  the  matter  of 
that,  there  was  no  liberty  of  the  press. 

These  complaints  were  laid  before  the  national 
cortes*6  for  redress,  coupled  with  a  petition  that  the 
royal  authority  should  remove  Bustamante  from  office. 
But  grievances  were  unredressed,  and  their  author 
continued  wielding  power  in  the  country  several  years 
more.  Indeed,  this  was  not  to  be  wondered  at.  The 
Spanish  government  had  rarely,  if  ever,  shown  incli- 
nation to  do  justice  to  the  ruled  against  the  high 
rulers  it  placed  over  them,  or  to  punish  the  despotic 
acts  of  the  latter.  Residencias  had  of  late  become 
mere  matters  of  form.  If  the  complainants  had 
wealth  and  influence  at  court,  they  might  obtain  the 
recall  of  the  ruler  obnoxious  to  them,  but  no  other 
punishment.  The  prestige  of  authority  must  be  up- 
held; such  was  the  principle  acted  upon.47  Guate- 
mala was  finally  relieved  of  Bustamante's  hated  rule 
on  the  28th  of  March,  1818. 

The  people  of  Central  America,  like  the  rest  of  the 
Spanish  dominions,  were  soon  invited  to  another  view 
in  the  political  kaleidoscope.  Fernando  VII.,  upon 

46  The  chamber  now  had  but  a  short  time  to  live.     Manuel  Micheo  had 
presented  his  credentials  in  Jan.  1814,  and  been  admitted  to  his  seat  as  dep- 
uty from  Chimaltenango,  Guatemala.     Luis  Aguirre's  claim  to  admission  was 
referred  back  on  the  petition  of  citizens  of  Chiquimula  for  his  election  to  be 
declared  null.  Cdrtes,  Act.  ord.,  1814,  Jan.  21,  i.  487,  March  20,  ii.  121. 

47  Several  accusations  had  been  preferred  hitherto  against  Bustamante;  all 
remained  unheeded,  so  far  as  it  ever  became  known.     One  more  was  that  of 
Juan  Argiiello  of  Granada,  in  Nicaragua,  who  charged  the  governor  with  un- 
just treatment  of  him  in  1814,  and  demanded  his  trial  and  punishment.    This 
case  was  before  the  c6rtes  Oct.  20,  1820.     But  as  the  second  constitutional 
epoch  was  so  short-lived,  Arguello's  demand  for  justice  had  no  better  result 
than  preceding  ones.     A  memorial  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Guatemala,  on  the 
political  condition  of  the  province,  expressing  fear  that  the  harshness  ex- 
tended to  men  for  political  opinions  might  lead  to  evil  consequences,  and 
asking  for  the  pardon  of  prisoners,  was  presented  March  24,  1814,  to  the 
c6rtes.     It  was  referred  to  a  committee,  and  that  was  all  the  action  taken, 
till  the  king  in  1817  granted  an  amnesty.  Cdrtes,  Act.  ord.,  March  24,  1814, 
ii.  152;  Id.,  Diario,  Oct.  20,  1820,  ix.  4. 


his  release  by  Napoleon  a  few  months  after  the  treaty 
of  Valencay,48  returned  to  Spain  without  delay,  and 
on  arriving  at  Valencia,  issued  his  manifesto  of  May 
4,  1814,  setting  aside  the  constitution,  and  assuming 
the  authority  of  an  absolute  sovereign.  He  did  this 
with  fair  promises,  which  he  carried  out  when  and 
how  it  suited  him.49  Among  many  decrees  issued  by 
the  monarch  soon  after,  which  were  of  interest  to 
Central  America,  was  one  enjoining  on  the  archbishop 
and  bishops  to  see  that  their  subordinates  did  their 
duty  faithfully,  and  entertained  only  wholesome 
opinions.  No  associations  or  leagues  were  to  be 
tolerated  which  might  lead  to  a  disturbance  of  the 
public  peace;  in  other  words,  liberty  and  constitutional 
government  were  not  to  be  thought  of.50  Another 
decree  of  June  17th,  demanded  of  the  deputies  from 
America  having  in  their  possession  petitions  from 
their  constituents  to  lay  them  before  the  royal  gov- 
ernment, in  order  that  they  might  be  acted  upon. 
Several  measures  for  the  protection  of  morals  and  the 
advancement  of  civilization  were  also  enacted. 

48  Concluded  Dec.  11,  1813. 

49  Upon  the  news  of  the  king's  acts  becoming  known  in  Guatemala,  the 
archbishop  and  his  clergy,  and  the  other  authorities,  offered  thanks  to  God  for 
his  release  and  restoration  to  the  throne.  Juarros,  Guat.,  ii.,  adv.  xii. 

50  The  pope  lent  his  support  with  an  encyclical  letter  of  Aug.  15,  1814, 
against  freemasonry  and  other  secret  societies,  which  was  published  June  2, 
1815.     All  persons  affiliating  in  such  organizations  were  required  to  sever 
their  connection  with  them.  Fern.  VII. ,  Decretos,  27-32. 




SUCCESSOR  to  Bustamante  in  the  position  of  gov- 
ernor, president,  and  captain-general,  in  March  1818, 
was  Lieutenant-general  Carlos  Urrutia,1  knight  grand 
cross  of  the  military  order  of  San  Hermenegildo, 
which  entitled  him  to  be  called  excelentisimo  senor. 
It  was  a  difficult  position.  The  country  was  at  peace, 
it  is  true,  but  a  political  volcano  was  at  work,  and  no 
one  could  foretell  when  the  upheaval  of  revolution 
might  occur,2  letting  loose  the  elements  of  destruction, 
as  had  happened  in  other  parts  of  Spanish  America. 
However,  another  constitutional  term  under  the 
Spanish  monarch  was  about  being  inaugurated,  and 
this  fact  helped  to  bring  on  definitive  results. 

1 A  native  of  Habana,  Cuba.  He  had  filled  several  high  offices,  the  last 
being  that  of  governor  of  Santo  Domingo.  Juarros,  Guat. ,  ii. ,  adv.  ix.-x. ;  Salv. , 
Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  1,  1875,  4. 

3  Convulsions  of  nature  had  been  constantly  occurring  in  Quezaltenango 
during  two  months,  which  greatly  alarmed  the  population.  On  the  17th  of 
Jan.,  1818,  a  hill  on  the  south  of  the  town  burst  open  and  threw  out  enormous 
quantities  of  ashes,  covering  the  whole  country,  even  to  the  distance  of  35 
leagues,  and  flames  were  occasionally  seen.  C6zar,  Carta,  in  Noticioso  Qen., 
March  16,  1818,  4 



Urrutia  was  a  man  of  experience,  with  a  well-bal- 
anced mind,  whose  political  opinions  leaned  to  the 
side  of  progress.  He  would  have  been  well  adapted 
to  guide  the  course  of  events  in  Central  America  had 
it  not  been  for  the  infirmities  of  old  age.  Guatemala, 
being  as  yet  under  the  sway  of  Spain,  was  open  to 
attack  from  the  enemies  of  that  government,  or  at 
least,  to  such  action  as  they  might  adopt  in  aid  of  the 
disaffected  portion  of  the  people  to  secure  their  coun- 
try's independence.  The  latter  was  the  plan  of  the 
Colombian  insurgents  in  fitting  out  a  combined  sea 
and  land  expedition  to  operate  against  the  ports  of 
Omoa  and  Trujillo  in  1820.3 

On  the  21st  of  April  the  watch-tower  at  Capiro, 
in  Trujillo,  announced  the  approach  of  a  Colombian 
flotilla  of  small  vessels  from  the  windward.  The  gar- 
rison, commanded  by  Jose  M.  Palomar,  at  once  made 
preparations  for  emergencies.  The  flotilla,  consisting 
of  two  brigantines,  four  large  and  as  many  small 
schooners,  one  felucca,  and  one  sloop,  under  Com- 
modore Aury,  sailed  in  at  two  o'clock,*  and  despatched 
a  boat  to  shore  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  place 
within  one  hour.  Nothing  further  was  done  on  that 
day,  however;  but  early  the  next  morning  the  flotilla 
moved  toward  the  mouth  of  the  Guaimoreto,  and  after 
raconnoitering  the  defences,  opened  a  bombardment 
with  ball  and  grape-shot  on  the  intrenchment  and 
demolished  it,  which  compelled  the  defenders  to  fall 
back.  The  assailants  landed  400  men  and  15  horses, 
and  advanced  against  the  garrison,  meeting  with  a 
repulse  at  the  fourth  parapet.  The  garrison  retreated 
to  the  fifth  line,  at  which  the  enemy  was  a  second 
time  driven  back.  The  vessels  fired  broadside  upon 
broadside  on  the  shore  batteries,  which  were  warmly 
returned.  The  bombardment  was  kept  up  from  nine 

8  The  Spanish  official  account  published  by  the  government  of  Guatemala, 
May  1  and  13,  1820,  and  copied  in  the  Oaceta  of  Mex.  of  June  17th,  same 
year,  has  it  that  the  attempt  resulted  in  the  discomfiture  of  the  assailants. 

*The  commander's  ship  hoisted  a  flag  with  two  blue  bars  and  a  white  one 
between  them  showing  an  escutcheon. 


A*  M.  till  two  P.  M.,  when  the  flotilla  retired  out  of  reach 
of  the  batteries.  A  portion  of  the  land  force  then 
attempted  to  enter  the  town  by  the  rear  of  it,  but 
was  detected  and  compelled  to  retire.  Early  in  the 
morning  of  the  23d,  the  invading  troops  returned  to 
the  vessels,  leaving  their  horses;  and  soon  afterward 
the  flotilla  put  to  sea,  each  vessel  firing  a  broadside, 
on  passing  Point  Castilla,  against  the  watch-tower. 
During  the  night  of  the  24th  the  Colombian  vessels 
dropped  out  of  sight.5  On  the  25th  the  flotilla  ap- 
peared off  Omoa,  and  for  several  days  was  making 
attempts  to  effect  a  landing,  which  being  unsuccessful, 
it  retired  on  the  6th  of  May,  after  setting  fire  to  the 
larger  brig,  which  had  been  damaged  by  the  fire  from 
the  town. 

Fernando  VII.,  under  compulsion,  restored  the  con- 
stitution of  1812  throughout  his  dominions.  On  the 
9th  of  March,  1820,  he  swore  to  support  it,  and  the 
next  day  issued  a  manifesto  conveying  an  apology  for 
having  set  it  aside  in  1814,  and  giving  plausible  reasons 
for  his  present  change  of  mind.  On  the  llth  of  April 
he  issued  another  manifesto,  addressed  to  the  people 
of  America,  expressing  sorrow  at  not  having  sooner 
reinstated  the  constitutional  government.  In  another 
decree  of  April  15th  he  restores  to  full  force  and  vigor 
all  decrees  of  the  c6rtes,  both  the  extraordinary  and 
ordinary,  for  the  better  government  and  progress  of 
the  provinces  in  America. 

It  seems  that  Brigadier  Gavino  Gainza,  appointed 
sub-inspector-general  of  the  forces  in  Central  America, 
was  commissioned  to  bring  out  the  royal  proclamations 
and  decrees  for  the  reinstatement  of  the  constitution, 
and  of  the  laws  which  were  passed  under  it  by  the 
c6rtes.  There  is  nothing  to  show  the  precise  time  of 
his  arrival  in  Guatemala,  but  it  will  suffice  to  state 

5  The  Spanish  official  account  sets  the  enemy's  casualties  at  40  killed  and 
wouncbd  on  shore;  those  on  board  could  not  be  ascertained.  The  Spanish 
loss  is  given  at  one  killed  and  two  wounded. 


that  the  diputacion   provincial  was  installed  at   the 
capital  on  the  13th  of  July. 

At  a  preparatory  sitting  of  the  c6rtes,  on  the  26th 
of  June,  1820,  Juan  N.  San  Juan  and  Jose  Sacasa 
were  present  as  representatives  from  Guatemala,  and 
on  the  2d  of  August  Juan  N.  Tuero,  or  Fuero,  pre- 
sented his  credentials  as  a  deputy  elected  from  Chi- 
apas for  the  c6rtes  of  1815-16,  which  body  he  found 
closed  on  arriving  in  Spain  at  the  end  of  1814.6  The 
necessity  of  such  a  diputacion  was  ably  discussed  in 
the  c6rtes  on  the  30th  of  April,  1821,  by  Deputy 
Hermosilla,  seconded  by  Deputy  Milla,  both  support- 
ing the  report  of  the  committee  on  the  subject.  On 
the  17th  of  June  the  chamber  was  officially  informed 
of  the  installation  of  the  diputacion,  and  commended 
its  patriotic  labors.7 

The  'junta  suprema  de  censura/  created  to  adjudi- 
cate upon  alleged  offences  against  the  law  regulating 
the  press,  had,  on. the  9th  of  August,  1820,  nomi- 
nated, and  the  c6rtes  confirmed,  the  members  of  the 
junta  de  censura  for  Guatemala.8 

The  reestablishment  of  the  constitutional  regime 
under  such  favorable  circumstances  soon  brought  into 
life  two  great  parties  that  for  a  long  time  bore  the  re 
spective  names  of  Gazista,  or  Baco,  and  Caco.     The 
gazista,  with  Jose'  del  Valle  as  its  leader,9  was  made 

• Cartes,  Diarw,  1820,  ii.  19;  Apr.  30,  1821,  extra,  xvi.  15-16;  Id.,  Act. 
P£b.,  i.,  June  26, 1820,  6;  Aug.  2,  1820,  2. 

7  A  congratulatory  address  from  the  newly  created  corporation  was  re- 
ceived with  marks  of  satisfaction.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  June  17,  1821,  xxii.  6. 

8  From  the  ecclesiastic  state,  Juan  Jos6  Batres  and  Jos6  Maria  Alvarez, 
with  Pedro  Ruiz  de  Bustamante  for  a  substitute.     From  the  secular  class, 
Pedro  Molina,  Jose"  Barrundia,  and  Lie.  Venancio  Lopez.    Secular  substi- 
tutes, licenciados  Francisco  Javier  Barrutia,  Felipe  Neri  del  Barrio.  Cdrtes, 
ZHario,  1820,  ii.  228-9. 

8  A  native  of  Choluteca,  in  Honduras.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  1.  He  was  auditor 
de  guerra.  Valle  was  undoubtedly  an  able  man;  a  speech  of  his  on  equality 
before  the  law  is  spoken  of  with  high  commendation.  Observ.  de  la  Rep. 
Hex.,  ii.,  Oct.  3,  1827,  128-33.  Subsequently  was  a  deputy  to  the  imperial 
congress  of  Mexico,  and  when  Iturbide  was  on  the  eve  of  succumbing  under 
the  blows  of  the  republicans,  he  appointed  Valle  his  minister  of  state,  which 
office  ceased  with  the  fall  of  the  empire.  Valle  returned  to  Guatemala  and 
figured  prominently  in  the  government.  In  1826^29  he  was  a  federal  deputy, 
and  died  on  the  2d  of  March,  1834,  soon  after  being  elected  president  of  the 
republic.  The  assembly  on  the  21st  of  March  of  the  same  year  decreed  honors 


up  of  Spaniards  and  artisans.  The  cacos  recognized 
as  their  chieftain  Jose  Maria  Delgado.10  Their  party 
was  composed  of  members  of  the  nobility,  and  of  the 
men  calling  themselves  independents.  This  party 
from  the  first  aspired  to  independence,  and  its  candi- 
dates were  taken  from  the  independent  wing  at  the 
election  of  deputies  and  other  officials. 

The  gazistas,  or  bacos,  were  numerous  and  strong, 
for  they  had  in  their  ranks  the  rulers,  many  wealthy 
merchants,  and  the  artisans,  and  abundant  funds  at 
command,  which  were  scattered  without  stint  among 
the  needy  and  ignorant,  who  were  ready  enough  to 
sell  their  votes.11  They  likewise  strengthened  their 
influence  with  the  lower  class  by  means  of  a  pre- 
tended hostility  to  the  aristocracy,  or  to  what  from 
that  time  went  by  the  name  of  'esplritu  de  farnilia.' 
They  won  the  elections,  but  their  triumph  proved  to 
be  far  from  a  solid  one. 

The  cacos  now  resolved  to  use  every  endeavor  to 
accomplish  independence.  The  connection  with  the 
aristocratic  element  was  a  drawback;  and  the  abso- 
lute necessity  of  winning  over  the  mechanics  being 
recognized,  a  middle  party  was  at  once  organized, 
which  attached  itself  to  the  independents,  and  would 
have  no  connection  with  the  nobles.  This  arrange- 
ment facilitated  the  accomplishment  of  the  object  in 

The  political  struggle  was  now  fairly  inaugurated. 
Pedro  Molina12  began  the  publication  of  El  Editor 

to  his  memory.  Guat.,  Eecop.  Ley.,  iii.  338-9,  348.  Salvador  did  the  same  in 
April.  A  likeness  of  Valle  is  given  in  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii. 
160.  Valle  had  been  honored  with  the  friendship  of  Benthani  and  other 
European  savans;  and  he  was  a  member  of  the  French  Academy  of  Sciences. 
Marure,  Efemtrides,  35. 

10  The  same  man  who  afterward  appointed  himself  bishop  of  Salvador. 
Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mtj.,  386. 

11  They  cajoled  the  artisans  with  the  promise  of  checking  the  trade  with 
Belize,  and  of  prohibiting  the  importation  of  foreign  manufactures. 

12  He  was  born  in  Guatemala  on  the  29th  of  Apr.,  1777;  studied  humani- 
ties under  Father  Goicoechea,  one  of  the  lights  of  his  time,  and  received  his 
diploma  of  a  licentiate  of  medicine  and  surgery  at  the  age  of  22;  served  in 
Nicaragua  as  surgeon  of  the  batallon  fijo  early  in  the  century,  and  returned 
with  it  to  his  native  city  in  181 1 .    He  afterward  filled  the  position  of  professor 


Constitutional,  to  defend  American  rights.  The  Amigo 
de  la  Patria  appeared  at  the  same  time,  and  often 
opposed  Molina's  radical  doctrines.  Urrutia,  now 
styling  himself  jefe  politico  y  capitan  general,  made 
an  address  to  the  people,  congratulating  them  and 
himself  on  the  happy  termination  of  the  election  in 
the  several  parishes,  and  giving  assurances  that  every 
voter  should  have  full  liberty  to  cast  his  vote  for  repre- 
sentative in  the  general  congress,  the  diputacion,  and 
the  ayuntamiento.13  A  portion  of  his  address  was 
specially  devoted  to  artisans  and  laboring  men,  whom 
he  warned  not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  tampered 
with  to  the  discredit  of  the  government  on  the  ques- 
tion of  trade  in  cotton  goods;  for,  he  told  them,  it  was 
a  positive  misconception  that  the  government  had  it 
in  view  to  decree  freedom  of  foreign  trade;  on  the 
contrary,  it  had  endeavored  to  check  illegal  traffic, 
which  had  been  carried  on  to  the  detriment  of  national 
interests  and  the  royal  treasury. 

The  measures  adopted  by  him  had  to  some  extent 
corrected  that  evil.  By  making  the  traders  pay  im- 
port dues,  the  treasury  had  profited,  and  the  people 
had  been  saved  from  new  taxes.  Formerly,  English 
goods  were  paid  for  wholly  in  coin;  now,  only  one 
sixth  of  their  cost  was  covered  with  money,  and  the 
remainder  with  the  produce  of  the  country.14 

The  gobierno  politico  de  Guatemala  had  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  same  extent  of  country  as  the  metro- 

of  medicine  in  the  university.  The  degree  of  doctor  was  given  him  in  1817, 
and  the  office  of  protom6dico,  or  head  physician  of  the  province  of  Guate- 
mala. Salv.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  12,  1854. 

13  He  adjured  all  to  free  themselves  from  party  influences,  and  to  give  their 
suffrages  only  to  men  who  had  their  country's  interests  at  heart.     He  de- 
manded of  all  citizens  to  love  their  country,  to  be  true  to  the  constitution, 
and  to  respect  the  legitimate  authorities. 

14  Urrutia,  Modelo,  2-3.     Constant  complaints  had  been  made  to  the'  na- 
tional government  since  1813  against  the  foreign  trade.     The  regulations  of 
1778  had  been  made  to  appear  advantageous  to  Spain  and  her  American  colo- 
nies.    Foreign  trade  was  declared  a  means  of  corruption  which  placed  arms 
in  the  hands  of  Spain's  foes.     In  the  report' now  before  me,  the  mechanics  of 
the  country  are  represented  as  hostile  to  the  foreign  trade.  Arrtilaga,  In- 
forme,  in  Cedviario,  66-7. 


politan,15  namely,  214  leagues  from  the  ejidos  of 
Motocinta  on  the  west,  and  116  leagues  from  Golfo 
Dulce  on  the  Atlantic,  to  the  Pacific  coast 16 

The  first  archbishop  of  Guatemala  appointed  by 
the  Spanish  crown  in  the  present  century  was  Luis 
Penal ver  y  Ca>denas,17  who  reached  his  see  the  3d  of 
June,  1802,  and  on  the  2 6th  took  possession.  During 
his  brief  incumbency  he  founded  several  rectorships, 
and  two  primary  schools  for  girls.  His  sight  be- 
coming seriously  affected,  he  relinquished  the  mitre, 
and  returned  to  his  native  city,  secretly  departing 
March  1,  1806.18 

Rafael  de  la  Vara  de  la  Madrid,  Penalver's  succes- 
sor, arrived  in  Acajutla  on  the  13th  of  December, 
1807;  in  Guatemala  city  on  the  4th  of  January,  1808 ; 
and  on  the  3d  of  February  took  possession  of  his 
office.  In  April  1809  he  visited  the  province  of  Vera 
Paz,  where  he  died  on  the  31st  of  December,  much 
regretted,  as  he  had  endeared  himself  by  his  peace- 
able disposition  and  affability.19 

Antonio  Bergoza  y  Jordan,  bishop  of  Oajaca,  was 
nominated  for  the  succession,  but  declined  the  po- 

The  next  and  eighth  archbishop  of  the  diocese  was 

15  The  latter  had  three  suffragans — Leon,  Comayagua,  and  Ciudad  Real 
de  Chiapas.     It  had  also  20  vicars,  161  curacies  in  424  towns,  85  valleys,  23 
doctrinas  under  missionaries,  of  which  16  were  in  charge  of  Dominican*,  4  of 
Franciscans,  and  3  of  the  order  of  Mercy. 

16  Deputy  Jos6  Mariano  Mendez,  from  Sonsonate,  gave  the  province  of 
Guatemala  116  leagues  from  the  Pacific  to  Santo  Tomas,  and  a  width  of  100 
leagues  in  some  parts,  and  less  in  others,  with  two  cities  and  about  294 
towns.  Mem.,  12-13,  20;  Memoria  del  estado  politico  y  eclesidstico  de  la  capi- 
tania  general  de  Guatemala,  Mad.,  1821,  sm.  4to,  30  pp.,  gives  data  on  the 
economical,  political,  and  ecclesiastical  condition  of  Central  America  in  gen- 
eral, and  of  each  of  the  divisions  or  provinces,  including  Chiapas  in  particu- 
lar, and  proposing  to  the  Spanish  government  reforms  deemed  advisable. 

17A  native  of  Habana,  at  which  university  he  received  the  degree  of  doc- 
tor. Juarros,  Guat.,  i.  296-7. 

18  He  consecrated  in  his  cathedral,  on  the  12th  of  Sept.,  1802,  the  treasurer 
of  the  diocese,  the  licentiate  of   theology,  Ambrosio  Llano,  as  bishop  of 
Ciudad  Real  de  Chiapas. 

19  He  had  been  bishop  of  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Sierra,  in  Peru.     At  the  time  of 
his  death  he  was  55  years  old.     The  remains  were  interred  in  the  cathedral, 
Juarros,  Gwt.,  i.  297;  Diario  Mtx.,  xii.,  Jan.  26,  1810,  104. 


Ramon  Casaus  y  Torres,  nominated  by  the  supreme 
council  of  regency  on  the  30th  of  March,  1811;  who 
entered  the  capital  on  the  30th  of  July,  and  being  a  con- 
secrated bishop,  at  once  began  to  perform  episcopal 
functions.20  His  nomination  was  ratified  by  the  king 
on  the  27th  of  August,  1814;  the  papal  bulls  of  con- 
firmation were  issued  on  the  15th  of  March,  1815,  and 
Casaus  received  the  pallium  on  the  28th  of  Septem- 
ber of  the  same  year. 

At  the  sitting  of  the  Spanish  cdrtes  on  the  25th 
of  June,  1821,  the  American  deputies  laid  before  that 
body  a  memorial  setting  forth  the  condition  of  their 
provinces,  and  the  measures  which,  in  their  opinion, 
would  lead  to  a  definitive  peace.  They  not  only 
assured  their  Spanish  colleagues  that  Americans  were 
fully  conscious  of  their  rights  as  freemen,  but  also 
of  their  determination  and  ability  to  defend  them; 
nevertheless,  if  those  rights  were  respected,  and  jus- 
tice was  done,  existing  difficulties  might  be  obliterated. 
They  believed,  however,  that  a  constitutional  system 
would  be  impracticable  in  America,  unless  new  and 
efficacious  measures  were  adopted  to  enable  the 
three  branches  of  government  to  act  freely  within 
their  respective  bounds,  and  likewise  to  make  effective 
the  responsibility  of  public  officials  for  their  acts. 
Another  point  upon  which  they  laid  stress  was  the 
inutility  of  American  deputies  at  the  Spanish  c6rtes 
unless  they  were  effectively  upheld  from  their  respect- 
ive countries.  They  found  other  faults  with  the  exist- 
ing government,  and  declared  that  the  solution  of  the 
great  problem  would  be  found  in  the  establishment 
of  autonomic  governments  in  America. 

20  He  was  a  native  of  Jaca,  in  Aragon;  took  the  Dominican  habit  in  Zara- 
goza,  and  completed  there  his  education;  joined  the  province  of  Santiago  in 
Mexico  at  the  age  of  23;  became  a  lecturer  in  Porta  Cceli  college,  and  a  pro- 
fessor in  the  university  of  Mexico,  by  which  he  was  made  a  doctor,  and  by 
his  order  a  maestro.  On  the  9th  of  Nov.,  1806,  as  bishop  of  Rosen  in  partibus 
infidelium,  he  was  made  bishop-coadjutor  of  Oajaca,  and  consecrated  on  the 
2d  of  Aug.,  1807.  Juarros,  Guat.,  ii.,  adv.  p.  xi.-xii.;  Cdrtes,  Diariot  xviii. 
395;  Puerto,  Convite,  p.  iii.  1. 


Commerce  between  Spanish  America  and  the 
mother  country  should  be  treated  as  internal  trade, 
the  Americans  having  equal  rights  and  privileges  with 
their  brethren  of  Europe.  The  same  equality  in 
respect  to  civil  rights  and  appointment  to  office  was 
likewise  to  exist  between  the  natives  of  America  and 
Spain.  If  such  demands  were  conceded,  Mexico  and 
Central  America  would  pay  to  Spain  ten  million  dol- 
lars within  six  years,  in  yearly  installments  from  Jan- 
uary 1,  1823,  to  be  applied  to  the  cancelling  of  the 
national  debt.  They  would  also  allow  Spain  two 
million  dollars  yearly  for  the  support  of  the  royal 

It  was  now  too  late,  however,  for  conciliatory  efforts 
to  be  successful.  Events  crowded  upon  each  other, 
and  were  beyond  the  control  even  of  the  men  who 
made  them.  Central  America  was  at  peace,  but  the 
constitutional  system  recently  established,  with  its 
popular  elections  and  a  free  press,  after  the  spirit  of  na- 
tionality had  gained  so  much  ground,  naturally  tended 
to  excite  the  public  mind,  emboldening  the  timid,  and 
increasing  the  number  of  the  friends  of  independence. 
Party  spirit  controlled  everything;  it  was  felt  even  in 
the  domestic  circle.  The  people  were  prepared  and 
anxious  for  a  change,  when  vague  rumors  were  set 
afloat  of  renewed  revolutionary  efforts  in  Mexico.22 
Party  leaders  were  of  one  mind  on  the  desirability  of 
separation.  It  was  generally  admitted  that  the  sub- 
jection of  the  country  to  Spain  could  no  longer  be 
maintained.  Only  a  few  high  officials  and  Spaniards 
dissented.  Now  was  the  time,  if  ever,  for  a  sound 
head  and  strong  hand  to  helm  the  ship  of  state.  Ur- 
rutia,  owing  to  age  and  physical  ailings,  was  not  the 
man  for  the  occasion;  nor  was  he,  though  opposed  to 
the  scheme  of  secession,  able  to  retard  it.  Under  the 

21  The  payments  were  to  begin  no  later  than  one  year  after  the  installation 
of  the  autonomic  government.     The  allowance  was  to  be  increased  when  the 
condition  of  the  two  countries  should  become  improved. 

22  Positive  news  of  Iturbide's  defection  had  not  yet  reached  Guatemala. 
Mem.  Rev,  Cent.  Am.,  2. 


circumstances,  the  diputacion  provincial  prevailed  on 
the  jefe  superior  politico  to  delegate  his  powers  to  the 
sub-inspector  of  the  troops,  Gavino  Gainza.23  This 
officer  at  first  tried  to  stem  the  torrent  of  revolution, 
to  act  as  the  agent  of  Spain,  disapproving  the  plan  of 
separation,  but  at  the  same  time  maintained  intimate 
relations  with  the  independents  and  aided  their  efforts. 
This  party  publicly  circulated  a  paper  for  signatures 
to  ask  Gainza  to  proclaim  independence  himself.  He 
pretended  to  be  indignant;  and  upon  the  receipt 
of  the  plan  of  Iguala,  formed  in  Mexico  by  Iturbide 
and  Guerrero,24  he  issued  a  manifesto  depicting  it  in 
the  blackest  colors,  and  ordered  that  all  who  had 
called  on  him  to  declare  independence  should  be 
prosecuted.25  The  independents  became  disgusted,  but 
had  to  make  the  best  of  the  situation.  They  then 
resolved  to  play  upon  his  personal  ambition,  assuring 
him  that  for  his  cooperation  in  their  plans  he  would 
be  retained  in  command,  and  afterward  chosen  the 
first  chief  magistrate  of  the  young  nation.  While  he 
still  hesitated,  they  despatched  Cayetano  Bedoya  to 
Oajaca  for  military  aid  from  General  Bravo.  But  on 
the  messenger's  arrival  at  Ciudad  Real  de  Chiapas, 
he  found  that  the  place  had  followed  the  example  of 
Oajaca  and  Tehuantepec,  accepting  the  plan  of  Iguala. 
This  step  hastened  events  in  Guatemala,  and  Bedoya 
had  no  need  of  going  farther. 

The  act  of  Ciudad  Real,  received  September  13th, 
caused  the  greatest  excitement  in  the  city  of  Guate- 
mala, and  the  government  had  to  give  way.  Urged 
by  the  diputacion,  Gainza  summoned,  on  the  14th,  the 

MHe  is  represented  as  a  fickle  man,  one  easily  influenced,  and  likely  to 
act  under  the  impressions  of  the  moment.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i. 
21;  Salv.y  Diario  Ofic.,  1875,  Apr.  1,  4.  Events  showed  he  was  a  man  of  no 
settled  principles  or  character,  who  proved  himself,  first  a  traitor  to  his  king 
and  country,  and  next,  for  self-aggrandizement,  betrayed  the  men  that  in  an 
evil  hour  placed  their  trust  in  him. 

"This  plan  is  described  in  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  709-10,  this  series. 

25  The  order  was  a  dead  letter,  however.  Gainza  evidently  issued  it  to 
cover  his  responsibility  in  Madrid;  at  any  rate,  no  one  was  arrested,  and  the 
manifesto  was  soon  after  retired,  public  affairs  being  allowed  to  take  their 
course.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  4;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.t  i.  21-2. 


high  officials  and  other  notables  to  a  meeting  next 
day  to  resolve  on  some  action  responsive  to  the  de- 
mands of  the  people.26 

During  the  night  of  the  14th  Molina  and  the  cacos 
scattered  their  agents  throughout  the  wards  to  stir 
up  the  masses,  and  at  the  same  time  to  awe  the  es- 
panolistas,  or  royal  partisans.  At  8  A.  M.  on  the  15th 
a  throng  of  independents  filled  the  porticos,  court-yard, 
halls,  and  ante-chambers  of  the  government  house. 
Among  them  and  instructing  the  crowds  were  Molina, 
Barrundia,  Basilio  Porras,  and  other  leaders.  Sooa 
after  began  to  arrive  at  the  government  house  the 
officials  called  to  take  part  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
meeting,  namely,  two  members  of  each  corporation 
deputized  therefor;  the  archbishop  and  prelates  of 
the  religious  orders ;  the  chief  officers  of  the  army  and 
treasury;  who,  together  with  the  diputacion  provin- 
cial, and  under  the  presidency  of  the  acting  jefe  supe- 
rior politico,  Gainza,27  at  once  proceeded  to  business. 
After  reading  the  declarations  in  Chiapas,  several  mem- 
bers briefly  expressed  their  views.  The  first  speaker 
was  Valle,  leader  of  the  gazistas,  who  eloquently  ad- 
vocated independence  as  necessary  and  just,  but  ended 
advising  that  it  should  not  be  proclaimed  till  the  other 
sections  had  formally  declared  in  its  favor.  The 
motion  was  seconded.  The  anti-independents28  op- 
posed all  action  until  final  results  in  Mexico  should  be 
received.  Every  attempt  at  a  vacillating  policy  waa 
defeated  by  the  energetic  efforts  of  the  independents,, 
who  voted  for  an  immediate  declaration  of  indepen- 

26  Gainza  on  the  13th  had  exacted  of  all  the  superior  military  officers  a* 
renewal  of  their  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  king.  Id.,  i.  23. 

a7  The  diputacion,  on  motion  of  Simeon  Canas,  had  acted  at  the  instance 
of  the  ayuntamiento,  whose  sindico,  Mariano  de  Aycinena,  had  called  for  an 
extra  session  to  petition  for  immediate  independence.  Gainza,  with  the  view 
of  averting  such  a  declaration,  attended  personally  to  preside  over  the  meet- 
ing; but  he  finally  submitted  to  the  inevitable,  and  weakly  assented  to  the 
convocation  of  the  authorities,  without  first  obtaining  Urrutia's  approbation. 
He  thus  ignored  the  real  chief  authority  in  the  country.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
4-5;  Ayon,  Apuntes,  21. 

28  Archbishop  Casaus,  oidores  Miguel  Moreno  and  Jose"  Valdez,  Luis  Es- 
coto,  prelate  of  the  Dominicans,  Fe"lix  Lagrava,  Juan  Bautista  Jauregui,  Jos4 
Villafane,  and  others  of  less  note.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  23-7. 
HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    3 


dence.29  Every  vote  favorable  to  independence  was 
received  by  the  people  with  loud  applause,  and  every 
one  against  it  with  groans.  The  popular  preference 
became  so  marked  and  boisterous  that  the  anti-inde- 
pendents, fearing  for  their  lives,  retired  from  the 

The  diputacion  and  ayuntamiento  then,  as  the  legiti- 
mate organs  to  express  the  public  will,  drew  up  the 
Acta  de  Independencia,  which  was  adopted,  signed, 
and  sworn  to  by  all  the  members  present.30  This 
instrument,  after  declaring  the  aspiration  of  Guate- 
malans to  be  a  free  and  independent  people,81  invited 
all  citizens  of  the  provinces  to  choose  without  delay 
representatives,  on  the  basis  of  one  for  every  15,000 

supporters  of  this  resolution  were:  Canon  Doctor  Jose"  Maria  Cas- 
tilla,  Dean  Doctor  Antonio  Garcia  Redondo;  Regente  of  the  audiencia  Fran- 
cisco Vilches,  oidores  Miguel  Larreinaga  and  Tomas  O'Horan;  deputies  from 
the  university,  doctors  Mariano  Galvez  and  Serapio  Sanchez;  deputies  from 
the  college  of  lawyers,  Jose"  Francisco  C6rdoba  and  Santiago  Milla;  Antonio 
Rivera  Cabezas,  Mariano  Beltranena,  J.  Mariano  Calderon,  Rev.  Doctor  J. 
Matias  Delgado,  M.  A.  Molina,  members  of  the  diputacion  provincial;  Ma- 
riano and  J.  Antonio  Larrave,  Isidoro  Castriciones,  Pedro  Arroyave,  and 
Mariano  de  Aycinena,  members  of  the  ayuntamiento;  Lorenzo  Romana,  gov- 
ernment secretary;  Domingo  Dieguez,  secretary  of  the  meeting;  Friars  Ma- 
riano Perez  and  Jose"  Antonio  Taboada,  prelates  respectively  of  the  Recollects 
and  Franciscans.  Some  Spaniards  also  recorded  their  names  in  favor  of  such 
action.  Ib.  The  Memorias  de  las  Revoludones  de  Centra  America  give  among 
-the  members  of  the  diputacion  Jose"  Valde"s,  and  leave  out  M.  A.  Molina,  5. 

30  297  years,  3  months,  and  19  days  from  June  24,  1524,  when  Pedro  de 
.Alvarado  arrived  with  his  300  conquistadores. 

31  Article  2d,  speaking  of  the  congress,  says:  It  is  to  decide  upon  the  point 
•of  'independencia  general  y  absoluta,  y  fijar,  en  caso  de  acordarla,  la  forma  de 
.gobierno  y  ley  fundamental  que  deba  regir.'    Marure,  who  gives  the  text  of 

the  acta,  asserts  that  the  declaration  actually  was  for  an  '  independencia  ab- 
soluta de  Mexico  y  de  cualquiera  otra  nacion;'  and  that  Gainza,  who  favored 
.annexation  to  Mexico,  had  beforehand  prepared  an  oath  to  support  it.  Bosq. 
-Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  27,  and  ap.  ii.,  iii.  ;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  346-8;  Ayon, 
JLpuntes,  21;  Squier's  Trav.,  ii.  378;  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,§l;  Cuevas,  Porvenir 
de  Hex.  ,  252.  Another  vital  clause  in  the  instrument  was  that  the  Roman 
catholic  religion  which  the  Central  Americans  had  professed  in  past  centuries, 
*y  profesaremos  en  los  siglos  venideros,  '  must  be  preserved  'ptira  6  inalterable,' 
its  ministers  respected,  and  protected  in  their  persons  and  property.  The 
prelates  of  the  various  religious  communities  were  invited  to  cooperate  in  be- 
half of  peace  and  harmony,  endeavoring  to  do  away  with  personal  passions. 
The  whole  proceeding  was  novel,  this  of  Spanish  officials,  presided  over  by 
the  chief  agent  of  the  king,  meeting  with  natives  of  the  country  to  decide 
whether  Guatemala  should  cast  off  the  old  mother  country  or  not.  Several 
other  things  worthy  of  notice  happened  then  among  them.  Canon  £astilla, 
though  a  friend  of  the  archbishop,  his  prelate,  who  had  advocated  anti-inde- 
pendence, favored  the  separation.  Many  of  the  officials  declared  for  secession, 
chief  among  their  number  the  gazista  leader  Jose"  del  Valle,  who  held  the  high 
office  of  auditor  de  guerra.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  5-6. 


inhabitants,  to  a  national  congress  that  was  to  meet 
March  1,  1822.  In  the  mean  time  the  Spanish  laws, 
courts  of  justice,  and  public  functionaries  were  to  con- 
tinue as  heretofore.  The  representatives  were  to  be 
chosen  by  the  same  juntas  electorales  that  had  lately, 
since  the  restoration  of  the  constitution,  elected  depu- 
ties to  the  c6rtes,  without  excluding,  as  the  constitu- 
tion did,  men  of  African  descent  from  the  rights  of 
full  citizenship.32  The  clause  giving  the  last  electoral 
college,  with  its  majority  of  Valle's  partisans,  the 
power  to  choose  the  members  of  the  constituent  con- 
gress, is  said  to  have  been  inserted  in  the  acta  by 

On  the  17th  Gainza  issued  a  proclamation  formally 
placing  before  the  people  the  resolutions  adopted  on 
the  15th,  and  enjoining  on  all  the  duty  of  abiding  by 
them,  and  of  respecting  the  laws  and  authorities 
recognized  by  them.  Any  attempt,  by  word  or  deed, 
to  restore  Spanish  domination  was  declared  high 
treason,  punishable  with  death.84  The  powers  of  the 
congress  would  be  constituent  to  adopt  a  form  of  gov- 
ernment and  frame  the  national  constitution.  Mean- 
time Gainza  held  civil  and  military  authority,  acting 
with  the  advice  of  a  provisional  junta  consultiva, 
formed  with  the  diputacion  provincial  and  seven 
additional  members,  representing  respectively  Leon, 
Comayagua,  Costa  Rica,  Quezaltenango,  Solold,  Chi- 
maltenango,  Sonsonate,  and  Ciudad  Real.35  Neither 

32  The  following  names  appear  in  the  acta:  Gavino  Gainza,  Mariano  de 
Beltranena,  Jose*  Mariano  Calderon,  Jos6  Matias  Delgado,  Manuel  Antonio 
Molina,  Mariano  de  Larrave,  Antonio  de  Rivera,  Jose"  Antonio  de  Larrave, 
Isidoro  de  Valle  y  Castriciones,  Pedro  de  Arroyave,  Mariano  de  Aycinena. 
Secretaries,  Lorenzo  de  Roniaua,  Domingo  Dieguez.  Pineda  de  Mont. ,  Recop. 
Ley.  Guat. ,  i.  1-14.     The  news  of  this  declaration  reached  Spain,  and  mention 
was  made  of  it  in  the  c6rtes  Dec.  15,  1821,  by  Deputy  Navarrete.  Ctirtes, 
Diario  extraord.,  vi.,  1821,  Dec.  15,  34;  Ctirtes,  Diario,  viiL,  1822,  Feb.  12, 
5;  Romero,  Bosq.  Hist.,  43-4,  66-130;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  6-9. 

33  This  clause  gave  rise  to  much  trouble  afterward. 

3*  The  authorities  were  to  be  apprised  of  any  plots  against  the  new  regime 
by  persons  becoming  aware  of  them,  or  the  latter  would  be  held  as  aiders 
and  abettors  of  treason.  Carrying  concealed  weapons,  ringing  of  bells  other 
than  for  religious  service,  and  injuring  or  destroying  public  or  private  prop- 
erty, under  any  pretext,  would  be  severely  punished.  M6x.,  Gac.  Imp.,  Dec. 
1,  1821,  260-3. 

35  The  additional  members  were  Miguel  de  Larreinaga,  Jos6  del  Valle,  J. 


the  people  at  large  nor  the  meeting  of  the  15th  created 
such  a  body.  It  was  the  creation  of  the  men  who 
remained  behind  in  the  hall,  including  Valle,  who 
drew  up  the  acta.36  Continuing  his  double  dealing, 
Gainza  had  issued  his  proclamation,  on  the  16th,  for 
the  election  of  representatives  to  congress.  He  spoke 
therein  of  the  longing  for  independence  since  1810,  of 
the  popular  love  for  the  cause  which  had  been  so 
forcibly  sustained  at  the  meeting  of  the  preceding  day, 
and  concluded  by  inviting  the  whole  people  to  approve 
the  plan,  and  to  appoint  their  deputies  to  complete 
the  work. 

Before  proceeding  further  with  the  political  situa- 
tion at  the  capital  of  Guatemala,  I  will  devote  a  little 
space  to  laying  before  the  reader  some  information  on 
one  of  its  most  important  sections,  namely,  Chiapas. 
The  population  was  computed  in  1813  at  over  100,000 
inhabitants,  of  whom  70,000  were  Indians;  the  re- 
mainder were  Spaniards  and  mixed  breeds,  with  a 
few  negroes.37 

As  a  reward  for  good  services  and  generous  pecu- 
niary contributions  to  the  nation,  the  Spanish  cortes 
passed,  October  29,  1813,  a  decree  bestowing  the  title 
of  city  on  the  town  of  Comitan,  and  that  of  villa  on 
those  of  Tusta,  Tonald,  Tapachula,  and  Palenque.88 

Antonio  Alvarado,  Marques  de  Aycinena,  Jose"  Valde"s,  Jos<§  M.  Candina,  and 
Antonio  Robles.  Domingo  Dieguez  and  Mariano  Galvez  were  made  the  sec- 
retaries. Marure,  Efemerides,  59. 

36  The  acta  was  signed  at  Gainza's  house  on  the  16th,  and  the  extra  mem- 
bers were  appointed.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  6. 

37  Ciudad  Real,  the  capital,  had  in  the  city  proper  6,000,  chiefly  Spaniards; 
the  outside  districts  and  suburbs  swelled  the  population  to  14,000.  Mazarie- 
gos,  Mem.  Hist.  Chiapa,  51.     The  canon  of  Chiapas  Mariano  Robles  Domin- 
guez  de  Mazariegos,  being  the  deputy  from  his  province  in  the  Spanish  c6rtes 
in  1813,  laid  before  the  chamber  an  interesting  memorial,  which  was  after- 
ward given  to  the  press  at  Cadiz,  in  one  volume,  18mo,  of  71  pages,  under  the 
title  of  Memoria  Histdrica  de  la  Provincia  de  Chiapa.     He  suggested  means 
to  develop  the  commerce  of  the  province  on  its  navigable  rivers,  and  particu- 
larly with  Guatemala  and  Vera  Cruz.     His  recommendations  were  heeded, 
and  several  ports  and  rivers  were  opened  to  trade.  Id.,  33-4,  54-9;  Cdrtes, 
Diario,  1813,  xix.  392;  Noticioso  Gen.,  Aug.  30,  1816.     Mazariegos'  successor 
was  also  a  clergyman,  Fernando  Antonio  Davila,  who  took  his  seat  in  Novem- 
ber, 1813.  Cdrtes,  Act.  ord.,  i.  275. 

88  From  the  time  of  the  conquest  there  existed  in  all  Indian  towns  ayunta- 


In  contravention  of  law,  the  first  name  of  the  three 
proposed  by  the  intendente  to  the  president  of  Guate- 
mala, for  chief  of  each  of  the  eleven  subdelegaciones, 
was  that  of  some  creature  of  the  intendente.  Unfit- 
ness  for  the  place  or  immorality  counted  for  nothing 
if  the  nomination  suited  the  proposer  or  the  confirm- 
ing power.  These  subdelegados,  by  means  of  their 
comisarios,  collected  the  tribute  and  speculated  with 
it;  each  being  a  tyrant  who  oppressed  the  Indians  at 
his  will. 

Education  was  neglected;  ignorance  prevailed  to 
such  an  extent  that  a  large  portion  of  the  inhabitants 
did  not  know  even  the  first  rudiments  of  their  reli- 
gion. The  poorer  Spaniards  and  the  mixed  breeds 
were  entirely  without  education.  Indeed,  in  nearly 
three  centuries,  not  only  had  the  Indians  not  learned 
to  speak  Spanish,  but  the  native  Spaniards  spoke 
the  six  Indian  tongues  of  the  province  better  than 
their  own.39 

Chiapas,  it  is  well  known,  had  been  an  episcopal  see, 
with  its  cathedral  at  Ciudad  Heal,  since  the  first  years 
of  the  conquest.40  The  country  is  fertile  and  well 

mientos  called  cabildos,  and  composed  as  follows:  a  gobernador,  who  was  a 
cacique  or  noble  Indian,  generally  for  life,  though  'sin  juriscliccion,'  appointed 
formally  in  writing  by  the  principal  executive  of  the  province;  two  alcaldes; 
four,  six,  or  eight  regidores,  according  to  population;  and  some  officers  called 
in  some  places  mayores,  and  in  others  alguaciles,  who  aided  the  regidores, 
took  care  of  the  cabildos'  houses,  and  furnished  supplies  to  travellers  going 
through  their  towns.  They  were  elected  on  the  first  day  of  January  of  each 
year,  and  were  subject  to  the  alcalde  mayor  and  the  teniente  of  each  town, 
by  whom  they  were  too  frequently  badly  treated.  Mazariegos,  Mem.  Hist. 
Chiapa,  28-29. 

39  In  some  Indian  towns,  so-called  maestros  were  salaried  from  the  com- 
munity funds  of  the  inhabitants.     Such  maestros  could  scarcely  read  and 
write,  and  most  of  them  were  immoral  and  given  to  drunkenness.     Of  course 
no  good  results  could  be  obtained  from  such  teachers.     The  Spanish  cdrtes  in 
1813  decreed  the  adoption  of  measures  for  promoting  public  instruction,  and 
on  the  24th  of  October  enacted  the  establishment  of  a  university  in  the  prov- 
ince.  Muzariegoe,  Mem.  Hist.  Chiapa,  51-53;  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xix.  392; 
Id.,  Act.  ore*.,  1813,  i.  113,  141. 

40  The  cathedral  chapter  was  composed  of  four  dignitaries,  one  simple 
canon,  six  choir  chaplains.     The  revenue  of  the  diocese  was  limited.     The 
number  of  its  parishes  was  forty-seven,  which  included  the  eleven  of  the  capi- 
tal and  suburbs.  Matariegof,  Mem.  Hist.  Chiapa,  48.     From  1819  to  1836, 
according  to  Larrainzar,  religious,  educational,  and  general  affairs  had  at- 
tained much  improvement.     In  the  diocese  there  were,  besides  the  cathedral, 


watered.  Its  agricultural  products  were  wheat — of 
which  there  was  a  surplus  for  exportation — maize, 
beans,  rice,  coffee,  and  cacao.41  A  variety  of  vegeta- 
ables  in  abundance,  and  the  fruits  of  all  climes,  could 
also  be  obtained.  The  maguey  was  extensively  culti- 
vated for  pulque  and  aguardiente.  A  great  deal  of 
sugar-cane  and  good  tobacco  were  grown.  Indigo 
and  cochineal  were  cultivated  to  some  extent.  The 
country  had  likewise  excellent  grazing.  Cattle,  sheep, 
goats,  horses,  and  mules  abounded.  The  mines  of 
gold,  silver,  lead,  copper,  and  iron  were  not  worked, 
owing  to  the  poverty  of  the  inhabitants.  The  gov- 
ernor-intendente  of  Chiapas  in  1817,  Carlos  Cas- 
tanon,  as  appears  in  the  records,  was  a  confirmed 

From  the  time  that  Iturbide  proclaimed  the  inde- 
pendence of  Mexico,  the  canons  of  the  chapter  in  the 
diocese  of  Ciudad  Real — bitterly  hostile,  like  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Mexican  and  Central  American  clergy, 
to  the  reforms  of  the  Spanish  cortes  respecting  the 
church43 — had  been  in  communication  with  that  chief- 
tain's auditor  de  guerra,  Fernandez  Almansa,  who 
kept  them  informed  on  the  progress  of  the  revolution. 
The  clericals  looked  upon  the  Mexican  chief  as  the 
savior  of  their  ancient  prerogatives  and  monopo- 

three  convents  of  friars  and  one  of  nuns;  a  hospital,  founded  by  Bishop  Juan 
Alvarez  de  Toledo;  an  ecclesiastic  college,  founded  by  Bishop  Bravo  de  la 
Serna;  primary  schools  and  a  university.  Since  1819  existed  the  Sociedad 
de  Amigos  del  Pais,  to  develop  agriculture,  industry,  and  learning.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  capital  were  quite  cultured.  Discurso,  17-18.  In  1813  the 
Spanish  c6rtes,  among  other  measures  for  the  benefit  of  Chiapas,  decreed  that 
the  friars  of  Guatemala  should  undertake  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  of 
Palenque.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xix.  392. 

41  Soconusco  cacao  being  considered  the  best  of  America,  some  loads  of  it 
were  sent  every  year  to  Spain  for  the  use  of  the  royal  family. 

42  On  the  20th  of  Dec.,  1817,  he  congratulated  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  on  the 
triumphs  of  the  royal  arms.     The  capture  of  Mina  and  other  successes  were 
enthusiastically  celebrated  in  Ciudad  Real.  Notidoso  Gen.,  Feb.  14,  1818,  4; 
Gaz.  deMtx.,  1818,  ix.  141-2. 

43  The  bishop  of  Chiapas,  Salvador  San  Martin,  incurred  the  wrath  of  the 
cortes,  when  he  was  acting  as  deputy  from  Porto  Rico,  for  his  support  of  the 
royal  decree  of  1814,  that  overthrew  the  national  constitution.     San  Martin 
was  dead  when  Chiapas  followed  the  example  of  Mexico  in  1821.  Alaman% 
Hist.  Mej.,  v.  344;  Mix.,  Gaceta  Imp.,  i.  11,  173. 



lies,  and  with  this  end  in  view,  prepared  public  opin- 
ion for  setting  aside  the  authority  of  Fernando  VII. 
and  his  cortes.4* 

The  governor-intendente,  Juan  N.  Batres,  together 
with  the  ayuntamiento  of  Ciudad  Real,  proclaimed, 
on  the  3d  of  September,  1821,  the  separation  of  Chiapas 
from  Spain,  and  her  acceptance  of  Iturbide's  plan  of 
Iguala.  On  the  8th  all  the  authorities  and  officers, 


civil  and  military,  took  the  oath  to  support  that  act, 
which  was  administered  by  the  governor  of  the  dio- 
cese; after  which  they  had  high  mass  and  a  sermon 
in  the  cathedral,  where  the  secular  clergy  and  the 

44  In  Ciudad  Real,  Iturbide  was  called  'padre  Salvador  de  la  religion  y  de 
lapatria.'  Id.,  10-12. 


people  took  the  same  oath45  before  the  aforesaid  ec- 
clesiastic authority.  The  obligations  assumed  were 
to  support  the  Roman  catholic  apostolic  religion;  to 
secure  the  independence  of  the  empire,  preserving  to 
that  end  peace  and  union  between  Europeans  and 
Americans;  and  to  obey  Fernando  VII. ,  should  he 
adopt  and  swear  to  support  the  constitution  to  be 
enacted  by  the  cortes  of  the  Mexican  empire.  Chiapas 
was,  therefore,  the  first  province  of  the  captain-gen- 
eral cy  of  Guatemala  to  throw  off  the  Spanish  yoke; 
she  at  the  same  time  separated  herself  from  Guate- 
mala, and  manifested  her  determination  to  link  her 
future  with  Mexico.  All  this  was  made  known  Sep- 
tember 21st  by  the  comandante-gerieral  of  Oajaca  to 
Iturbide.  The  example  of  Ciudad  Real  was  unhesi- 
tatingly followed  by  the  other  towns  in  the  province. 

We  have  seen  that  Guatemala,  at  her  declaration  of 
independence,  did  not  at  once  accept  annexation  to 
the  Mexican  empire.  This  course  did  not  suit  the 
rulers  and  notables  of  Ciudad  Real,  who  hastened 
to  manifest  their  displeasure  at  a  meeting  held  Sep- 
tember 20th,  and  attended  by  the  intendente,  ayun- 
tamiento,  and  other  official  bodies,  prelates,  and  a 
large  number  of  citizens. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  desire  of  Chiapas  to  be 
detached  from  Guatemala  and  annexed  to  Mexico 
existed  with  some  strength  even  before  the  declara- 
tion of  independence;48  and  Guatemala  having  failed 
to  return  an  answer  to  the  letter  from  the  authorities 
of  Chiapas,  announcing  her  action  of  the  3d,  this 
neglect  had  strengthened  the  notables  of  the  latter 
in  their  resolution  to  recognize  no  other  government 
than  that  of  the  Mexican  empire  under  the  treaties  of 
Cordoba.  It  was  also  resolved  at  the  meeting  not  to 
circulate  the  declaration  of  independence  which  the 

45  The  act  of  independence  was  signed  by  Juan  N.  Batres,  Jose"  Ignacio 
Larrainzar,  Jos6  Diego  Lara,  Julio  Jos6  Flores,  Jos6  Nicolas  Osuna,  Estevau 
Gordillo,  and  Lie.  Jos6  Vives. 

46Soou  after  this  act  that  desire  began  to  assume  proportions.  Larrainzar, 
Notic.  Hist.  Soconusco,  28. 


jefe  politico  of  Guatemala  had  sent.  These  senti- 
ments were  duly  seconded  by  the  other  cities  and 

In  order  to  guard  against  any  action  Guatemala 
might  take  because  of  the  course  of  Chiapas,  at  a 
formal  session  of  the  diputacion,  presided  over  by  the 
jefe  politico,  and  held  on  the  22d  of  October,  it  was 
resolved  to  send  to  Mexico  a  commissioner  to  take  the 
necessary  steps,  and  procure  his  province's  separation 
from  Guatemala,  even  if  the  latter  should  come  to  be 
thereafter  a  part  of  the  Mexican  empire. * 


47  For  particulars  on  the  final  separation  of  Chiapas,  and  incorporation  as  a 
state  of  the  Mexican  confederation,  see  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  22-4,  this  series.  The 
clergyman  Pedro  Sol6rzano  was  the  agent  appointed  under  the  resolution 
referred  to  in  the  text,  and  he  accordingly  repaired  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 
Larrainzar,  flotic.  Hist.  Soconusco,  29;  Mex.  Gaceta  Imp. ,  i.  169-73,  270-1, 
319-23,  337-9. 




AMONG  the  first  acts  of  the  junta  at  Guatemala 
was  the  promotion  of  two  officers  who  were  supposed 
to  be  reliable  supporters  of  the  late  movement.1  Both 
proved  themselves  afterward  recreant  to  their  pledges, 
by  their  hostility  to  the  republican  cause. 

The  cacos  were  republicans.  They  strove  to  rid 
the  country  of  the  antiquated  errors  and  practices, 
including  in  their  plans  the  abolishment  of  the  priv- 
ileges of  the  clergy,  and  the  restriction  of  their  power, 
which  had  been  a  constant  source  of  injury  to  the 
people  at  large.  They  wanted  the  adoption  of  demo- 
cratic institutions,  in  order  to  place  the  masses  on  the 
level  heretofore  occupied  only  by  the  ruling  class. 
They  succeeded  in  prevailing  on  the  people  to  take  an 
interest  and  a  direct  intervention  in  public  affairs. 
Barrundia,  Molina,  and  Cordoba  led  them  to  the  gal- 

1  They  were  Lorenzo  Romana,  who  was  made  colonel  of  the  battalion  of  reg- 
ulars, superseding  the  Spaniard  Felix  Lagrava,  and  Manuel  Arzii,  who  obtained 
the  command  of  the  artillery,  with  the  same  rank.  Harure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  28. 



leries  of  the  junta  chamber  to  witness  its  acts,  and 
even  take  part  in  its  deliberations.2  They  attacked 
Valle  for  the  clause  he  inserted  in  the  acta  of  the 
15th,  to  which  I  have  alluded  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter. On  that  point  they  certainly  had  a  well-founded 
grievance,  but  their  manner  of  presenting  it  resulted 
in  a  loss  of  confidence  in  the  junta,  the  organization 
of  new  parties,  and  general  distraction.  The  point 
taken  by  them,  however,  was  decided  in  their  favor 
by  the  junta.  But  the  latter  held  secret  sessions 
after  the  29th  of  September,  significant  of  sinister 

The  other  party — formerly  constituting  the  ruling 
c]ass — scouted  the  idea  of  equality.  Most  of  the 
churchmen  had  the  same  feeling;  for  in  joining  the 
movement  for  separation  from  Spain  their  motive  had 
been  to  shield  their  menaced  prerogatives,  rather  than 
love  for  America  or  freedom. 

On  the  18th  of  September  Gainza  wrote  Iturbide, 
generalissimo  of  the  so-called  empire  of  Mexico,  that 
his  course  had  been  hailed  with  joy,  and  that  political 
parties  had  consolidated  on  the  proposition  of  inde- 
pendence from  Spain;  hence  he  had  proclaimed  it. 
And  that,  since  then,  amid  the  transition  from  one 
system  to  another,  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Gua- 
temala had  been  fixed  on  Iturbide,  and  they  had 
desired  to  tender  him  their  congratulations  as  the 
liberator  of  New  Spain.3 

2  A  writer  of  the  opposite  party  asserts  that  the  practice  caused  much  con- 
fusion, arising  from  ignorance.     The  populace  abused  the  privilege,  and 
had  finally  to  be  excluded  from  the  chamber.     The  same  author  speaks  dis- 
paragingly of  the  three  leaders.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  7.   It  is  said  of  them 
that  they  often  addressed  from  the  gallery  petitions  to  the  junta,  demanded 
removals  of  officials,  and  had  disputes  with  its  members  or  with  Gainza.     I 
have  already  given  some  account  of  Barrundia  and  Molina.     C6rdoba  had 
suffered  imprisonment  and  prosecution  for  being  concerned  in  the  revolution- 
ary movements  of  1811. 

3  '  Acorde  al  fin  en  sus  sentimientos,  se  reuni6  ultimamente  en  la  opinion 
que  debi6  siempre  ser  el  vinculo  estrecho  de  su  voluntad.     Asi  consta  del  tes- 
timonio  que  acompafio  a  V.  E.'    The  last  sentence  must  refer  to  a  copy  of  the 
acta  de  independencia.  Mex.,  Gaceta  Imp.,  i.  60-2.     And  yet,  another  journal 
of  Mexico,  alluding  to  that  letter,  after  erroneously  giving  the  writer's  name 
as  Gabriel  Quinia,  actually  asserted  its  contents  to  be  that  Guatemala,  like 
Chiapas,  had  submitted  to  Mexico,  party  spirit  having  been  powerless  to  dis- 


The  junta  consultiva  passed  a  number  of  decrees, 
which  were  sanctioned  by  Gainza.  Urrutia,  the  ex- 
captain-general,  was  tendered  his  salary  and  the  con- 
siderations due  his  rank  and  former  office  if  he  would 
formally  recognize  the  independence.4  He  declined 
with  thanks,  departing  for  Habana  soon  after.  At 
the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  acta,  peaceable  persons 
were  assured  of  protection  to  their  persons  and 
property,  which  pledge  was  faithfully  fulfilled.  No 
opponent  of  independence  was  molested.  Officials 
desirous  of  returning  to  their  country  were  allowed 
to  do  so.5 

The  junta,  which  bore  the  compellation  of  excelen- 
tisirna,  unanimously  appointed  Gainza  captain-general, 
with  the  salary  of  $10,000  a  year,  decorating  him  also 
with  a  three-colored  scarf,  commemorative  of  the 
three  guarantees.  A  gold  medal  was  voted  to  the 
members  of  the  ayuntamiento,  who  made  the  solemn 
declaration  of  independence  on  the  23d  of  September.6 
Committees  were  next  appointed  to  study  and  report 
to  the  junta  on  public  instruction,  safety  and  de- 
fences, statistics,  industry,  and  finances.  Jose  del 
"Valle  was  instructed  to  form  a  plan  of  government.7 

Several  financial  measures  engaged  the  attention 
of  the  junta.  One  of  them  proposed  to  levy  a  duty 
of  ten  per  centum  on  gold  and  silver  exported  to 
Spain.  This  was  never  strictly  enforced.  Restric- 
tions to  foreign  commerce,  and  monopolies  existing 
under  the  Spanish  government,  were  abolished.  Lib- 
eral principles  were  introduced,  including  freedom  of 

turb  the  peace  or  general  will  of  the  inhabitants !  Hex.,  Noticioso  Gen.,  Oct. 
19,  1821. 

4  Decree  of  Sept  20,  1821. 

5  Decrees  of  Sept.  26  and  27,  1821.     They  were  given  two  months'  extra 
pay.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  6-7. 

6  This  act  was  effected  amidst  great  enthusiasm,  and  rejoicing  at  its  ac- 
complishment without  bloodshed.     Persons  then  residing  in  the  city  who  had 
favored  the  movement  had  their  names  inserted  in  a  book.  Marure,  Bosq. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  27-30. 

7  Another  cotnmittee  was  to  count  the  population  in  order  to  apportion  the 
deputies  to  congress.  Gracias,  Cuad.  Eatad. ,  28. 


the  press,  which  had  been  guaranteed  by  the  Spanish 
constitution,  and  was  now  continued  in  force.8 

In  Salvador  absolute  independence  had  been  de- 
clared by  the  ayuntamiento  on  the  21st  of  September, 
and  proclaimed  eight  days  after.  Pedro  Barriere, 
who  as  teniente  letrado  was  temporarily  acting  as  chief 
civil  authority,  together  with  the  ayuntamiento  of 
San  Salvador,  decreed  the  election  of  seven  persons 
to  form  a  "junta  subalterna  econ<5rnica  y  consultiva." 
There  was  great  commotion  stirred  on  the  one  hand 
by  the  vicar  Ignacio  Saldana,  and  on  the  other  by  the 
liberals,  Arce,  Ramirez,  and  others.  The  next  day, 
the  people  being  assembled  to  effect  the  election, 
Barriere,  pretending  that  his  friends,  the  so-called 
serviles,  were  in  peril,  retracted  his  former  action. 
His  words  enraged  the  populace.  Then  he  called 
out  the  troops  to  disperse  the  crowds,  and  arrested  the 
republican  leaders  Arce,  Rodriguez,  and  Domingo 
Lara.9  But  on  the  news  of  his  course  reaching  Guate- 
mala, Delgado  was  despatched  to  Salvador  as  a  peace- 
maker, clothed  with  ample  powers.  On  his  way  to 
the  capital  he  liberated  prisoners,  all  of  whom  joined 
his  following  and  entered  the  city  with  him.  Bar- 
riere was  sent  out  of  the  province;  the  troops  were 
disarmed;  peace  was  restored;  a  subordinate  junta 
consultiva  was  installed,  and  Delgado  continued  at 
the  head  of  the  government.10 

8  Before  the  news  reached  Spain  of  the  change  in  Guatemala,  Deputy  Milla 
spoke,  on  the  18th  of  Nov.,  in  the  c6rtes  of  the  insufficiency  of  Spanish  bot- 
toms for  the  transportation  of  American  produce,  and  demanded  the  privilege 
of  using  foreign  vessels  therefor.     He  alluded  also  to  the  inability  of  the  royal 
navy  to  protect  Spanish  merchantmen,  in  proof  of  which  he  stated  the  fact 
that  five  vessels  had  been  carried  off  by  insurgent  privateers  from  Nicaraguan 
ports.  Cdrtes,  Diario  Exlraord.,  Nov.  18,  1821,  iv.  12-13. 

9  Men  who  had  relations  with  Delgado,  one  of  the  junta  in  Guatemala. 
Mem.  Rev.  Gent.  Am.,  9-10. 

10  Delgado  assumed  authority  on  his  arrival  at  Santa  Ana,  and  used  it 
effectively,  though  without  violence.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  36-7. 
The  extent  of  the  province  of  Salvador  was  50  leagues  long  and  30  wide;  it 
was  divided  into  the  partidos  of  Santa  Ana,  San  Salvador,  San  Vicente,  and 
San  Miguel,  with  three  cities,  five  villas,  and  140  pueblos.  Mendez,  Mem.,  9- 
10.     The  following  were  the  signers  of  independence:  Pedro  Barriere,  Casi- 
miro  Garcia  Valdeavellano,  Jos<£  Ignacio  Saldaiia,  Jos6  Rosi,  Millan  Bustos, 


In  Honduras,  on  the  receipt  at  Comayagua  of  the 
news  that  Guatemala  had  seceded  from  the  Spanish 
crown,  the  governor-intendente,  Brigadier  Josd  Ti- 
noco  de  Contreras,  and  the  diputacion11  refused  to 
recognize  the  government  constituted  in  that  city,  and 
took  an  oath  to  support  the  plan  of  Iguala.  This 
was  a  virtual  annexation  of  Honduras  to  the  Mexican 
empire.  The  partidos  of  Tegucigalpa  and  Gracias, 
and  the  ports  of  Omoa  and  Trujillo,  would  not  accept 
as  valid  the  act  of  the  authorities  at  Comayagua,  and 
maintained  relations  with  those  in  Guatemala.  The 
independence  from  Spain  had  been  declared  on  the 
16th  of  October. 

Tinoco  took  the  two  ports  above  named,  which  were 
treacherously  surrendered  to  him.12  He  also  fitted 
out  a  force  to  march  on  Tegucigalpa.  A  counter- 
revolution, however,  on  the  1st  of  December,  sup- 
ported by  an  approaching  Guatemalan  liberal  force, 
set  aside  Tinoco's  control  and  restored  that  of  the 
junta  consultiva.13 

Geronimo  de  Ajuria,  Francisco  del  Duque,  Santiago  Rosi,  Trinidad  Estupinian, 
Juan  B.  de  Otonto,  Francisco  Ignacio  de  Urrutia,  Narciso  Ortega,  and  Pedro 
Miguel  Lopez,  secretary.  Ruiz,  Calend.  Salv.,  67-8;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Jan. 
26,  1875,  5;  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi.,  no.  187,  1-29;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent. 
Am.,  2,  9-10.  Alauian  has  it  that  Delgado  seized  the  government  by  a  revo- 
lution in  1822.  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  474-5. 

11  In  the  Spanish  cortes,  March  29,  1813,  was  read  and  passed  to  a  com- 
mittee a  petition  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Comayagua,  objecting  to  the  limited 
scope  of  the  decree  of  May  24,  1812,  which  authorized  the  establishment  of 
only  two  diputaciones  in  the  whole  of  Guatemala,  and  asked  for  one  in  Coma- 
yagua with  Omoa,  Trujillo,  and  the  partido  of  Tegucigalpa,  and  that  of  San 
Miguel  in  Salvador,  within  its  jurisdiction,  which  would  give  the  new  dipu- 
tacion a  territory  of  140  leagues  from  N.  to  S.,  and  as  many  from  E.  to  W. 
Cortes,  Diario,  1813,  xviii.  61.     I  have  no  evidence  as  to  when  Honduras 
was  granted  the  diputacion,  but  the  fact  appears  that  it  had  such  a  corpora- 
tion in  September  1821.     The  province  was  larger  than  Nicaragua,  and  divided 
into  the  partidos  of  Comayagua  and  Tegucigalpa,  and  the  nine  sub-delegations 
of  Gracias  a  Dios,  San  Pedro  Zula,  Tencoa,  Yoro,  Olanchito,  Olancho  Viejo, 
Tegucigalpa,  Choluteca,  and  Trujillo,  having  within  it  the  ports  of  Omoa, 
Puerto  Cabal] os,  Puerto  Sal,  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz,  Trujillo,  and  Cartago.     The 
bishopric  of  Comayagua  embraced  the  whole  intendencia,  with  35  parishes, 
one  mission,  and  145  churches.  Mendez,  Mem.,  8,  21.     In  1821  there  lived  in 
Trujillo  about  2,500  Caribs,  the  original  inhabitants  of  Saint  Vincent,  later 
occupying  the  island  of  Roatan,  whence  they  removed  to  Trujillo.     They 
were  a  rather  industrious,  honest  people.  CogyeshalVs  Voy.,  2d  ser.,  161-3. 

12  Omoa  by  Captain  Bernardo  Caballero,  P.  Pedro  Brito,  and  others,  who 
seized  and  imprisoned  the  commandant,  Antonio  Prado.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  35. 

13  The  junta  in  Guatemala  passed  an  act  on  the  llth  of  Dec.  to  reward  the 


Nicaragua  had,  since  1813,  a  diputacion  provincial, 
under  the  decree  of  the  Spanish  c6rtes  of  May  24, 
1812.  Its  jurisdiction  extended  over  fche  districts  of 
Leon,  Granada,  Segovia,  Nicaragua,  and  Matagalpa. 
Under  the  new  system,  established  in  1821,  and  since 
Urrutia's  retirement,  constant  questions  of  jurisdic- 
tion arose  between  the  intendente  and  the  superior 
jefe  politico.1* 

On  the  3d  of  October  Colonel  Crisanto  Sacasa, 
commandant  at  Granada,  issued  a  general  order  to 
the  officers  to  report  with  their  troops  next  morning, 
and  take  the  oath  to  support  national  independence, 
pursuant  to  the  instructions  he  had  received  from 
Captain-general  Gainza.  Intendente  Saravia  had 
been  at  enmity  with  Gainza,  and  when  the  first  steps 
were  taken  in  Guatemala  for  independence,  he  threw 
off  his  authority.  In  this  he  had  the  aid  of  Bishop 
Jerez  and  Colonel  Joaquin  Arechavala,  commander 
of-  the  militia,  all  three  being  natives  of  old  Spain. 
They  induced  the  diputacion  and  the  ayuntamiento, 
by  an  act  of  the  llth  of  October,  to  declare  Nicara- 
gua seceded  from  Guatemala.15  This  action  occurred 
in  Leon.  But  Granada  refused  to  concur,  and  sent 
its  representatives  to  the  congress  called  to  meet  in 
Guatemala.  Later,  October  21st,  the  authorities  in 
Leon  formally  accepted  the  Iguala  plan,  thereby  an- 
nexing the  whole  province  to  the  Mexican  empire. 

villa  of  Tegucigalpa,  raising  it  to  the  rank  of  a  city,  and  bestowing  on  its 
ayuntamiento  the  title  of  ' patriotico. '  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  35. 

14  As-a  matter  of  fact,  ill  feeling  had  always  existed  in  the  provinces  against 
the  capital.     This  hatred  was  intensified  by  the  respective  intendentes  in 
forwarding  their  ambitious  purposes.   Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2.     Lieut-col 
Miguel  Gonzalez  Saravia,  son  of  the  old  lieut-gen.  shot  in  Oajaca,  was  the 
gov. -intendente  of  Nicaragua  since  1818.     Naturally  he  hated  the  indepen- 
dents for  his  father's  execution.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  34;  Ayon, 
Apuntes,  22;  Juarros,  Guat.  (Lond.  ed.  1823),  337-8. 

15  They  would  remain  independent  of  the  Spanish  crown,  they  said,  until 
the  clouds  disappeared.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  8;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  34;  Ay  on,  Apuntes,  22;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  387;  Busta- 
mante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi.,  no.  187,  1-29;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  346-8;  Wells' 
Hond. ,  468.     Tomas  Ayon,  Apuntes  sobre  alr/unos  de  los  acontecimientos  poli- 
ticos  de  Nicaragua,  Leon,  1875,  8vo,  50pp.,  gives  a  few  important  memoranda 
on  the  political  events  of  Nicaragua  in  1811-24,  in  a  clear,  concise,  and  ap- 
parently impartial  manner. 


The  country  was  accordingly  divided  into  two  antag- 
onistic parties,  the  imperialist  and  the  republican.16 

Gainza  said  to  the  diputacion  at  Leon,  on  the  22d 
of  October,  that  neither  they  nor  the  junta  consultiva, 
nor  any  other  body  of  men  then  existing,  could  decide 
upon  the  future  of  the  country;  none  had  a  legal  right 
to  declare  for  or  against  annexation  to  Mexico.  This 
could  be  arrived  at  only  by  the  representatives  of  the 
people  in  the  general  congress.17  He  appointed  Colonel 
Sacasa  comandante  general  of  the  forces  in  Nicaragua, 
and  directed  him  to  install  in  Granada  a  subordinate 
junta  gubernativa  of  five  members,  clothed  with  the 
functions  of  a  jefe  politico,  and  which  was  to  continue 
in  power  till  the  status  of  the  country  should  be 
fixed.18  Sacasa  frankly  notified  the  rulers  in  Leon  of 
what  he  was  to  do,  and  took  steps  to  carry  his  orders 
into  execution.  But  Saravia,  with  the  bishop  and 
the  diputacion,  determined  that  no  such  junta  should 
be  installed.  The  diputacion,  on  the  1st  of  Decem- 
ber, by  a  special  act,  forbade  its  organization,  declar- 
ing all  attempts  toward  it  subversive  of  good  order 
and  hostile  to  the  Mexican  empire,  to  which  they 
owed  allegiance;  and  warning  all  citizens  to  abstain 
from  such  efforts. 

16  Saravia  kept  up  a  sort  of  underhanded  war  against  Granada,  obstructing 
her  relations  with  Guatemala.  Marure,  JBosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  35.     The 
extent  of  the  province  of  Nicaragua  was  85  leagues  long  by  75  wide;  detach- 
ing Nicoya,  there  were  four  partidos,  Leon,  Realejo,  Sutiaba,  and  Matagalpa, 
with  88  towns  in  all.  Mendez,  Mem.,  7.     According  to  Miguel  G.  Saravia, 
Bosquejo  politico  estadistico  de  Nicaragua,  its  population  in  1813  was  of  149,- 
751,  a  very  imperfect  census.  Squier's  States  Cent.  Am.,  50.     The  bishopric 
of  Leon  comprised  all  the  intendencia  of  Costa  Eica,  with  40  parishes,  3 
missions,  and  88  churches.  Mendez,  Mem.,  20.     A  considerable  military  force 
had  been,  since  1796,  kept  at  San  Juan  del  Norte;  and  in  1821  additional  de- 
fences were  erected,  by  government  order  of  May  2d.     This  force  was  expelled 
after  the  declaration  of  independence  by  the  patriots.  Squiers  Trav.,  i.  83. 

17  On  the  llth  of  Nov.  he  answered  in  similar  terms  the  diputacion  at  Co- 
mayagua.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  44-6. 

18  Its  members  were  to  be  chosen  by  electors  appointed  by  the  ayunta- 
mientos  supporting  the  Granada  regime.     These  members  to  choose  every 
month  from  their  own  number  the  president.  Perez,  Biog.  Sacasa,  5-6.     Perez, 
Jerdnimo,  Biografia  del  coronet  Don  Crisanto  Sacasa,  1875,  fol.,  18  pp.,  fur- 
nishes important  data  on  the  origin  and  life  of  a  man  who  figured  prom- 
inently and  honorably  in  the  affairs  of  Nicaragua  from  1821  to  his  death  in 
1824.     In  connection  with  them  appear  several  official  letters  on  events  during 
the  period  between  secession  from  Spain  and  annexation  to  Mexico. 


Sacasa  had  every  right  to  expect  that  Gainza  would 
support  him  against  attacks  from  Leon,  but  he  was 
disappointed.  The  captain-general  wrote  him,  on  the 
22d  of  December,  that  it  was  doubtful  if  Central 
America  could  maintain  a  government  separate  from 
Mexico,  many  towns  having  already  attached  them- 
selves to  the  empire;  and  that  he  had  expressed  the 
same  opinion  to  Saravia.  Whereupon  Sacasa,  though 
a  republican,  made  no  further  opposition  to  the  powers 
at  Leon. 

Costa  Rica  was  privileged  by  distance  to  keep  aloof 
from  political  troubles  threatening  the  other  provinces. 
She  had  seceded  from  Spain  on  the  27th  of  October, 
and  set  aside  the  governor,  Juan  Canas;  but  when 
called  upon  to  adopt  the  plan  of  the  capital  or  that  of 
Leon,  she  declined  both,  preferring  a  neutral  attitude.19 
A  meeting  of  notables  confirmed  the  act  of  secession, 
and  set  up  a  provisional  government  entirely  detached 
from  that  at  Leon,  which  was  to  reside  alternately  in 
Cartago,  San  Jose,  Heredia,  and  Alajuela.  But  this 
was  found  inconvenient,  owing  to  rivalries  between 
the  two  first-named  towns ;  and  finally  it  was  decided, 
on  the  27th  of  November,  to  place  public  affairs  in 
the  hands  of  Manuel  Peralta,  Rafael  Osejo,  and  Her- 
menegildo  Bonilla,  who  were  to  reside  at  the  provin- 
cial capital,  Cartago.  Under  this  arrangement  peace 
was  preserved,  and  the  province  never  was  really  under 
the  imperial  rule.20 

19  The  people  acted  prudently;  they  could  but  reap  trouble  from  the  polit- 
ical complications.  Mem.  Rev.  Gent.  Am.,  2;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  Rica,  4-5, 
17-18;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  May  23,  1875;  Lond.  Oeog.  Soc.,  vi.  135. 

20  It  had,  from  the  time  of  the  conquest,  a  civil  and  military  government  of 
its  own,  but  under  dependence  of  the  audiencia  and  captain-generalcy  at 
Guatemala.     In  matters  ecclesiastic  and  financial  it  had  been  under  Leon.  Mo- 
Una,  Bosq.  Costa  JRica,  92;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  2.     The  Spanish  constitution 
gave  it,  together  with  Nicoya,  a  diputacion  provincial.  Astaburuaga,  Cent. 
Am.,  54.     In  1812  the  province  had  22  towns — 12  of  Indians  and  10  of  white 
and  black  men — besides  farms,  large  estates,  etc.     The  extent  in  1821  was  160 
by  60  leagues.     The  cities  were  Cartago  and  Esparza;  the  villas,  San  Jose*  de 
Ujarraz,  Villa  Vieja,  and  Villa  Hermosa;  the  villages,  Espiritu  Santo,  Pueblo 
Nuevo,  Escasu,  Alajuela,  Bagasses,  Las  Cafias,  Barba,  San  Fernando,  and  the 
Indian  towns  and  settlements;  adding  Nicoya  and  Guanacaste,  there  would  be 

HIST.  CEKT.  AM.,  Vox,.  III.    4 


Dissensions  had  now  brought  the  country  to  the 
brink  of  civil  war,  and  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  avert- 
ing it.  Measures  were  adopted  to  hasten  the  meeting 
of  congress.  With  the  view  of  restoring  peace  between 
the  sections,  and  of  rendering  harmless  disturbing  ele- 
ments without  resort  to  arms,  the  junta  at  Guatemala 
concluded  to  despatch  trusty  commissioners  to  the 
provinces  where  secession  was  rife,  who  were  to  pre- 
vail on  them  to  send  deputies  to  the  general  congress. 
Other  agents  were  to  be  despatched  to  Mexico  to 
watch  the  turn  of  events  at  the  capital.21  What 
good  results  those  agents  might  have  accomplished,  it 
is  impossible  now  to  say.  They  had  no  occasion  to 
try  their  efforts.  Events  in  Mexico  succeeded  one 
another  with  such  rapidity,  and  their  influence  on 
Central  America  was  so  powerful,  that,  even  among 
the  best  patriots,  many  made  up  their  minds  to  coop- 
erate toward  the  union,  carried  away  by  the  idea  that 
only  under  the  segis  of  the  northern  empire  could 
peace,  safety,  and  stability  be  secured. 

Costa  Rica,  we  have  seen,  was  in  fact  out  of  the 
field;  at  any  rate,  it  had  no  share  in  the  political  strife. 
'The  provinces  of  Guatemala  proper  and  Salvador 
were  the  only  ones,  at  present,  which  together  with 
Granada,  in  Nicaragua,  and  some  portions  of  Hon- 
duras, attempted  to  preserve  an  independence  from 
Mexico  under  whatever  form  of  government  might  be 
adopted  in  that  country.  The  idea  of  annexation  to 
Mexico  had  been,  however,  growing  popular  from  day 
to  day  in  Guatemala.  The  important  section  of 

27  towns.  The  population  was  computed  at  between  60,000  and  70,000,  be- 
sides the  three  nations  of  heathen  Indians  in  the  mountains  and  northern 
coasts,  and  known  respectively  as  indios  de  la  Talamanca,  indios  del  norte, 
and  indios  Mosquitos,  all  quite  numerous.  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xix.  404-5. 
In  1813  the  deputy  from  Costa  Rica  in  the  Spanish  c6rtes  petitioned  for  a 
bishopric;  but  at  the  time  of  the  separation  the  matter  had  not  been  acted 
on.  Mendez,  Mem.,  7. 

21  Juan  de  Dios  Mayorga  and  the  provincial  of  la  Merced,  Fray  Luis  Gar- 
cia, were  selected  for  Comayagua;  the  prelate  of  the  Franciscans,  Fray  Jose" 
Antonio  Taboada,  for  Leon;  the  prebendado  Jos<§  Maria  Castilla,  Pedro  Mo- 
lina, and  Jose"  Francisco  Barrundia,  for  Mexico.  Marure,  Bosq.Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
i.  37-9. 


Quezaltenango  adhered  to  the  scheme,  on  the  13th  of 
November,  inviting  Suchitepequez,  Solold,  and  An- 
tigua Guatemala  to  follow  the  example,  which  they 
did  soon  after.  And  Cirilo  Flores  and  Antonio  Corzo, 
who  in  later  years  figured  as  most  prominent  cham- 
pions of  democracy  and  suffered  martyrdom  for  their 
cause,  then  supported  the  action  of  Quezaltenango. 

It  was  contended  that  Central  America,  after  throw- 
ing off  the  Spanish  yoke,  acquired,  with  independence, 
the  right  of  forming  such  associations  as  might  be 
mutually  beneficial.  This  doctrine  was  warmly  ad- 
vocated by  a  large  portion  of  the  reflecting  class. 
Under  such  circumstances,  Guatemala  and  Salvador, 
hemmed  in  as  they  were  between  provinces  that  had 
already  become  annexed  to  Mexico,  could  not  main- 
tain an  absolute  independence. 

Iturbide  had  large  ideas  of  imperial  sway,  and  was 
bent  on  the  acquisition  of  entire  Central  America, 
aided  efficiently,  as  he  was  on  this  side,  by  the  aristo- 
crats and  other  dissentient  elements,  who,  perceiving 
the  insignificance  they  would  come  to  if  the  nation 
finally  became  constituted  under  a  democratic  govern- 
ment, which  their  opponents  were  aiming  at,  labored 
with  might  and  main  to  defeat  the  plan.22  They  won 
over  with  money  and  fair  promises  a  part  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  with  Gainza,  who  expected  high  rank  and 
offices  from  the  new  empire,  bound  Central  America 
hand  and  foot,  as  will  hereafter  be  seen. 

22  Some  of  them  asked  for  titles,  decorations,  and  other  rewards  for  their 
services  in  harnessing  their  country  to  Mexico's  imperial  car.  El  Progreso, 
Apr.  11,  1850.  The  organ  of  the  empire  spoke  of  the  chimerical  ideas 
of  the  republicans  and  federalists,  adding  that  the  opposition  to  them  waa 
large,  and  to  be  found  in  the  officials,  the  higher  classes,  and  indeed  all  sen- 
sible persons,  who  well  knew  how  small  was  the  number  of  the  educated 
among  them.  It  claimed  that  the  journals  published  in  Guatemala  expressed 
the  views  of  only  a  few  deluded  men,  whose  ranks  were  becoming  thinner 
every  day.  That  same  organ  had  given  to  the  public  certain  letters  from  the 
ayuntamiento  of  Comitan,  in  Chiapas,  objecting  to  the  2d  art.  of  the  Guate- 
malan acta  of  Sept.  15th,  on  the  ground  that  the  country  had  no  resources  to 
sustain  a  separate  government,  which  had  been  evident  since  the  yearly  al- 
lowance of  $12,000  ceased;  superadded  to  which,  they  said,  the  safety  of 
Mexico  might  be  imperilled  should  Spain  at  some  future  time  recover  posses- 
sion of  Cent.  Am.,  which  the  latter,  if  independent,  could  not  prevent,  and 
vindicate  her  authority  over  the  former.  M6x.,  Gaceta  Imp.,  i.,  Nov.  24  and 
Dec.  8,  1821,  202-7,  281-2. 


The  junta  consult! va  was  much  perplexed  in  view 
of  the  situation.  The  imperialists  daily  became  more 
insolent  and  exacting.  At  this  critical  time — Novem- 
ber 28th — Gainza  laid  before  it  a  letter23  from  the 
generalissimo,  making  allusion  to  the  much  abused 
second  article  of  the  acta  de  independencia,  and  de- 
claring that  Guatemala  was  not  able  to  occupy  as  yet 
a  place  in  the  family  of  nations,  and  should  therefore 
link  her  fate  with  Mexico.24  Whereupon  the  junta, 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  marques  de  Aycinena,  hastily 
answered  that  the  popular  wishes  must  be  ascertained 
before  adopting  any  action ;  promising  to  send  the  pro- 
posal at  once  to  the  ayuntamientos  and  local  author- 
ities, with  instructions  to  call  on  the  people  to  give  a 
formal  expression  of  their  will  on  the  subject.  This 
promise  was  kept  in  a  measure — the  ayuntamientos, 
not  the  people,  were  given  one  month's  time  to  mani- 
fest their  preference.25 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  Iturbide's  messenger,  the 
persecution  of  republicans  was  begun.  The  rough 
element  of  the  population,  instigated  by  their  adver- 
saries, during  the  night  insulted  them  at  their  homes.20 
Any  one  who  either  by  word  or  writing  opposed  the 

23  Dated  Oct.  19th,  and  brought  by  Jos<§  de  Onate. 

24 '  Guatemala  no  debia  quedar  independiente  de  Mexico,  sino  formar. .  .un 
gran  imperio  bajo  el  plan  de  Iguala,  y  tratados  de  C6rdoba:  que  Guatemala 
se  hallaba  todavia  impotente  para  gobernarse  por  si  misma,  y  que  podria  ser 
por  lo  mismo  objeto  de  la  ambicion  extranjera.'  Manure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  39-41.  The  aristocrats,  now  sure  of  Iturbide's  aid,  grew  bolder  in 
their  plotting.  Squier's  Trav.,  ii.  378;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  35-9. 
Iturbide  directed  the  conde  de  la  Cadena,  on  the  20th  of  Nov.,  to  write  very 
courteously  to  Mariano  de  Aycinena,  who  was  well  connected  and  had  ad- 
dressed a  communication  to  the  liberator.  Bmtamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi.,  no. 
187,  28;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  20-2,  35-9. 

23  The  circular  directed  the  ayuntamientos  to  read  at  a  public  sitting  Itur- 
bide's letter,  and  express  their  opinion  upon  each  point  embraced  in  his  pro- 
posal. Their  answers  as  to  whether  they  wanted  annexation  at  once,  or  to 
await  the  action  of  congress,  were  to  be  in  Guatemala  city  on  or  before  the 
31st  of  Dec.,  1821.  Pet6n-Itzd,  Manif.  de  la  Just. ,  2.  This  circular  was  drawn 
up  by  Valle.  The  elections  for  members  of  the  congress  that  had  been  called 
to  meet  in  February  were  to  be  made  as  formerly  directed.  In  Guatemala 
the  votes  of  heads  of  families  were  taken  at  each  house  by  municipal  agents 
in  the  presence  of  a  notary  public,  and  duly  registered.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent. 
Am.,  10-11;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  475-6. 

26 The  exile  of  Barrundia,  Molina,  and  others  was  demanded  by  Pedro  Ar- 
royave,  sindico  of  the  ayuntamiento.  Gainza  was  suspected  of  inciting  cer- 
tain imperialists  to  prefer  charges  against  these  parties. 


plan  of  annexation  was  treated  as  seditious.  At  last 
the  opposing  parties  had  a  scuffle  in  the  streets,  on 
the  night  of  November  30th,  which  ended  in  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  republicans  engaged  in  it.27  Barrun- 
dia  and  Molina  were  present  and  exhibited  much 
energy.  The  latter  was  in  great  peril  of  losing  his 

On  the  day  appointed  for  the  receipt  of  the  returns 
from  the  several  ayuntamientos — namely,  the  31st  of 
December — the  junta  provisional  consultiva  proceeded 
to  the  count.  The  result  was  as  follows:  21  ayunta- 
rnientos  declared  that  none  but  the  general  congress 
had  authority  to  decide  for  or  against  the  union  with 
Mexico;  104  favored  the  annexation  at  once  and 
unconditionally;  11  approved  of  the  union,  provided 
certain  terms,  which  they  appended,  were  stipulated 
in  the  act  of  incorporation;  32  left  the  matter  wholly 
to  the  provisional  government;  and  two  declined  the 
connection  in  toto.28  Many  others  had  not,  for  some 
reason,  returned  any  answers;  or  if  they  had,  the 
government  in  Guatemala  failed  to  receive  them  on 
the  appointed  day.  The  result  was  made  known  to 
the  regency  in  Mexico  on  the  3d  of  January,  1822, 
and  on  the  5th  the  subject  was  discussed  in  all  its 
bearings.  Valle  moved  that  the  decision  should  be 
postponed  until  the  receipt  of  the  returns  of  the  67 
ayuntamientos  not  yet  heard  from.  Rivera,  Calderon, 
and  Alvarado  objected  to  any  action.  Gainza  advo- 
cated the  acceptance  of  the  aid  and  protection  ten- 
dered by  Mexico.29  The  junta,  disregarding  all 

27  A  number  of  republicans,  when  acclaiming  their  principles  near  San 
Jos6  church,  were  fired  upon  by  an  armed  force  patrolling  the  town  with  the 
alcalde  Mariano  Larrave,  and  two  killed  outright,  Mariano  Bedoya  and  Re- 
migioMaida.     Several  were  wounded;  some  arrests  were  made.  Salv,,  Gaceta, 

'2,  1854;  Mar  lire,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i,  41-2,  47;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist. 
Geog.,  o,^  ,  i.  342;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  157. 

28  Mar  are,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.,  ap.  v.;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  11; 
Alaman,  Hist.  Mcj.,  v.  474. 

2aHis  arguments  were  not  founded  on  fact.  Subsequent  events  proved 
it.  Men  of  greater  weight  than  Gainza,  such  as  Mora,  Pecchio,  and  Zavala, 
have  since  contradicted  his  assertions.  Zavala  said  that  Guatemala  gained 
nothing  by  the  union,  and  that  it  had  resources  of  its  own  to  exist  as  an  inde- 
pendent nation.  He  added  that  the  provinces  viewed  with  dislike  the  course 


objections  adduced,  and  the  marked  differences  in  the 
opinions  of  the  ayuntamientos,  decreed  on  the  same 
day,  January  5,  1822,  that  the  whole  of  Central 
America  should  be  annexed  to  the  empire  of  Mexico, 
without  other  conditions  than  the  fulfilment  of  the 
plan  of  Iguala  and  the  treaties  of  Cordoba.30  In  a 
manifesto  of  that  date,  it  assured  the  people  that,  after 
obtaining  the  votes  of  all  the  authorities,  corporations, 
and  prominent  persons,  and  in  view  of  the  census  of 
population  formed  in  September  1821,  it  was  evident 
that  the  vote  for  the  union  with  Mexico  had  reached 
a  majority  in  Guatemala  proper;  and  including  the 
votes  of  Nicaragua,  Comayagua,  Ciudad  Heal  de 
Chiapas,  Quezaltenango,  Solold,  and  other  towns 
which  had  a  few  days  previously  declared  themselves 
for  annexation,  it  would  be  found  that  almost  the  whole 
population  had  expressed  itself  in  favor  of  connection.31 
No  member  failed  to  record  his  name  in  favor  of  the 
loss  of  nationality,  though  some  had,  as  before  stated, 
suggested  that  certain  guarantees  should  be  required 
previous  to  the  completion  of  the  surrender. 

Gainza  issued  a  manifesto  full  of  generalities,  de- 
clared there  was  no  further  need  of  electing  deputies 
to  congress,  and  assured  the  people  of  a  liberal  gov- 
ernment, and  future  peace  and  prosperity.32  Erelong 

of  the  aristocrats  at  the  capital.  It  could  not  be  otherwise.  Where  was  the 
advantage  of  a  connection  with  the  city  of  Mexico,  which  was  almost  inac- 
cessible to  them?  But  the  rich  men  of  Guatemala  would  have  it,  regardless 
of  consequences.  Ensayo  Hist.  RevoL  Mex.,i.  186-7. 

30  See  Hist.  Mex.,  iv.  710,  728-9,  this  series. 

31  The  junta  had  on  the  3d  indicated  to  Iturbide  that  its  duty  was  to  annex 
the  country  to  Mexico;  'como  ya  se  le  indic6  en  oficio  de  tres  del  corriente.' 
Other  reasons  were  given  by  it  for  the  action  taken,  the  chief  one  being  the 
necessity  of  preserving  the  country's  entirety  and  repose,  which  had  been  in 
danger  of  a  rupture.     The  names  affixed  to  the  manifesto  are:    Gavino  Gainza, 
Marques  de  Aycinena,  Miguel  de  Larreinaga,  Jose  del  Valle,  Mariano  de 
Beltranena,  Miguel  Antonio  Molina,  Antonio  Rivera,  Jose"  Mariano  Calderon, 
Jose"  Antonio  Alvarado,  Angel  Ma-  Candina,  Eusebio  Castillo,  Jos6  Valde"s; 
Jose1  Domingo  Dieguez  and  Mariano  Galvez,  secretaries.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes, 
i.  14-16;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  ^4m.,i.,ap.iv.-vL;  Montufar,  ResenaHist.. 
iv.  18-23,  40-2;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  8-9,  11;  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi., 
no.  187,  1-29;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  476;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mej., 
386-7;  Lastarria,  in  La  America,  249;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  13,  1875,  4, 
and  March  28,  1876,  603;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  ii.  218;  Squier's   Trav.,  i. 
383:  Keren's  NIC.  and  Walker,  MS.,  33-6;  Romero,  Bosq.  Hist.,  103-6. 

*2  'Las  ideas  de  prosperidad,  objeto  de  la  independencia,  van  a  substi- 


events  came  to  show  how  delusive  were  the  promises 
thus  held  out  by  the  incoming  regime.  It  was  pre- 
posterous on  the  part  of  an  unconstituted  country,  as 
Mexico  then  was,  with  a  government  whose  existence 
was  precarious,  to  undertake  the  task  of  affording  pro- 
tection to  the  people  of  Central  America — to  a  people 
that  had  been  brought  under  the  yoke  of  the  so- 
called  empire  in  such  an  unprecedented  manner. 

Forgetting,  after  a  few  days,  the  honeyed  words  of 
his  manifesto,  Gainza,33  on  January  9th,  issued  a 
stringent  edict,  countersigned  by  Jose  Maria  Celaya 
as  secretary,  giving  renewed  force  to  his  former  edicts 
of  September  17th  and  December  1st,  and  forbid- 
ding, under  the  penalties  provided  by  the  laws  against 
sedition,  that  any  one  should,  either  by  tongue  or  pen, 
censure  or  refute  the  action  adopted  as  the  will  of  the 
majority.  Conversations  on  the  subject  in  the  streets 
or  public  places  were  prohibited,  and  citizens  were 
enjoined  to  report  at  once  to  the  authorities  any  at- 
tempted conspiracy  against  the  new  government  which 
might  come  to  their  knowledge.  Constitutional  al- 
caldes and  other  local  authorities  were  charged  with 
the  execution  of  this  decree. 

Gainza  and  his  junta  thus  gave  way  to  the  wishes 
of  the  would-be  oligarchs  and  the  clergy,  ignoring  the 
fact,  formerly  recognized  by  them,  that  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  in  congress  exclusively  be- 
longed the  decision  of  the  question  on  the  future 
status  of  the  country.34  The  aristocrats  and  clericals 
brought  about  difficulties  to  prevent  the  election  of 

tuirse  a  los  partidos  ominosos. .  .neutralizar  las  tentativas  del  poder  arbitrario 
y  de  los  movimientos  populares.'  Gainza,  Manifesto,  Gaceta  Gob.  GuadaL, 
1822,  March  2,  302-4;  Mex.,  Gaceta  Imp.,  ii.  657-9;  Kewen,  Nic.  and  Walker, 
MS.,  30-6. 

33  He  now  gives  himself  a  long  list  of  titles,  viz. :  knight  of  justice  of  the 
sacred  religion  of  St  John  of  Jerusalem;  lieutenant-general  by  acclamation  of 
the  independent  army  of  Guatemala;  decorated  with  the  bauda  nacional;  her 
captain-general;  inspector-general  of  all  her  arms;  superior  political  chief, 
intendent-general,  and  president  of  the  junta  provisional  consultiva.  Mex., 
Gaceta  Imp.,  i.  557-9;  Gaceta  Gob.  GuadaL,  March  2,  1822,  304. 

84  Only  two  months  earlier  the  diputaciones  of  Comayagua  and  Leon  were 
told  that  neither  the  junta  consultiva  nor  any  other  body  then  existing  had 
any  such  power. 


representatives,  and  took  advantage  of  them  to  carry 
out  their  designs.  The  truth  is,  that  the  device  re- 
sorted to,  of  acting  upon  the  opinions  of  ayunta- 
mientos  which  they  well  knew  had  no  authority  in  the 
premises,  was  illegal.  And,  indeed,  could  a  popula- 
tion of  upwards  of  one  million,  scattered  over  75,000 
square  miles  of  territory,  have  duly  considered  so  vital 
a  matter  as  the  abdication  of  their  national  autonomy 
within  the  short  period  of  thirty  days?  The  whole 
secret  of  the  aristocratic  success  lay  in  the  pressure 
brought  to  bear  on  the  country  with  a  military  force 
sent  by  Iturbide  to  support  his  pretensions.35  The 
following  facts  appeared  in  the  imperial  gazette  of 
Mexico:  The  regency  announced  on  the  12th  of  No- 
vember to  the  junta  soberana  that  Chiapas,  as  well 
as  the  towns  of  Guatemala,  had  signified  a  wish  to 
be  received  as  a  part  of  the  Mexican  empire,  asking 
for  military  aid  to  uphold  its  acts.  The  regency 
added,  that  the  military  aid  must  then  be  quite  near 
Chiapas,  under  the  orders  issued  beforehand  by  the 
generalissimo,  5,000  men  having  already,  under  the 
conde  de  la  Cadena,  crossed  the  Tehuantepec  River. 
The  junta  graciously  assented  to  the  so-called  wishes 
of  the  people  of  Chiapas  and  Guatemala,  giving  them 
the  rights  of  Mexican  citizens.36 

A  division  under  Brigadier  Vicente  Filisola,  with 
Colonel  Felipe  Codallos  as  his  second  in  command/ 


35  It  was  rumored,  and  doubtless  believed  by  the  people,  that  a  formidable 
force  was  on  the  way — 5,000  men — which  Central  America  in  its  present  di- 
vided condition  could  not  resist;  hence  the  premature  submission  with  an 
apparent  good  grace.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  10-11. 

™Gaceta  Imp.,  i.  162-3.  According  to  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  vi.,  no. 
187,  1-29,  the  party  in  favor  of  absolute  independence  in  Guatemala  sus- 
tained itself  till  a  Mexican  force  was  sent,  and  it  was  by  this  means  the 
absorption  was  effected.  The  force  had  not  arrived,  but  was  certainly  ex- 
pected. Luis  G.  Cuevas,  a  Mexican  senator,  tells  us  that  the  people  of  Cent. 
Am.  were  mostly  very  enthusiastic  for  Iturbide,  and  at  the  same  time  anx- 
ious to  rid  themselves  of  the  liberal  party,  whose  members  he  calls  an  un- 
bridled set  of  demagogues.  Moreover,  they  wanted  to  belong  to  a  nation 
having  so  much  credit  abroad,  and  such  large  resources  to  aid  them.  For- 

37  Conde  de  la  Cadena  was  first  in  command,  but  he  resigned  it  on  account 
of  sickness.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  474-8;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.t 
387-8;  Filisola  d  la  Junta  Soberana,  note  3. 


began  its  march  in  November  1821;  but  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  men  deserted  on  the  way,  and  the  ranks 
had  to  be  recruited  in  Chiapas;  and  yet  Filisola  finally 
arrived  in  Guatemala  with  only  600  men.33 

The  junta  provisional,  after  its  action  of  January 
5th,  had  no  further  reason  for  continuing,  and  so  dis- 
solved itself  on  the  21st  of  February.  Gainza,  retain- 
ing the  offices  of  jefe  superior  politico  and  captain- 
general,  called  into  life  a  diputacion  provincial.39  His 
authority,  however,  was  not  regarded  in  Chiapas, 
Honduras,  Nicaragua,  nor  a  great  part  of  Salvador. 
Costa  Rica  still  remained  aloof  and  was  unmolested. 

During  Iturbide's  occupation  of  his  rickety  throne, 
Central  America  had  deputies  in  the  imperial  con- 
gress,40 and  the  orders  of  the  emperor's  government 
were  generally  obeyed.  Nevertheless,  plucky  little 
Salvador  kept  up  the  struggle  against  foreign  domi- 
nation. Nearly  a  majority  of  its  ayuntamientos,  to- 
gether with  the  priest  Delgado,  the  acting  political 
chief,  had  signified  their  wish  to  await  the  action  of 
congress;  and  on  hearing  of  the  surrender  to  Mexico 
by  Gainza  and  his  junta,  entered  a  protest  and  seceded, 
resolving  to  remain  independent  till  the  representa- 
tives of  the  whole  people  of  Central  America  should 
decide  the  question  of  nationality.41 

But  even  here  dissensions  fostered  from  Guatemala 
had  their  pernicious  effects.  Santa  Ana  and  San 
Miguel  had  voted  for  annexation  to  Mexico,  and  to 
uphold  this  action,  seceded  from  their  own  province, 
which  in  that  year  led  to  a  war  between  Salvador 

38Squier,  Guat.,  580-1,  has  it  700. 

89  The  3d.  It  was  installed  March  29, 1822.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
i.  47;  7cZ.,  Efemtrides,  5. 

40Amoug  them  were  Jose"  del  Valle,  Juan  de  Dios  Mayorga,  and  Marcial 
Zebadua.  Zavala,  Ensayo  Hist.  Rev.  Mex.,  i.  187.  Suarez  y  Navarro  says 
that  Mayorga  had  a  secret  mission  from  Salvador  near  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment. Hist.  Mtj.,  387. 

41  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  11-12.  The  province  was  ruled  by  a  junta  guber- 
nativa,  one  of  whose  members  was  Antonio  Jose"  Canas,  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished among  Cent.  Americans.  He  soon  after  became  the  second  in  command 
of  the  'batallon  fijo,'  organized  to  resist  Iturbide's  pretensions.  Salv.,  Diario 
Ofa.,  Feb.  13  and  19,  1875. 



and  Guatemala.  The  government  at  San  Salvador 
gave  the  chief  command  of  its  forces  to  Manuel  Jose 
Arce,  with  orders  to  bring  the  people  of  Santa  Ana 
to  reason,  peaceably  if  he  could,  forcibly  if  he  must.42 

Arce  marched  on  Santa  Ana,  when  Padilla,  com- 
manding a  portion  of  the  Sonsonate  force  which  had 
been  stationed  in  that  city,  retreated  within  its  own 
territory.  After  compelling  the  town  to  revoke  its 
act  of  secession,  Arce  went  in  pursuit  of  Padilla,  oc- 
cupied Ahuachapam,  then  an  annex  of  Sonsonate, 
and  finally  routed  that  officer  in  the  hacienda  El 
Espinal.43  This  was  the  first  act  of  a  bloody  war, 
which  will  be  treated  in  another  chapter. 

In  Honduras,  the  districts  of  Tegucigalpa  and 
Gracias,  together  with  the  ports  of  Oinoa  and  Tru- 


jillo,  repudiated  the  union  with  Mexico.44  Brigadier 
Tinoco,  on  hearing  that  a  Salvadoran  force  had  en- 
tered Honduras,  resigned  his  office  of  governor. 
Comayagua,  however,  continued  recognizing  the  au- 
thority of  Mexico,  but  not  that  of  Guatemala.45 
In  Nicaragua,  the  city  of  Granada  disregarded  the 

"Gainza  had  meantime  stationed  troops  in  Sonsonate,  a  town  which 
hitherto  belonged  to  the  province  of  Guatemala  proper,  and  afterward  became 
a  part  of  Salvador. 

43  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  12-13. 

44  The  rest  of  the  province  had  accepted  that  arrangement.     Gov.  Tinoco 
had  made  himself  master  of  Omoa,  but  a  revolution  released  it  from  his 

frasp.     His  authority  over  Tru jillo  ceased  about  the  middle  of  January  1822. 
d.,  7-9. 

45  The  inhabitants  were  influenced  to  that  course  by  Canon  Nicolas  Irias 
and  Juan  Lindo.     The  diputacion  sent  Tinoco  to  Mexico  to  report  the  state 
of  affairs  in  Honduras.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  37. 


authority  at  Leon,  and  held  relations  with  Gainza, 
even  after  Colonel  Sacasa  had  placed  himself  under 
the  orders  of  the  former.46  Sacasa  had  surrendered 
his  charge  in  Granada  to  Cleto  Ordonez,47  who  thus 
became  the  leader  of  the  liberal  party  in  Nicaragua. 
After  the  act  of  annexation  to  Mexico,  and  Salva- 
dor's act  of  secession,  both  Sacasa  and  Ordonez  sup- 
ported the  independents. 

Ordonez,  finding  himself  in  possession  of  irrespon- 
sible power,  soon  gave  a  loose  rein  to  his  bad  instincts. 
He  began  to  seize  private  property,  not  excepting 
even  that  of  foreigners.  Sacasa's  person  and  prop- 
erty did  not  escape.48 

Costa  Rica  did  not  fail,  though  maintaining  a  neu- 
tral attitude,  to  manifest  her  discontent  with  the 
course  of  Guatemala. 

46  There  was,  in  consequence,  a  bitter  correspondence  between  Saravia  and 
Gainza.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  14. 

47  This  man  was  of  the  lowest  class;  bad  been  a  common  servant,  and 
afterward  an  artilleryman.     He  was  once  confined  in  a  dungeon  at  Trujillo, 
from  which  he  escaped.     When  he  began  to  figure  in  politics  his  wit  made 
him  popular  with  the  citizens.     It  was  said  that  he  had  some  knowledge  of 
medicine,  and  had  written  some  creditable  poetry.     He  was,  however,  given 
to  cards  and  free-love,  but  abstained  from  the  bottle.     He  was  twice  mar- 
ried, but  left  no  children.   Perez,  Biog.  Sacasa,  8;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  14; 
Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  73-4. 

48  Ordonez  had  Sacasa  and  others  confined  in  irons  in  Fort  San  Ciirlos. 
Public  opinion  accused  him  of  being  the  most  active  instigator  of  hatred  be- 
tween the  white  and  other  races.  Id.,  74;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  14;  Salv., 
Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  19,  1875. 





ARCE'S  invasion  of  territory  occupied  by  Guate- 
mala afforded  the  latter  a  sufficient  pretext,  if  any 
were  needed,  to  declare  war  against  her  high-spirited 
and  troublesome  neighbor.  Colonel  Arzu  was  there- 
upon despatched  on  the  19th  of  March,  1822,  at  the 
head  of  a  force,  which  in  a  few  days  had  been  increased 
to  1,000  men,  to  bring  Salvador  under  subjection. 
Arzu's  dilatory  movements,  however,  defeated  the 
object  of  the  expedition.1  He  lost  two  months  and 
more  waiting  for  reinforcements  and  artillery,  and  by 
indecision  as  to  whether  or  not  he  should  heed  the 
protestations  of  the  Salvadorans.2  The  latter  em- 
ployed the  time  thus  gained  in  fortifying  their  city, 

1  His  orders  were  to  take  the  city  of  San  Salvador  on  or  before  the  5th  of 
April.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  12. 

*  They  claimed  that  their  declaration  of  independence  did  not  imply  hos- 
tility to  Guatemala,  and  in  support  of  it  expressed  a  willingness  to  furnish 
hostages.  Their  representations  were  of  no  effect,  however;  '  habia  empefio 
en  sojuzgar  a  San  Salvador,  y  a  este  interns  se  sacrificaba  todo.' 
Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  51. 


DEFEAT  OF  ARZft.  61 

though  short  of  arms  to  equip  a  sufficient  garrison. 
Aroused  at  last  by  Gainza's  positive  commands,  Arzu 
continued  his  march,3  and  avoiding  the  fortifications 
of  San  Salvador,  entered  the  city  on  the  3d  of  June, 
taking  its  defenders  by  surprise.4  Having  now  every 
advantage,  Arzii  might  have  made  himself  master  of 
the  place  had  he  not  carelessly  permitted  his  troops 
to  disband  for  purposes  of  plunder.  The  result  was, 
that  the  Salvadorans  had  time  to  rally,  and  a  street 
fight  ensued,  ending  with  the  total  discomfiture  of 
Arzu  and  his  force,  who  with  the  loss  of  their  arms 
were  driven  from  the  city.5  Had  the  victors  made 
the  most  of  their  success,  they  might  have  annihilated 
the  invading  force ;  but  they  failed  to  conduct  the  pur- 
suit with  any  skill.6 

Arzu's  defeat  produced  a  deep  impression  in  Gua- 
temala, where  such  a  result  had  been  unexpected,  the 
expedition  having  been  fitted  out  with  the  utmost 
care.  Fears  began  to  be  entertained  that  the  Salva- 
dorans might  become  aggressors  and  invade  Guate- 
mala. The  friends  of  Mexico  were  therefore  much 
pleased  on  hearing  that  the  Mexican  commander, 
Filisola,  had  been  ordered  to  supersede  Gainza,  who 
was  summoned  to  Mexico.7  With  about  600  men 
Filisola  arrived  in  Guatemala  on  the  12th  of  June, 
1822,  and  ten  days  later  took  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  inaugurated  a  comparatively  good  state 

3  Against  Filisola's  expressed  wishes.  That  general  was  then  in  Chiapas, 
and  had  forbidden  all  military  operations  till  his  arrival.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent. 
Am.,  13;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  478;  Filisola  d  la  Junta  Soberana,  note  6. 

*He  went  in  by  the  road  sloping  from  the  volcano  to  the  west,  from 
which  quarter,  owing  to  the  roughness  of  the  ground,  no  attack  had  been 

5  The  casualties  were  not  heavy  on  either  side.    Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 

6  It  was  chiefly  on  the  superiority  exhibited  on  this  occasion  that  Salvador 
subsequently  based  her  claim  to  a  prominent  place  in  the  councils  held  upon 
Cent.  American  affairs.     Many  of  the  internal  wars  which  for  a  number  of 
years  ravaged  the  country  may  be  traced  to  this  pretended  superiority. 

7  To  answer  charges  preferred  against  him.  Id.,  15;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am. ,  i.  53,  followed  by  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej. ,  v.  478.     Cuevas,  Porvenir  de 
Mex.,  253-4,  makes  the  doubtful  assertion  that  Gainza  went  of  his  own  accord. 
At  any  rate,  he  afterward  was  made  a  lieut-gen.  of  the  imperial  army,  and  an 
aide-de-camp  of  Iturbide's. 


of  affairs;  for  though  as  a  supporter  of  the  Mexican 
cause,  and  specially  of  the  empire,  he  aimed  at  con- 
solidation, yet  his  policy  was  a  conciliatory  one.8 
He  endeavored  to  obtain  the  assent  of  Salvador  to 
union  with  Mexico  without  resorting  to  force.  At 
first  his  course  presented  a  promising  aspect,  inasmuch 
as  the  representatives  of  the  former  apparently  made 
little  objection;  and  on  the  news  of  Iturbide's  call  to 
the  Mexican  throne,  among  the  many  congratulations 
received  by  Filisola  were  those  of  Salvador,  delivered 
by  a  special  deputation.  But  the  object,  as  it  turned 
out,  was  merely  to  gain  time.  The  negotiations  were 
continued  several  months,  hostilities  having  been  sus- 
pended by  both  belligerents,  till  early  in  September 
it  was  agreed  that  further  negotiations  should  be 
carried  on  directly  with  the  executive  and  congress 
of  Mexico.9  This  agreement  was  not  carried  out, 
however,  owing  to  new  difficulties  raised  by  San  Sal- 
vador. Filisola,  who  evidently  would  not  assume  the 
responsibility  of  war,  referred  the  whole  matter  to 
Mexico  for  instructions.  Iturbide,  who  had  just  dis- 
solved the  Mexican  congress  for  its  opposition  to  his 
plans,10  felt  no  inclination  to  permit  little  San  Salva- 
dor to  dictate  the  terms  of  union,  and  disallowing  the 
armistice  concluded  by  Filisola,  ordered  him  to  begin 
hostilities  forthwith  if  unconditional  submission  were 

Leaving  his  second  officer,  Colonel  Codallos,  in 
charge  of  the  government  at  Guatemala,  Filisola  be- 
gan the  military  operations  toward  the  end  of  Novem- 

8  His  proclamation  of  July  8,  1822,  expressed  his  desire  to  be  guided  only 
by  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  M£x.,  Gaceta  Imp.,  1822,  657-9. 

9  Duly  authorized  agents  of  Salvador  were  to  go  for  that  purpose  to  Mexico 
in  Nov.  1822;  the  districts  of  San  Miguel  and  Santa  Ana  being  permitted  to 
recognize  the  government  at  Guatemala  till  an  understanding  should  be 
arrived  at  in  Mexico.     Other  clauses  referred  to  the  surrender  of  arms  seized 
by  Arce  in  Sonsonate,  to  the  commercial  interests  of  the  two  provinces,  and 
to  rules  to  be  observed  before  renewing  hostilities.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  56-7. 

10 Oct.  31,  1822.     See  Hist.  Hex.,  v.,  this  series. 
11  Filisola  d  la  Junta  Soberana,  notes  9,  10. 


ber,  taking  possession  of  Santa  Ana  and  marching 12 
upon  the  city  of  San  Salvador,  after  having  routed 
several  small  hostile  detachments  which  attempted  to 
check  his  progress.  At  the  same  time  he  published 
the  decree  of  the  Mexican  government  of  November 
4th,  making  of  Central  America,  or  the  former  captain- 
generalcy  of  Guatemala,  three  comandancias  gene- 
rales,  namely,  those  of  Chiapas,  Sacatepequez,  and 
Costa  Rica,  the  capitals  being  respectively  Ciudad 
Real,  Nueva  Guatemala,  and  Leon  in  Nicaragua.13 
The  government  of  San  Salvador  was  in  a  precarious 
situation ;  although  disposing  of  an  army  whose  nu- 
merical force  and  equipment  were  not  inferior  to  Fili- 
sola's,  yet  it  had  neither  discipline  nor  experienced 
officers.  The  few  encounters  which  had  already 
taken  place  between  the  two  forces  had  made  it  evi- 
dent that  the  Salvadorans  could  not  cope  with  Fili- 
sola's  military  skill.  Under  the  circumstances,  the 
authorities  of  San  Salvador  resolved  upon  incorpora- 
tion with  Mexico,  and  demanded  that  Filisola  should 
proceed  no  farther.  They  declined  to  inform  him  of 
the  terms  under  which  they  would  submit  to  annexa- 
tion, though  offering  to  lay  them  before  the  congress 
in  Mexico.  They  based  this  action  on  the  ground 
that  if  their  purpose  became  known  in  Salvador  a 
revolution  would  certainly  follow.14 

The  Mexican  commander  paid  no  heed  to  these 
ambiguous  statements,  which  he  considered  devices 
to  gain  time,  and  continued  his  march.15 

12  His  force  consisted  of  about  2,000  men,  chiefly  from  Guatemala,  Santa 
Ana,  San  Miguel,  Sonsonate,  and  Honduras. 

13 Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  60-1;  Molina,  Costa  Rica,  93;  Squier's 
Travels,  ii.  383.  The  decree  never  went  into  effect,  however. 

14  The  principal  conditions  were:  establishment  in  Mexico  of  a  representa- 
tive government;  Salvador's  absolute  independence  from  Guatemala;  partici- 
pation of  her  delegates  in  framing  the  national  constitution;  continuation  in 
office  of  the  present  incumbents;  and  erection  of  an  episcopal  see.     For  less 
important  terms  demanded  on  that  occasion,  see  also  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
16-17;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  62. 

15  It  seems  that  he  again  asked  for  instructions  from  the  emperor,  who 
peremptorily  directed  him  not  to  lose  more  time  in  negotiations.     '  V.  S.  no 
es  mas  que  un  soldado  que  debe  atacar  la  ciudad,  posesionarse  de  ella  y 
tratar  &  los  cabecillas  como  perturbadores  del  orden.'  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 


It  was  at  this  critical  moment  that  the  congress  of 
San  Salvador,  carried  away  by  hatred  to  Guatemala 
and  Mexico,  resolved  upon  a  singular  step.  On  the 
2d  of  December,  1822,  the  act  of  incorporation  with 
Mexico  was  repealed,  and  the  state  was  placed  under 
the  protectorate  of  the  Anglo-American  states,  as  an 
integral  portion  thereof.  Solemn  protests  were  made 
in  the  name  of  that  republic  against  Filisola's  hostile 
acts.  A  member  of  the  congress,  Juan  Manuel  Ro- 
driguez, was  commissioned  to  make  known  the  incor- 
poration to  the  government  of  the  United  States.16 
For  a  short  time  it  seems  that  hopes  were  entertained 
of  an  armed  protection  on  the  part  of  the  northern  re- 
public in  favor  of  the  new  acquisition;  but  soon  the 
folly  of  such  expectations  became  apparent.  Filisola 
disregarded  the  protests,17  and  after  several  victorious 
encounters,  routed  the  Salvadorans  under  Arce  at 
Mejicanos,18  and  entered  the  city  of  San  Salvador  with- 
out further  opposition  on  the  9th  of  February,  1823. 
Filisola  fulfilled  the  promise  he  had  made  the  preced- 
ing day  to  the  ayuntamiento,  that  he  would  respect 
all  rights,  and  not  treat  the  town  as  a  conquered  coun- 
try. The  only  Salvadoran  force  remaining  was  com- 
pelled, on  the  21st  of  February,  to  surrender  at  Gual- 
cince,  a  town  on  the  other  side  of  the  Lempa  River.19 
This  was  the  end  of  the  war.20  Arce,  who  departed 
for  the  United  States,  wrote  Filisola  from  Belize  a 
letter  full  of  firmness  and  dignity,  meanwhile  thank- 

17.  Filisola  himself  confirmed  the  above  in  his  address  to  the  junta  soberana 
of  Cent.  Am.  of  June  24,  1823,  note  10. 

16Squier,  in  his  Travels,  ii.  383-4,  rather  emphatically  comments  on  this 
'step  expressive  of  sympathies  and  sentiments  which  still  exist.' 

17  '  With  a  declaration  that  he  was  not  waging  war  on  the  U.  S.,  he  con- 
tinued his  operations.' 

18 Feb.  7,  1823.     Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  17-18. 

19  Filisola  issued  passports  to  all  who  wished  to  quit  the  country,  and  even 
furnished  them  money  to  leave.     To  the  poor  soldiers  he  afforded  every  facil- 
ity to  reach  their  homes. 

20  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  to  the  gallantry  and  constancy  of  the 
sons  of  this  little  province,  Central  America  owed  to  a  great  extent  its  exist- 
ence as  a  sovereign  commonwealth.  Zavala,  Rev.  N.  Esp.,  i.  142.     See  also 
Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.y  v.  476;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.t  i.  47;  Suarez  y 
Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  387;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  11-12. 


ing  him  for  his  humane  conduct.  Delgado  remained 
at  his  hacienda.  The  local  authorities  swore  alle- 
giance to  the  Mexican  empire.  Filisola  now  returned 
to  Guatemala,21  where  he  arrived  about  the  6th  or 
7th  of  March.  He  had  already  received  the  news  of 
the  movement  in  Mexico  resulting  in  the  overthrow 
of  Iturbide.  It  was  this  that  hastened  his  return  to 
Guatemala,  and  induced  him  to  adopt  a  course  opposed 
to  his  last  instructions  from  Mexico.  Granada,  in 
Nicaragua,  had  not  been  reduced  to  obedience.  Gov- 
ernor Gonzalez  Saravia  had  asked  for  troops  to  ac- 
complish it,  but  Filisola  declined  to  employ  coercion; 
and  after  informing  him  and  Juan  Fernandez  Lindo, 
governor  of  Honduras,22  as  well  as  other  officials  in 
the  provinces,  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Mexico,  assured 
them  that  he  would  take  no  important  step  without 
first  obtaining  their  assent.  Indeed,  after  he  con- 
vinced himself  that  the  imperial  government  had 
fallen  never  to  rise  again,  he  arrived  at  the  conclusion 
that  he  had  no  right  to  keep  annexed  to  Mexico  the 
Central  American  provinces;  as  the  annexation  had 
been  made  solely,  as  claimed  by  Mexico  and  her  sup- 
porters, for  the  sake  of  securing  stability  to  their 
government,  and  the  respect  which  would  be  afforded 
it  from  a  long  distance  by  a  great  and  wealthy  coun- 
try. All  this  prestige  had  disappeared,  owing  to  the 
revolution  at  Casa  Mata  in  Mexico,23  the  paper  money,, 
and  other  arrangements  made  by  Iturbide  with  refer- 
ence to  these  provinces. 

Being  asked  to  summon  a  congress  of  all  the  prov- 
inces of  Central  America,  he  complied,  issuing  a  de- 
cree on  the  29th  of  March,  1823,  with  the  view  of 
carrying  out  the  acta  of  September  15,  1821,  which 
had  been  annulled  by  the  incorporation  of  the  country 
with  Mexico.  This  was  tantamount  to  a  recognition 
)f  the  independence  of  Central  America  from  Mexico.24 

21  Col  Felipe  Codallos  was  appointed  governor  of  the  province. 
2a  Tinoco  had  gone  to  Mexico. 

23  Hist.  Mex,,  v.,  this  series. 

24  Filisola's  course  has  been  open  to  criticism.     Some  attributed  it  to  a  con- 
Hisx.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    5 


His  decree  was  hailed  with  joy  by  the  party  friendly 
to  absolute  independence.  The  Mexican  or  imperial- 
ist party  was  vanquished,  and  the  people  were  ready 
to  take  an  active  part  in  the  coming  elections.  Peace 
was  not  only  temporarily  restored  in  Guatemala  and 
Salvador,  but  in  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica  party 
struggles  were  brought  to  a  close. 

In  Granada,  Ordonez  had  continued  committing 
many  outrages.25  He  had  successfully  repulsed  Sara- 
via,  who  had  come  against  him  from  Leon.  The  latter 
was  in  the  act  of  preparing  another  expedition,  when 
Filisola's  decree  was  promulgated,  and  he  was  sum- 
moned to  Guatemala.  Nicaragua  subsequently  con- 
stituted a  junta  gubernativa  of  its  own.26 

In  Costa  Rica,  Saravia,  with  the  aid  of  Bishop 
Jerez,  attempted  to  force  the  province  into  the  union 
with  Mexico,  and  with  that  view  endeavored  to  over- 
throw the  provincial  government  established  at  Car- 
tago.  A  conspiracy  was  planned  there,  and  its  authors, 
seconded  in  Ciudad  Vieja,  openly  espoused  the  cause 
of  Iturbide  on  the  29th  of  March.  The  men  of  the 
liberal  party  fled  to  San  Jose,  and  after  strengthen- 
ing their  ranks  there  and  at  Alajuela,  attacked  the 
imperialists  on  the  field  of  Las  Lagunas,  near  Cartago, 
and  defeated  them.27  The  town  had  to  surrender, 
and  was  occupied  by  the  victorious  independents,  but 
the  seat  of  government  remained  in  San  Jose.28. 

viction  that  Cent.  Am.  could  not  be  held  as  a  province  dependent  from  a  re 
public,  which  was  practicable  as  a  dependence  of  an  empire.  Others  have 
supposed  that  he  was  prompted  by  personal  ambition.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
'Cent.  Am.,  73,  and  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  19,  claim  that  it  was  the  unavoid- 
able result  of  the  situation,  which  is  not  exactly  true.  With  the  force  at  his 
command,  he  might  have  maintained  supremacy  for  a  considerable  time  at 
least.  Filisola  himself  said  that  his  object  had  been  to  avert  civil  war.  In 
his  address  of  July  24,  1823,  to  the  junta  of  Guatemala,  he  assured  that  body 
that  his  recognition  of  its  sovereignty  had  been  with  the  sanction  of  the  su- 
preme executive  government  of  Mexico,  communicated  to  him  on  the  18th  of 
June.  Filisola  d  In  Junta  Soberana  de  Gnat.,  1-8;  Id.,  El  Ciudadano,  16-17. 

25  Among  others,  that  of  seizing,  without  any  legal  formality,  the  Spanish 
vessel  Sinacam,  whose  cargo  he  sold  to  procure  provisions  and  other  supplies 
for  his  garrison.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  75;  Ay  on,  Apuntes,  22-3. 

26  It  was  installed  at  Leon  on  the  17th  of  April,  1823.  Marure,  Efem.,  6. 

27  On  the  15th  of  April.  Marure,  Efem. ,  6. 

28  Several  of  the  conspirators  were  imprisoned  at  the  capital,  though  only 
fora  short  time.  Molina,  Costa  Rica,  94;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  12. 


In  Honduras,  the  provincial  assembly  resolved  on 
the  10th  of  May  to  enter  into  the  union  with  the 
other  provinces  of  Central  America,  with  the  view  of 
constituting  an  independent  nation.29 

Central  America  then,  after  a  fifteen  months'  con- 
nection with  Mexico,  was  again  in  the  same  position 
it  had  occupied  at  the  time  of  separation  from  Spain. 
No  advantages  had  been  derived  from  that  union ;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  numerous  heavy  taxes  had  exhausted 
the  country,  though  the  treasury  was  invariably 
empty.  The  whole  country  was  suffering  from  other 
consequences  of  the  internal  wars,  in  the  form  of 
abuses  on  the  part  of  unscrupulous  political  parties 
and  military  chiefs;  none  worse,  however,  than  the 
military  sway  imposed  by  Mexico.30  There  have  not 
been  wanting  those  who  believe  the  separation  from 
the  northern  republic  was  a  false  step.31  The  people 
had  for  centuries  lived  under  the  same  superior  gov- 
ernment, subject  only  to  the  Spanish  crown.  Then 
followed  a  period  when  they  often  faced  one  another 
as  foes.  Now  they  were  invited  to  sit  side  by  side 
and  discuss  measures  for  the  benefit  of  the  great  family 
to  which  they  all  belonged.  The  elections  were  con- 
ducted with  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of  the  republicans, 
the  field  having  been  left  to  them  by  the  imperialists.32 

Congress  assembled  on  the  24th  of  June,  1823,33 
under  the  presidency  of  Jose  Matias  Delgado,84  the 

29According  to  Marure,  Efemerides,  G,  reserving  the  liberty  of  recognizing 
anew  Iturbide  as  the  legitimate  emperor,  should  he  be  again  restored  to  the 
imperial  throne. 

30  Deputies  from  Cent.  Am.  to  the  Mexican  congress  complained  of  out- 
rages committed  by  Filisola's  soldiers,  to  which  his  attention  was  called  to 
correct  them  by  the  executive  of  that  republic. 

31  Cuevas,  Porvenir  de  Mex.,  254-6,  laments  it,  considering  it  an  act  injuri- 
ous to  Cent.  America's  best  interests. 

3-The  imperialists  'se  limitaron  a  oponerles  algunas  maniobras  pordas,  no 
teniendo  animo  de  disputarlas  d  cara  descubierta.'  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  82-3.  The  independents  'contrajeron  sus  planes  d  ganar  las  elecciones, 
y  a  hacer  odiosas  las  tropas  megicanas,  procurando  a  toda  costa,  y  por  todos 
los  medios  posibles  hacerlas  evacuar  la  republica.'  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  20. 

33  The  1st  of  June  had  been  the  date  originally  fixed  upon,  but  some  pre- 
liminary work  not  having  been  completed  in  time,  the  installation  was  neces- 
sarily delayed.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  83. 

3i  Chiapas  was  not  represented,  that  province  having  continued  detached 
from  Cent.  Am. 


installation  being  graced  by  the  presence  of  Filisola 
and  the  municipal  council  of  the  city.35 

On  the  2d  of  July  following  it  assumed  the  name 
of  Asamblea  Nacional  Constituyente.  The  body  was 
in  session  nineteen  months,  closing  its  labors  on  the 
23d  of  January,  1825.  Its  work  was  momentous, 
having  to  organize  a  government  imbued  with  the 
prevailing  liberal  spirit;  to  improve  the  imperilled 
finances;  to  establish  relations  with  foreign  powers; 
and,  what  was  of  the  highest  importance,  to  bring 
unity  out  of  chaos.  The  first  step  toward  the  ac- 
complishment of  these  purposes  was  taken  on  the  1st 
of  July,  1823,  with  the  adoption  of  the  ordinance 
which  declared  the  provinces  of  the  former  captain- 
generalcy  of  Guatemala  to  be  free  and  independent 
states,  confederated  into  a  nation  under  the  name  of 
Provincias  Unidas  del  Centro  de  America.36  Inas- 
much as  a  considerable  number  of  representatives 
had  not  arrived  on  that  date,  the  ordinance  was  sub- 
sequently ratified  on  the  1st  of  October.37  The  new 
confederation  was  recognized  by  Mexico  only  a  little 
more  than  a  year  after.38 

Shortly  after  independence  was  proclaimed,  a  divis- 
ion of  the  powers  of  government  into  three  branches 
was  resolved  on;  namely,  the  legislative,  to  be  vested 
in  the  asamblea;  the  executive,  composed  of  three 

35  It  is  said  that  Filisola  installed  the  congress,  the  Mexican  troops  taking 
part  with  the  native  ones  in  paying  honors  to  the  national  representatives. 
Till  the  organization  of  an  executive,  the  first  decrees  were  addressed  to 
Filisola,  as  superior  political  chief,  for  their  execution.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
20.     That  body,  the  first  as  well  as  the  most  numerous,  was  at  the  same  time 
the  most  enlightened  that  the  republic  ever  had.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  83;  Id.,  Efem.,  1;  Guat.  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  16-24. 

36  The  full  text  with  the  names  of  the  delegates  present  appears  in  Marure, 
Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  xiii.-xviii.;  and  Rocha,  C6diyo  Nic.,  i.  19-23.     Its 
principal  clauses  were:    'That  the  said  provinces. .  .are  free  and  independent 
from  old  Spain,  from  Mexico,  and  every  other  power,  alike  of  the  old  and 
the  new  world,  y  que  no  son  ni  deben  ser  el  patrimonio  de  persona  ni  familia 
alguna.'    Translations  into  other  languages  may  be  seen  in  Revue  Amtricaine, 
i.  377-97;  Democratic  Rev.,  i.  486-7.     The  act  was  drawn  up  by  the  deputy 
Jose"  Francisco  Cordoba,  who  was  a  member  of  the  committee  to  whom  the 
matter  had  been  referred.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  21. 

37  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  24-32. 

38 Aug.  20,  1824.  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  i.  713;  Alamant  Mem.  d 
las  Cam.,  9. 


members,  to  be  elected  by  and  to  be  subject  to  that 
body;  and  the  judicial,  to  be  exercised  by  the  existing 
courts.39  The  executive,  as  then  constituted,  was  to 
be  merely  provisional,  and  until  a  fundamental  code 
should  give  it  a  permanent  organization.  The  public 
debt  was  recognized ;  the  catholic  religion  was  declared 
to  be  that  of  the  state;  and  freedom  of  the  press 

From  the  moment  that  the  choice  of  the  executive 
occupied  the  attention  of  the  assembly  a  division  of 
parties  became  manifest.  The  friends  of  absolute  in- 
dependence formed  a  large  majority;  those  of  the  for- 
mer Mejicanistas  were  few  in  number.  The  larger 
portion  of  the  deputies  was  composed  of  the  best  men 
of  the  country,  whatever  their  party  affiliations,  and 
their  intentions  were  upright.  Those  of  moderate 
views  from  all  sections  formed  themselves  into  one 
party,  and  went  by  the  name  of  moderados;  their 
opponents  applying  to  them  the  epithets  of  servil  and 
aristocrata.40  The  radicals  formed  another  organiza- 
tion, and  were  called  fiebres  and  liberates,  their  ene- 
mies also  giving  them  the  appellation  of  anarquistas. 

The  liberal  party  advocated  the  establishment  of  a 
federal  republic,  and  as  a  rule  was  guided  by  a  liberal 
patriotism,  and  a  desire  to  see  the  abolishment  of 
unjust  privileges  and  antiquated  vices  in  the  govern- 
ment. Its  opponents,  in  favor  of  a  centralized  govern- 
ment and  the  continuation  of  the  old  fueros,  struggled 
against  the  restrictions  that  were  being  put  to  the 
influence  of  Guatemala.  Nevertheless,  a  liberal  spirit 
predominated  for  a  time,  and  three  well-known  lib- 
erals were  chosen  to  constitute  the  executive  au- 
thority, namely,  Manuel  Jose  Arce,41  Doctor  Pedro 

39  Decree  of  July  15,  1823.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  32-3. 

40  The  party  was  mainly  composed  of  member's  of  the  so-called  noble 
families,  Spaniards,  civil  and  military  officers,  the  clergy,  and  the  most  igno- 
rant class  of  the  population.    It  was  therefore  the  most  numerous.  Alontufar, 
Resefia  Hist.,  iv.  259. 

41  As  he  was  then  in  the  United  States,  the  canon  Antonio  de  Larrazabal 
was  to  be  his  substitute  during  his  absence.     Larrazabal  having  declined  the 
position,  it  was  given  to  Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i. 


Molina,  and  Juan  Vicente  Villacorta.42  It  must  be 
acknowledged  that  this  government  was  not  a  strong 
one,  the  only  man  of  superior  talent  in  it  being  Mo- 
lina, and  he  had  little  experience  wherewith  to  found 
a  republic  and  manage  its  affairs  at  such  a  critical 

A  constantly  increasing  coolness  between  the  gov- 
ernment and  Filisola  became  intensified  when  the 
deputies  from  Costa  Rica  and  Nicaragua  refused  to 
occupy  their  seats  in  the  assembly  while  a  Mexican 
army  had  virtual  sway  over  the  capital.  Complaints 
also  came  from  various  quarters,  of  abuses  committed 
by  the  Mexican  soldiers,43  and  demands  were  made 
for  their  departure.  Some  time  elapsed  in  discussions 
and  negotiations,  partly  because  of  difficulty  in  rais- 
ing the  needed  funds.  But  finally,  all  obstacles  being 
removed,  Filisola  departed  with  his  force  on  the  3d 
of  August,  1823,  leaving  behind  him  a  good  name, 
which  was  little  affected  by  charges  preferred  against 
him  at  a  later  date.44 

The  liberals  now  were  at  greater  liberty  to  carry 
out  their  plans,  which  involved,  among  other  things, 
the  disappearance  of  old  practices,  including  titles  and 
compellations,45  not  even  the  hackneyed  'don'  escaping 

164-70;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  88;  Id.,  Efem.,  8;  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  22. 

42  The  moderados  wanted  Jose"  Dionisio  Herrera  of  Honduras,  in  the  tri- 
umvirate, to  avoid  the  undue  influence  Salvador  would  exercise,  having  two 
of  her  citizens  in  the  executive,  and  because  they  considered  Herrera  intel- 
lectually superior  to  Villacorta.     No  one  thought  of  Jose"  del  Valle,  who  was 
then  in  Mexico.     Cuevas,  Porvenir  de  Mex.,  256-7,  erroneously  states  that 
the  supreme  authority  was  offered  Filisola  and  he  declined  it.     He  declined 
the  office  of  jefe  politico  of  Guatemala. 

43  Just  in  some  instances,  no  doubt;  but  it  became  known  that  Guatemalans 
disguised  as  Mexicans  committed  hostile  acts  to  bring  the  soldiers  into  dis- 
credit.    Filisola  certainly  strove  to  maintain  order  and  discipline.  Marure, 
Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  89-93;  Filisola,  El  Ciudadano,  22-8. 

44  Jos6  Francisco  Barrundia,  of  whom  prominent  mention  is  made  in  this 
history,  severely  attacked  Filisola's  course  in  a  pamphlet,  which  was  replied 
to  in  a  small  book  entitled  El  Ciudadano. . .  Vicente  Filisola  a  Jose  Francisco 
Barrundia,  Puebla,  1 824, 1 32  p.    The  author  defends  himself,  employing  strong 
invective  against  his  accuser,  charging  him  with  hypocrisy  and  cowardice. 
The  book  gives  some  historical  data,  but  owing  to  its  bitterness,  must  be  re- 
ceived with  caution.     Filisola  after  that  time  figured  as  a  prominent  soldier 
of  the  Mexican  republic  in  Texas,  and  during  the  war  of  the  U.  S.  and  Mex- 
ico in  1846-8. 

45  Guat.  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  877-8. 



the  general  reformatory  tendency.46     A  coat  of  arms 

was  likewise  decreed,  showing  the  national  name  in 

golden   letters,47   as   also  a 

flag,  the  latter  consisting  of 

three  horizontal  stripes,  the 

middle    one    being    white, 

with    the    national   coat  of 

arms  about  half-way  from 

the  mast,  and  the  other  two 


Among  other  decrees  en- 
acted by  the  assembly  in 
1823,  the  following  are 
worthy  of  mention :  One  of 
August  21st,  to  annul  all 
acts  of  the  late  imperial  government  affecting  Cen- 
tral America;  one  of  August  26th,  declaring  the  15th 
of  September  to  be  the  national  anniversary,  and  how 
it  was  to  be  observed — this  decree  was  reiterated 
by  the  legislative  assembly  on  the  15th  of  October, 
1834;  one  of  October  27th,  directing  the  Central 
American  deputies — those  of  Chiapas  excepted — to 
withdraw  from  the  Mexican  congress;  and  one  of 
November  15th,  to  form  a  general  census.48 

Another  measure  adopted  was  that  which  author- 
ized the  executive  to  dismiss  without  formality  all 
officials  having  their  appointments  from  the  Spanish 
or  Mexican  governments.  Little  discretion  was  shown 
in  this,  and  discontent  resulted,  which  was  made  man- 
ifest in  the  opposition  met  with  by  every  measure  of 
the  government,  even  such  as  were  generally  recog- 
nized to  be  of  public  utility.  Financial  and  military 
affairs  were  in  the  worst  possible  condition.  To  im- 
prove the  former  was  a  difficult  task,  the  expenses 

46  Practically,  the  word  '  don '  never  fell  into  disuse.     The  manner  of  ending 
official  letters  was  changed  from  the  former  'Dios  guard e  a. .  .muchos  afios,' 
to  'Dios,  Union,  Libertad.'  Marure,  Bosq.   Hist.   Cent.  Am.,  i.  94;   Id., 
Efem.,  1. 

47  Decrees  of  the  national  assembly  of  Aug.  21  and  Nov.  5,  1823.  Rocha, 
Cddigo  NIC.,  i.  162;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  54-5. 

™Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  33-8,  461-3;  Mcx.,  Col.  Dec.  Sob.  Cong.,  219. 


being  greater  than  during  the  colonial  period,  and 
several  branches  of  revenue,  which  formerly  yielded 
considerable  resources,  having  disappeared  with  the 
old  dependence.49  As  to  the  army,  the  greater  part 
of  it  had  been  disbanded,  and  only  one  battalion  of 
the  regular  force  and  a  few  bodies  of  militia  formed 
the  entire  defensive  power  of  the  republic.  The  gov- 
ernment was  almost  at  the  mercy  of  a  handful  of  men, 
and  it  was  not  long  before  they  exhibited  their  lack 
of  discipline  and  loyalty.  The  soldiers  had  for  some 
time  past  shown  dissatisfaction  at  the  neglect  of  the 
government  to  pay  them  their  dues.  Under  the  cir- 
cumstances, it  was  rather  easy  to  prevail  on  them  to 
revolt,  and  it  was  done,  the  leader  being  Captain  Ra- 
fael Ariza  y  Torres.50  The  authorities,  though  aware 
of  his  machinations,  had  taken  no  decisive  measures 
to  defeat  them,51  other  than  commissioning  Ignacio 
Larrazdbal  to  make  an  investigation.  Ariza,  fearing 
that  delay  might  cause  the  failure  of  his  plan,  in  the 
evening  of  the  13th  of  September  assumed  the  title  of 
commander-in-chief  of  the  forces;  and  the  next  morn- 
ing52 volleys  of  musketry  and  other  manifestations 
apprised  the  alarmed  inhabitants  of  the  insurrection. 
A  scene  of  excitement  ensued.  The  assembly  hastily 
met,  and  amidst  the  confusion  a  messenger  came  from 
Ariza  to  assure  the  chamber  of  his  loyal  disposition 
toward  the  government,  and  to  add  in  explanation 
that  the  position  of  commander  had  been  forced  upon 
him  by  the  troops.  The  messenger  was  peremptorily 
ordered  to  retire  without  receiving  any  answer.  A 
number  of  enthusiastic  citizens  assailed  a  portion  of 
Ariza's  men,  only  to  be  driven  back  to  the  university 

49Even  the  statistics  that  might  have  served  as  a  basis  for  establishing  im- 
posts were  not  to  be  found.  It  was  said  that  they  had  all  been  forwarded  to 
Mexico  during  the  imperial  rule. 

60  He  was  offended  at  not  being  appointed  commanding  officer  of  the  bat- 

51  The  author  of  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  23-7,  accused  the  government  of 
allowing  the  conspiracy  to  assume  serious  proportions  with  the  view  of  obtain- 
ing larger  powers,  including  that  of  levying  forced  loans. 

52  The  14th  and  15th  had  been  designated  to  commemorate  the  indepen- 


building,  where  the  assembly  held  its  sittings.  A 
show  of  defence  was  made  there,53  to  enable  the  as- 
semblymen to  seek  safety  in  flight.  Few  of  their 
number  remained.  Negotiations  were  then  begun  to 
prevent  the  commission  of  outrages  by  the  mutinous 
soldiers,54  and  the  government  finally  gave  way,  and 
conferred  on  Ariza  the  title  of  commander-in-chief; 
he  thereupon  took  the  official  oath  on  that  day.  The 
concession  was  made  only  to  gain  time,  hopes  being 
entertained  that  the  auxiliaries  summoned  from  the 
surrounding  country  and  other  states  would  soon  ar- 

The  rebellious  captain  had  in  the  mean  time  begun 
to  realize  his  awkward  position.  Assuming  a  submis- 
sive tone,  he  protested  his  readiness  to  obey  the  gov- 
ernment; whereupon  he  was  commanded  to  leave  the 
city  and  retire  to  Antigua,  where  his  force  dispersed 
before  any  coercive  action  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment and  its  allies  became  necessary.  Ariza  himself 
escaped  by  flight  the  punishment  which  his  reckless 
behavior  deserved.55 

But  the  difficulties  were  not  yet  over.  The  feeble 
conduct  of  the  government,  and  the  humiliating  con- 
cessions it  had  made  to  the  rebel,  reflected  so  much 
discredit  that  the  labors  of  the  moderado  party  for 
the  election  of  a  new  executive  now  gave  promise  of 
fruitful  results.56  On  the  4th  of  October  congress  re- 
assembled, and  the  same  day  Villacorta,  Molina,  and 
Rivera  tendered  their  resignations,  which  were  ac- 
cepted; and  in  their  stead,  on  the  4th  of  October, 

53  A  number  of  persons  were  killed  and  others  wounded  in  the  street  fight. 
Marure,  Bovq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  102-3.  On  the  10th  of  Jan.  following  those 
who  perished  in  defence  of  the  assembly  were  declared  'beneme'ritos  de  la 
patria  en  grado  heroico.'  Id.,  Efem.,  8. 

51Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  104,  gives  the  almost  incredible  ac- 
count that  the  soldiery  behaved  in  an  orderly  manner. 

55  His  principal  assistant  and  second  in  command,  Manuel  Estrada,  was 
imprisoned  and  executed.  An  erroneous  account  of  Ariza's  revolt  is  given  by 
Puydt  and  Binckum,  Colonisation,  118-19,  who  place  it  in  1825,  and  assert  it 
was  effected  by  order  of  the  government  in  Spain. 

5(3  It  found  support  among  some  of  the  deputies  who  had  not  been  present 
it  the  election  of  the  members  of  the  executive.  Mem.  Reo.  Cent.  Am.,  25. 


Manuel  Jose  Arce  was  again  elected,  togsther  with 
Jose  del  Yalle  and  Tomas  O'Horan,57  and  as  substi- 
tutes for  the  two  first,  then  absent,  Jose  Santiago 
Milla  and  Villacorta,  the  same  person  who  had  re- 
signed.58 The  new  government  found  at  once  its  at- 
tention engrossed  by  the  troublesome  situation,  which 
had  arisen  from  the  coming  of  a  Salvadoran  force, 
called  to  help  against  the  revolting  soldiers.  Although 
forbidden  to  approach  the  city,  and  ordered  to  return 
home,  it  refused  to  comply,59  and  on  the  12th  of  Octo- 
ber entered  the  city  of  Guatemala,  all  remonstrances 
to  the  contrary  having  proved  unavailing.  The  Sal- 
vadorans  occupied  the  capital  three  weeks,  during 
which  rumors  were  rife  of  their  plans  to  pillage  the 
place  in  retaliation  of  Guatemalan  troops  having  oc- 
cupied San  Salvador  the  previous  year.  Brawls  and 
fights  between  them  and  soldiers  from  other  provinces 
were  of  daily  occurrence. 

The  regular  garrison  and  all  the  inhabitants  breathed 
more  freely  when  at  last,  on  the  3d  of  November,  the 
unwelcome  guests  departed.60  The  same  day  the 
auxiliary  troops  from  Quezaltenango,  who  had  been  of 
good  use  in  keeping  others  somewhat  in  check,  also 
returned  home. 

57  The  last  named  being  a  foreigner,  congress  repealed  the  law  which  ad- 
mitted only  natives  to  the  executive  power,  passed  July  8th,  when  Filisola 
had  been  proposed  as  a  candidate.  Foreigners  who  had  rendered  services  to 
the  republic  were  made  eligible.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  107. 

68  Villacorta  at  first  declined  the  position,  on  the  ground  that  to  exercise,  as 
a  mere  substitute,  the  functions  he  had  just  been  discharging  as  proprietary  in 
the  office,  affected  his  honor,  'era  un  paso  que  lastimaba su  honor.'  A  unani- 
mous resolution,  however,  of  the  congress,  directing  him  to  fill  the  office,  in- 
duced him  to  accept  it.  /a.,  107-3.  It  has  been  said  of  him  for  his  final 
acceptance:  'Tuvo  la  falta  de  delicadeza  de  admitir  la  suplencia.'  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  26. 

5a  The  Salvadoran  commander  alleged  instructions  from  his  government 
not  to  go  back  till  he  became  convinced  that  the  assembly  could  continue  its 
labors  without  hinderance  in  the  future.  In  Guatemala  it  was  said  that  he 
had  been  prevailed  on  by  the  liberal  party,  somewhat  displeased  at  the  last 
elections  for  executive,  not  to  heed  the  command  to  retire.  In  consequence  of 
the  events  of  Sept.  14th  in  Guatemala,  the  diputacion  provincial  at  San  Sal- 
vador on  the  27th  of  Oct.  assumed  the  powers  of  a  junta  gubernativa,  and 
exercised  them  till  the  constituent  congress  of  the  state  was  installed.  Ma- 
rure, Efem. ,  8. 

60 '  No  sin  algunos  aparatos  escandalosos  y  hostiles  de  parte  de  los  salva- 
dorenos.'  Mem.  fiev.  Cent.  Am.,  27. 


The  labors  of  the  assembly  had  been  continued  in 
the  mean  time,  and  on  the  17th  of  December,  1823, 
were  decreed  and  published  the  bases  of  the  constitu- 
tion for  the  republic,61  adopting  a  popular,  represent- 
ative, federal  form  of  government.  Each  one  of  the 
five  states,  Guatemala,  Salvador,  Honduras,  Nicara- 
gua, and  Costa  Rica,  which  were  to  form  the  confeder- 
ation of  Central  America,  was  to  have  the  same 
division  of  powers,  and  with  the  same  functions,  in 
its  internal  administration,  as  the  general  government 
with  respect  to  the  whole  republic.62 

The  labors  of  framing  the  constitution  lasted  a 
year  longer,  and  were  terminated  only  on  the  22d  of 
November,  1824,  when  the  fundamental  law  of  the 
Central  American  republic  was  promulgated,  strict 
obedience  thereto  being  solemnly  sworn  on  the  15th 
of  April,  1825,63  and  ratified  by  the  national  congress 
five  months  later,  namely,  on  the  1st  of  September. 
While  discussing  the  constitution,  both  the  liberal 
and  moderado  parties  used  their  best  efforts  for  the 
adoption  of  their  respective  principles.  The  former 
triumphed,  being  especially  strong  in  the  provinces, 
whereas  its  antagonists  resided  chiefly  in  the  capital. 
Although  a  number  of  good  and  able  men  were  among 
the  members  of  the  congress,  their  good  purposes 
were  repeatedly  balked  by  party  spirit;  and  thus  only 
an  imperfect  result  was  obtained  in  the  constitution 
adopted  November  22,  1824.64  It  was  the  first 
effort  to  define  the  rules  for  the  government  of  a  coun- 
try which  at  that  time  was  beginning  the  life  of  an 

61  They  had  been  reported  to  the  chamber  by  its  committee  on  the  25th  of 
Oct.  Mar ure,  Efem.,  8. 

62  The  states  had  already  constituted  their  governments  by  Sept.  1824. 
Chiapas  was  not  included  among  the  new  states.     Her  admission  was  left  open 
for  such  a  time  as  she  should  apply  for  it,  the  belief  in  Cent.  Am.  being  that 
the  province  had  not  voluntarily  attached  itself  to  Mexico.  Guat.,  Recop. 
Leyes,  i.  40-2,  59-62,  68, 96-7;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  27;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  120-1,  149;  La  Tribuna,  ii.,  no.  2. 

63  Marure,  Efem.,  12,  gives  the  date  as  April  10th. 

^Ceni.  Am.,  Informe  sobre  la  Constituc.,  1-73,  and  1-30.  This  constitu- 
tion has  been  called  'el  bello  ideal  de  copiantes  y  teoristas  que  sonaron  un 
pueblo  para  constituirlo,  y  que  no  conocian  el  pais  en  que  nacieron. '  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  36. 


independent  nation.  The  constitution  of  the  United 
States  had  been  taken  as  a  model;  but  it  had  not 
been  borne  in  mind  that  a  difference  existed  between 
the  people  of  the  northern  and  Central  American 
republics  at  the  time  when  they  respectively  gained 
their  independence.  However  good  the  intentions  of 
the  framers  of  the  Central  American  constitution, 
they  fell  short  of  their  object;  for  in  adopting  certain 
forms,  altogether  inappropriate,  they  also  introduced 
contradictory  clauses.  No  provision  was  made  for  a 
federal  district  to  hold  the  national  capital.  Thus 
Guatemala,  where  the  federal  authorities  then  and 
afterward  resided,  became  also  the  seat  of  the  state 
government,  and  in  the  course  of  time  collisions  were 
unavoidable.65  The  constitution  further  defined  the 
rights  of  property  and  liberty  of  thought,  as  well  as 
freedom  of  the  press,  and  placed  the  chief  authority 
of  the  republic  in  the  hands  of  congress/6  in  addition 
to  the  legislative  power  with  which  it  was  vested. 
Laws  were  to  be  enacted  by  the  two  houses  forming 
the  congress,  one  of  which  was  the  senate,  whose 
members  were  also  elected  by  the  people,  two  for 
every  state.  This  body  acted  as  an  executive  coun- 
cil, with  a  general  supervision  to  see  that  the  different 
high  officials  and  magistrates  faithfully  discharged 
their  duties.  Its  president  was  ex  officio  vice-presi- 
dent of  the  republic.67  A  supreme  court  of  justice 

65  The  asamblea,  foreseeing  this,  had  designed  La  Antigua  as  the  meeting 
place  of  the  local  congress;  but  the  latter  at  its  first  sittings  selected  for 
future  times  the  capital.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  179. 

66  Such  as  to  determine  the  military  and  financial  budgets,  superintend  the 
education  of  the  people,  declare  war  and  conclude  peace,  and  regulate  the 
financial  and  commercial  interests  of  the  country.     Its  members  were  to  be 
elected  at  the  rate  of  one  for  every  30,000  inhabitants.  Id.,  174-5.     There 
were  17  representatives  for  Guatemala,  nine  for  Salvador,  five  for  Honduras, 
six  for  Nicaragua,  and  two  for  Costa  Rica.    Astdburuaga,   Cent.  Am.,   13. 
Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  164,  says  Honduras  had  six  representatives. 

67  Astaburuaya,  Cent.  Am.,  13.    Molina,  Costa  Rica,  19,  criticises  this  or- 
ganization as  follows:  'Se  establecio  un  senado  nulo,  un  Ejecutivo  impotente 
y  un  congreso  absolute.'     Necessarily  the  greater  number  of  representatives 
of  Guatemala  would  outweigh  those  of  the  other  states,  and  thus  make  the 
constitution  only  an  imperfect  copy  of  that  which  had  originally  served  as  a 


was  also  created,  the  members  being,  like  those  of 
congress  and  senate,  chosen  by  popular  vote.68 

Among  the  most  important  laws  enacted  were 
those  of  December  31,  1823,  and  April  17  and  24, 
1824,  which  emancipated  all  slaves,  and  made  free 
slaves  of  other  countries  coming  to  Central  Amer- 
ica.69 The  slave-trade  was  prohibited,  under  the  pen- 
alty of  forfeiture  of  the  rights  of  citizenship.70  Of  all 
the  nations  of  North  America,  to  the  Central  Amer- 
ican republic  belongs  the  honor  of  having  first  prac- 
tically abolished  slavery.71 

The  new  republic  also  took  a  deep  interest  in  a  pro- 
ject for  the  union  of  all  the  American  states.72  The 
project  failed,  because  of  its  impracticability.  The 
particulars  of  this  subject  are  given  in  treating  of  the 
famous  Panamd  congress  of  American  nations. 

The  exhausted  condition  of  the  treasury  appearing 
to  be  the  chief  impediment  to  all  projected  improve- 
ments, the  remedy  was  looked  for  in  a  foreign  loan, 
about  $7,000,000  being  borrowed  on  rather  favorable 
terms  from  a  London  firm.73  The  tobacco  and  cus- 
toms revenues  were  pledged  toward  its  repayment.74 

68  Part  of  the  constitution  is  given  in  Rocha,  Cddigo  Nic.,  i.  37-9;  on  the 
lowing  pages  will  be  found  such  clauses  of  the  old  Spanish  constitution  as 
re  retained  under  the  new  system.     See  also  Peralta,  Costa  JR.,  5;  Asta- 
iruacja,  Cent.  Am.,  13-5. 

69  'Se  hacen  libres  los  esclavos  que  de  reinos  extranjeros  pasen  a  nuestros 
stados,  por  recobrar su  libertad.'  J'ocha,  C6dicjo NIC. ,  i.  212-13;  Guat.,  Recop. 

Leyes,  i.  217-9;  Marure,  Bos-j.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  133-5;  Id.,  Efem.,  10. 

70  Holders  of  slaves  thus  emancipated  were  to  be  indemnified.     We  are 
sured  that  no  one  ever  applied  for  such  indemnification. 

71  In  1840  Great  Britain,  would-be  champion  of  the  world's  high  morality, 
on  one  occasion  claimed  the  return  of  some  fugitive  slaves  from  Belize,  and 
~  ipported  the  demand  with  the  presence  of  a  man-of-war.     Notwithstanding 

weakness,  Central  America  refused  to  comply,  on  the  ground  that  under 
ler  constitution  there  were  no  slaves  in  the  country.  Crowe's  Gospel,  121-2; 
•Hquier's  Travels,  ii.  385-6;  Revue  Amtricaine,  ii.  550;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am., 
163.  According  to  Molina,  the  number  of  slaves  thus  emancipated  was  about 

' 72 '  Una  confederaciou  general  que  representase  unida  &  la  gran  familia 

jricana.'  Marure,  Bo«q.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  138. 

73  Barclay,  Herring,  Richardson,  &  Co. ,  whose  agent  was  J.  Bailey.   Thomp- 
i*8  Guat.,  266;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  143. 

74  One  of  the  conditions  was  that  the  republic  should  not  contract  for 
another  loan  within  two  years.     It  was  estimated  that  the  debt  could  be  paid 
in  20  years.    Asambtea  Nac.,  Decreto,  Dec.  6,  1824,  in  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  144.     That  expectation  was  not  realized.     Details  will  appear 
in  connection  with  the  finances  of  the  republic,  elsewhere  in  this  volume. 


It  is  understood  that  a  portion  of  the  money  was 
applied  to  strengthening  the  fortifications,  and  the 
remainder  was  distributed  among  the  states  for  their 
local  requirements. 

The  initiation  and  execution  of  the  different  meas- 
ures I  have  made  mention  of,  and  others  of  less  mag- 
nitude, were  the  work  of  the  constituent  assembly, 
which  closed  its  session  on  the  23d  of  January,  1825. 
If  all  its  resolutions  were  not  wise  ones,  allowance 
must  be  made  for  the  many  difficulties  that  were  in 
the  way,  and  a  full  recognition  given  its  members  of 
the  good  faith  and  assiduity  with  which  they  per- 
formed their  work.75 

75  The  total  number  of  decrees  passed  was  137,  and  of  orders  1186.  El  In- 
dicator de  Guat.,  1825,  no.  16. 






THE  first  constitutional  congress  of  the  Estados 
Federados  de  Centro  America  was  installed  on  the 
6th  of  February,  1825,  Mariano  Galvez  being  chosen 
president,1  as  well  as  the  leader  of  the  liberal  party. 
A  number  of  the  old  delegates  had  been  reflected  for 
the  new  body,2  whose  principal  duties  were  the  elec- 
tion of  a  president,  and  the  ratification  of  the  consti- 
tution. The  latter,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  on 
the  1st  of  September;  the  former  proved  a  more  diffi- 
cult task,  and  was  achieved  amidst  contradictions  and 
stormy  discussions.  The  provisional  executive  power 

1  He  is  represented  as  an  able  man,  who  had  formerly  favored  the  union 
with  Mexico,  but  afterward  joined  the  liberal  party,  becoming  one  of  its  most 
prominent  members.     The  author  of  Mem.  Rvv.  Cent.  Am.,  39-41,  46,  while 
acknowledging  his  ability,  says  that  he  was  'de  poca  delicadeza. .  .de  un  ca- 
racter  falso,  y  afectando  una  franqueza  y  una  moderacion  que  nole  es  propia.' 

2  The  delegates  of  the  different  states  were  in  the  following  proportion: 
Guatemala  17,  Salvador  9,  Honduras  and  Nicaragua  6  each,  Costa  Rica  2. 
The  total  number  being  40,  and  not  34  as  Squier  erroneously  had  it.   Travel*. 
ii.  388. 



elected  in  1823  had  not  been  harmonious.  Arce  and 
Valle  assumed  their  duties  soon  after  their  election, 
and  before  many  days  had  serious  differences,  which 
ended  in  Arce's  resignation  of  the  presidency  of  the 
triumvirate.  Being  replaced  by  Jose  Manuel  de  la 
Cerda,  he  departed  for  Salvador  and  Nicaragua,  ex- 
erting himself  in  the  pacification  of  the  latter.  His 
services  in  this  direction  won  him  much  good-will, 
and  it  was  proposed  to  make  him  the  first  constitu- 
tional president  of  the  republic,  a  proposition  that  met 
with  popular  favor.  Meanwhile  his  opponent,  Valle, 
was  also  working.3  Since  May  1824  the  congress  had 
been  convoked.  Both  liberals  and  moderados  had 
untiringly  worked  for  their  respective  candidates. 
The  latter  seemed  to  have  every  prospect  of  victory; 
of  the  79  votes  cast,  41  being  for  Valle,  their  candi- 
date.4 As  42  votes  wrere  necessary  for  a  choice  under 
the  constitution,  congress  assumed  the  right  of  select- 
ing one  of  the  two  candidates.  A  compromise  be- 
tween the  contending  parties  was  effected,  Arce 
pledging  himself  to  remain  neutral  on  certain  ques- 
tions upon  which  the  other  party  was  much  disturbed.5 
The  moderados  then  voted  for  Arce,  and  congress,  on 
the  21st  of  April,  1825,  declared  him  to  have  been  duly 
elected  by  a  majority  of  twenty-two  votes  against  five 
for  Valle.  The  latter  was  recognized  as  the  vice- 
president,  and  having  declined  the  position,  Mariano 
Beltranena  was  chosen  in  his  place.6  The  justices  of 

3  Arce  had  in  his  favor  the  prestige  of  past  services,  and  his  sufferings  in 
the  cause  of  independence.     Valle  had  the  support  of  those  who  objected  to 
Salvadoran  predominance.     Moreover,  he  had  been  educated  in  Guatemala, 
and  had  property  there;  from  which  circumstances  it  was  surmised  that  he 
would  be  more  in  sympathy  with  that  state  and  the  so-called  serviles.  Ma- 
rure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  150;  Hem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  28-9. 

4  The  total  number  of  votes  for  the  whole  republic  was  82,  but  three  had 
been  rejected  by  congress  for  various  reasons.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
i.  210-11;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  40-1. 

5  Salvador  insisted  on  having  an  episcopal  see,  in  order  to  be  independent 
of  Guatemala  in  ecclesiastical  affairs.     This  was  the  chief  question  at  issue. 
Arce  promised  to  leave  its  decision  to  the  next  congress.  Arce,  Mem.,  3. 
Valle  really  had  obtained  more  votes  than  Arce,  and  congress  defrauded  him 
of  his  election.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist. ,  i.  268. 

6  Barrundia  had  been  elected  upon  Valle's  refusal  to  accept  the  office,  and 
likewise  (declined  it.     Valle  protested  against  Arce's  election  as  illegal,  in 


the  supreme  court  were  elected  at  the  same  time,  and 
on  the  29th  of  April7  took  possession  of  their  offices. 

The  recognition  of  the  Central  American  republic 
as  an  independent  nation  had  engaged  the  attention 
of  the  supreme  authorities  at  the  same  time  that  the 
internal  organization  was  proceeding.  The  first  treaty 
concluded  by  the  new  republic  was  on  the  15th  of 
March,  1825,  with  Colombia,  Pedro  Molina  acting  as 
its  plenipotentiary  at  Bogota.8  A  few  months  later, 
at  Washington,  on  the  5th  of  December,  1825,  a  treaty 
was  entered  into  with  the  United  States  of  America, 
with  which  power  there  had  been  formal  relations 
since  the  beginning  of  the  year.9  Antonio  Jose  Cafias 
represented  Central  America  as  her  plenipotentiary. 
The  United  States  soon  after  accredited  William 
Miller  as  charge  d'affaires  near  the  new  republic. 
Diplomatic  relations  with  Great  Britain  and  the 
Netherlands  were  opened  early  in  1825.  Spain  con- 
tinued refusing  to  recognize  the  independence  of  Cen- 
tral America,  and  the  pope  followed  in  her  footsteps, 
as  he  had  done  in  regard  to  Mexico.10 

several  writings,  apparently  to  little  purpose.  El  Indicador,  1825,  no.  26  et 
seq.;  El  Liberal,  1825,  no.  7,  8;  Nulidad  de  la  prim,  dec.,  passim;  Marure, 
Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  212-13;  Id.,  Efem.,  13. 

7  Arce,  Mem.,  4,  has  it  April  30th,  but  in  view  of  the  numerous  misprints 
ia  his  work,  the  date  given  in  the  text  is  probably  more  correct.  It  is  the 
one  supported  by  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  213;  Squier's  Travels,  ii. 
088;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am. ,  164.  Its  first  president  was  Tomds  Antonio  O'Horan. 
This  court  superseded  the  audiencia  founded  in  1544  at  Gracias  a  Dios,  and 
transferred  in  1549  to  Guatemala.  Marure,  Efem.,  14. 

B  It  was  for  a  defensive  and  offensive  alliance  and  equal  privileges  of  trade. 
It  was  ratified  by  the  Cent.  Am.  govt  Sept.  12,  1825.  The  full  text  is  given 
in  Rocha,  Ctidigo  Nic. ,  i.  95-9;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  xxxviii.- 
xlvii.  See  also  Ay  on,  Consid.  Lim.,  28-9;  Oaceta  de  Salv.,  Oct.  12,  1854. 

9  It  was  therein  stipulated  that  the  citizens  of  both  republics  should  enjoy 
all  the  rights  granted  by  one  or  the  other  to  the  most  favored  nation.  The 
same  rights  for  political  purposes  were  also  agreed  upon,  that  of  free  exercise 
of  religion  being  included.  All  clauses  of  a  commercial  character  were  to  be 
in  force  12  years;  the  others  perpetually.  Privileges  and  rights  enjoyed  by 
the  citizens  of  either  republic  were  to  be  also  allowed  to  those  immigrating 
from  the  other.  This  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  younger  republic  on  the  28th 
of  June,  1826.  The  text  in  both  English  and  Spanish  may  be  seen  in  U.  S. 
Govt  Doc.,  U.  S.  Acts,  Cong.  19,  Sess.  2,  Sen.  Doc.  1,  i.  149-70;  Am.  St. 
Pap.,  For.  Rel.,  v.  774-82;  Gordon's  Digest  of  Laws,  328-35;  Marure,  Bosq. 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  xlvii.-lxv. 

10Arce's  Mess.,  March  1,  1826,  in  Repertorio  Am.,  i.  274-9;  Santancjelo, 
Congre-io  Panama,  73-5. 

HIST.  CENT.  An.,  VOL.  III.    0 


The  republic  being  now  fairly  launched,  had  Arce 
possessed  the  ability  all  might  have  gone  well.  But 
he  either  overestimated  his  administrative  powers,  or 
underrated  the  magnitude  of  his  task;  and  after  de- 
creeing some  wise  measures  upon  the  military  defences, 
he  began  to  sow  dissatisfaction  by  his  vacillating 
policy.  A  member  of  the  liberal  party  from  the  first 
day  that  he  took  part  in  the  political  affairs  of  the 
country,  he  now  committed  the  serious  error  of 
abandoning  the  ground  upon  which  he  might  have 
trod  with  safety.  In  his  endeavors  to  please  both 
parties,  he  succeeded  in  offending  the  liberals  without 
securing  the  confidence  of  their  opponents,  who,  though 
willing  enough  to  admit  him  to  their  ranks,  declined 
rendering  implicit  obedience.  His  former  friends  now 
openly  assailed  him.11 

A  conflict  sprang  up,  also,  between  the  federal  gov- 
ernment and  the  local  authorities  of  Guatemala  City, 
because  the  latter  refused  to  take  part  in  celebrating 
the  anniversary  of  the  installation  of  the  first  assembly 
on  the  24th  of  June,  and  force  was  at  last  brought  to 
bear  upon  them.12 

The  ill-feeling  against  Arce  became  intensified  when 
the  state  government  soon  after  decreed  a  transfer  of 
its  seat  to  Guatemala,  and  for  want  of  accommodations 
in  public  buildings,  took  possession  of  the  property  of 
private  citizens  without  their  consent.  The  owners 
claimed  protection  from  the  federal  congress,  and 
serious  disturbances  were  averted  only  by  a  compro- 
mise. During  this  episode  the  moderados  or  serviles 
kept  fanning  the  flame  of  discord  between  Arce  and 
the  liberals,  extolling  his  measures.  When  the  first 
congress  closed  its  session,  on  the  25th  of  December, 

11  Their  newspapers,  El  Liberal  and  Don  Meliton,  charged  him  with  par- 
tiality and  incapacity.     The  latter,  for  its  satire  and  ridicule,  was  the  more 
formidable  foe,  as  Arce  himself  acknowledges.  Mem.,  5. 

12  The  departmental  chief  of  Guatemala  claimed  that  he  was  not  tinder 
Arce's  authority,  but  tinder  that  of  the  state,  then  residing  at  La  Antigua. 
Congress  empowered  the  executive  to  compel  the  local  authorities  to  attend 
the  celebration,  and  it  was  done.  Arce,  Mem.,  8. 


1825,13  the  political  features  of  the  country  had  notably 
changed.  But  fortunately  the  danger  to  the  republic 
from  the  action  of  the  serviles  was  avoided,  because, 
upon  lots  being  cast  on  the  1st  of  October  for  the  re- 
newals of  members  of  congress,14  the  retiring  members 
happened  to  be  chiefly  of  districts  where  the  servile 
party  had  majorities  before,  and  were  now  replaced 
by  liberals,  the  preponderance  of  the  latter  being  thus 
increased.  The  second  constitutional  congress  assem- 
bled on  the  1st  of  March,  1826.  Among  its  mem- 
bers was  Valle,  who,  bent  on  revenge,  erelong  made 
common  cause  with  the  liberals,15  though  he  was  not 
allowed  to  exercise  a  predominant  influence  in  their 

On  the  day  congress  opened,  the  president  delivered 
his  message  detailing  the  condition  of  the  country, 
but  most  of  it  had  reference  to  the  relations  with 
foreign  powers.16  The  impending  rupture  was  finally 
hastened  by  the  president's  course  toward  Colonel 
Nicolas  Raoul,  a  French  officer  who  had  recently  ar- 
rived from  Colombia,  and  had  been  made  commander 
of  the  artillery  and  a  member  of  the  council  of  war.17 
Notwithstanding  the  considerations  and  favors  con- 
ferred on  him  by  Arce,  no  sooner  had  he  received  his 
appointment  than  he  openly  sided  with  the  liberals 
and  gave  utterances  against  the  government.  There- 
fore, when  Raoul  was  summoned  by  congress  to  aid 
in  the  organization  of  the  federal  troops,  the  president, 
to  get  rid  of  him,  sent  him  to  explore  the  northern 
coasts.13  Arce  then  undertook  to  increase  the  federal 

13  The  total  number  of  decrees  enacted  was  92,  and  that  of  orders  sub- 
mitted to  the  executive  308.     For  more  details,  see  El  Centra  Americano, 
182G,  38. 

14  One  half  of  the  representatives  of  every  state  had  to  retire,  according  to 
the  constitution. 

15  He  had  at  first  declined  the  connection,  but  afterward  accepted  it  'para 
dar  rienda  suelta  &  sus  resentimientos  y  pasiones  contra  el  presidente  Arce. ' 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  48. 

16  Text  in  Eepertorio  Am.,  i.  273-89. 

17  He  brought  letters  of  recommendation  from  Pedro  Molina,  who  was 
representing  Cent.  Am.  at  Bogota,  and  had  a  high  opinion  of  him,  as  he  had 
served  under  Napoleon,  filarure,  ttosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  230. 

18 After  he  completed  that  work  he  was  ordered  to  remain  on  the  coast  till 
further  orders  from  the  government.  The  congress  tried  in  vain  to  prevent  it. 


army  to  4,000  men,  under  the  pretext  that  such  a 
force  was  needed  for  the  pacification  of  Nicaragua, 
and  the  defence  of  the  country  against  a  Spanish  in- 
vasion, rumors  of  which  were  circulating.  In  order 
to  facilitate  the  operation,  he  proposed  that  the  mem- 
bers of  congress  should  stir  up  public  enthusiasm  in 
their  respective  states;  but  instead  of  acceding  to  his 
recommendation,  several  persons  known  to  be  hostile 
to  the  government,  among  them  Raoul,  were  selected 
by  that  body.  All  remonstrances  to  the  contrary  on 
the  part  of  Arce19  had  no  other  effect  than  to  imbitter 
the  liberals  against  him.  Charges  were  accordingly 
brought  forth,  such  as  his  neglecting  to  lay  before 
congress  an  account  of  expenditures  during  his  ad- 
ministration, and  his  having  squandered  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  money  raised  by  loan  in  London.  The 
outcry  against  his  conduct  was  growing  louder  from 
day  to  day. 

This  unsatisfactory  state  of  affairs  determined  Arce 
to  dissolve  congress.  Still  he  was  loath  to  use  violent 
means,  and  in  fact,  there  was  no  need  of  it.  One  of 
the  clauses  of  the  constitution  allowed  the  admission 
of  substitutes  for  the  deputies  to  congress  in  certain 
cases,  and  both  parties  had  taken  advantage  of  it 
without  opposition.  However,  when  the  question  of 
calling  the  president  to  account  arose,  the  serviles 
protested  against  the  presence  of  the  liberal  substi- 
tutes which  gave  to  that  party  the  majority.20  On 
the  2d  of  June  the  deputies  from  Salvador,  under  in- 
structions from  their  government,  which  was  friendly 
to  Arce,  abandoned  their  seats,  their  example  being 
followed  by  those  from  Costa  Rica  and  most  of  the 
serviles,  thus  leaving  the  chamber  without  a  quorum.21 
The  session  was  reopened,  however,  ten  days  later, 

19 The  reasons  adduced  by  him  in  his  Mem.,  22-4,  and  comments  on  the 
same  in  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  236-7. 

2°'Este  asunto  se  renovaba  cada  vez  que  a  los  diputados  ministeriales 
convenia  paralizar  algun  golpe  contra  el  egecutivo.'  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  51. 

21  The  deputies  of  Salvador  defended  their  course  in  a  long  argument, 
June  8,  1826,  calling  it  an  inevitable  result  of  the  unlawful  conduct  of  the 
majority  of  congress.  Doc.,  in  Arcf,  Mem.,  10-17. 


upon  the  liberals  pledging  themselves  not  to  introduce 
any  motion  against  the  president  or  the  serviles,  and 
thenceforth  the  discussions  were  confined  to  matters 
of  a  general  character  till  the  30th  of  June,  when  the 
session  was  closed;  but  the  deputies  of  Salvador  and 
Costa  Rica  had  not  resumed  their  seats. 

It  was  now  evident  that  a  collision  was  unavoidable. 
The  state  government,  controlled  by  the  liberals,  be- 
came fearful  that  the  serviles,  in  their  endeavor  to 
support  the  president,  might  also  attack  the  author- 
ities of  Guatemala,  and  under  the  pretext  of  an  inva- 
sion threatening  from  Chiapas,  secretly  began  to  make 
military  preparations.  Salvador  and  Costa  Rica,  on 
the  other  hand,  offered  aid  of  troops  to  the  federal 
government.  Both  parties  precipitated  the  crisis :  the 
liberals  by  their  heedless  attacks  on  the  clergy,22  and 
specially  by  ridiculing  its  members;  the  serviles  by 
fanning,  jointly  with  the  clericals,  ill  feeling  among 
the  low,  ignorant  classes,  whom  it  was  easy  to  per- 
suade that  the  liberal  party  aimed  at  the  destruction 
of  their  religion.  This  had  now  become  a  matter  of 
greater  ease,  owing  to  the  irritation  already  existing, 
caused  by  the  forced  loans  and  recruiting  for  the  army 
decreed  by  the  state  government.  Strange  though 
it  may  appear,  the  serviles  had  no  suspicion  that  the 
federal  authorities  were  aware  of  their  intrigues.  The 
clash  came  in  May  1826,  when  Raoul,  without  having 
fulfilled  his  commission  on  the  northern  coast,  tendered 
his  resignation,  accompanied  with  a  number  of  invec- 
tives against  the  executive,  which  he  subsequently 
repeated  in  a  second  letter.23  He  was  arrested  on  the 
17th  of  July,  and  subjected  to  the  action  of  a  court- 
martial  for  disrepect  and  insubordination.  This  raised 
a  storm  of  fury  in  the  local  legislature,  where  Raoul's 

22  Restricting  the  archbishop's  powers,  and  placing  him  to  some  extent 
under  civil  authority;  suppressing  the  subventions  of  curates,  and  abolishing 
certain  privileges  the  clergy  had  till  then  enjoyed;  tithes  were  reduced,  and 
persons  under  25  years  of  age  were  not  allowed  to  take  monastic  vows.  Ma- 
rure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,i.  244-5. 

23 The  full  text  of  the  resignation  is  given  in  A rce,  Mem.,  25-7. 


arrest  was  considered  as  an  encroachment  on  the  state's 
authority.  An  order  of  arrest  was  issued  against 
Captain  Espinola,  the  officer  who  had  carried  out  the 
commands  of  the  federal  executive,  and  the  jefe,  or 
chief  of  the  state,  Juan  Barrundia,  was  authorized  to 
raise  a  sufficient  force  to  seize  Espinola's  person,24  and 
the  pecuniary  contingent  of  the  state  for  federal  ex- 
penses was  withheld.25 

The  troops  despatched  to  arrest  Espinola  numbered 
300  men,  and  were  commanded  by  Cayetano  de  la 
Cerda,  who  encountered  his  man  near  Acasaguastlan. 
To  avoid  bloodshed,  a  capitulation  was  agreed  upon 
by  both  parties  until  they  should  obtain  further  orders 
from  their  respective  governments.23 

When  news  of  this  agreement  reached  Guatemala, 
a  few  days  later,  simultaneously  rumors  came  to  the 
ears  of  Arce  that  a  coup-de-main  was  contemplated 
by  Barrundia,  with  the  evident  intent  of  effecting  his 
removal.  To  anticipate  the  blow,27  on  the  5th  of 
September  Arce  secretly  ordered  the  commander  of 
the  federal  forces  to  arrest  Barrundia  at  an  early  hour 
the  following  morning,  and  disarm  the  state  troops, 
using  force  if  necessary.28  This  was  done,  the  officer 
meeting  with  no  resistance.20  The  liberals  had  no 
suspicion  of  Arce's  resolve  till  after  its  execution. 

24 '  Pondrd  sobre  las  armas  toda  la  fuerza  que  crea  necesaria. .  .En  caso  de 
resistencia  repelerd  la  fuerza  con  la  fuerza.'  Id.,  32. 

25  On  the  ground  that  only  Guatemala  had  paid  such  contingent,  and  even 
more,  and  the  other  states  had  arbitrarily  eluded  payments.     Arce  was  ac- 
cused, not  without  foundation,  it  seems,  of  allowing  such  discrimination. 

26  On  September  3,  1826;  the  document  merely  stipulates  a  temporary  sus- 
pension of  hostilities,  without  further  entering  into  the  question.  Arce,  Mem., 
39.     It  has  been  asserted  that  Espinola  held  a  favorable  position,  and  adds: 
'A  pesar  de  esto,  capitu!6  vergouzosamente ' — a  charge  without  much  founda- 
tion, in  view  of  the  numerical  superiority  of  the  Guatemalan  forces.  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  52-3. 

27  Arce,  Mem.,  39-41,  gives  a  lengthy  account  of  his  deliberations,  and 
doubts  whether  it  would  or  not  be  just,  and  consistent  with  his  duties,  to  im- 
prison Barrundia,  all  of  which  is  at  least  doubtful. 

*sMem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  53.  Crowe's  Gospel,  127,  and  Squier's  Travels,  ii. 
395,  confound  the  jefe  with  his  brother  Jose'  Francisco.  The  orders  were, 
'Que  en  el  caso  de  resistencia  obre  fuertemente  hasta  concluir  el  arresto  y  ocu- 
pac.ion  de  las  armas.'  Arce,  Mem.,  41-2. 

29  This  non-resistance  is  attributed  to  treachery  on  the  part  of  Vcra,  a 
Mexican  commanding  the  state  forces,  who  subsequentlv  entered  the  federal 
service.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cc.itt.  Am.,  i.  254-5. 


The  vice-jefe  of  the  state,  Cirilo  Flores,  then  forth- 
with assumed  the  government,  and  being  tendered 
the  aid  of  federal  troops  to  support  his  authority, 
proudly  rejected  it.30 

On  the  following  day  the  chiefs  of  the  other  states 
were  apprised  of  Barrundia's  arrest,  in  a  circular  from 
Arce  defending  his  course,  which  he  declared  to  have 
been  pursuant  to  duty  under  the  constitution.31  Such 
was  the  position  assumed  by  his  friends  and  by  the 
serviles  in  general;  while  the  radical  liberals,  taking  a 
different  view,  denounced  him  as  a  violator  of  the 
constitution.82  However,  the  energy  thus  displayed 
by  Arce  was  rather  favorably  looked  upon,  perhaps 
from  a  feeling  of  relief  arising  from  the  supposition 
that  party  bickerings  had  been  brought  to  an  end, 
more  than  from  any  sympathy  for  Arce.  The  presi- 
dent might  now  have  strengthened  his  party,  but  did 
not,  and  went  on  committing  serious  mistakes.  In- 
stead of  turning  the  imprisoned  Barrundia  over  to  the 
state  assembly,  as  prescribed  by  the  constitution,  to 
be  tried  upon  the  several  charges  that  had  been  osten- 
tatiously preferred  against  him,  he  allowed  the  legal 
time  for  prosecution  to  elapse,  and  then  released  the 
prisoner  under  bonds.83 

The  second  constitutional  congress  was  to  meet  on 
the  1st  of  October,  1826,  and  the  liberal  party  had, 
since  September,  industriously  worked  to  secure  a 
majority.  But  on  the  appointed  day  there  was  no 
quorum,  the  members  of  the  opposition  having  re- 
fused to  take  their  seats,  evidently  to  prevent  the 
adoption  of  any  measures  against  the  president.31  It 

s°Doc.,  in  Arce,  Mem.,  26. 

31  It  is  a  long  doc.,  giving  details,  and  dwelling  specially  on  the  part 
Raoul  had  played.  Id.,  27-31. 

82 Comments  and  details  on  the  subject  in  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am., 
i.  255-8;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  53-4. 

33  'Este  desenlace  hizo  ridiculo  todo  lo  que  antes  habia  parecido  un  golpe 
maestro.'  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  54. 

34  To  save  appearances,  Arce  pretended  to  induce  his  supporters  to  assume 
their  positions  in  the  chamber,  but  there  is  little  doubt  of  its  being  mere 
sham.     It  has  been  intimated  that  even  some  liberals  declined  to  sit,  from 
apprehension  that  an  investigation  of  Arce's  conduct  might  lead  to  civil  war 


was  rather  suspicious  that  the  government  at  San  Sal- 
vador, always  friendly  to  Arce,  had  forbidden  its  del- 
egates to  occupy  their  seats  in  congress  unless  it  were 
to  discuss  the  expediency  of  transferring  the  federal 
authorities  to  some  place  distant  from  Guatemala.35 
It  soon  became  apparent  that  the  president's  aim  was 
to  have  his  own  assembly,  for  on  the  10th  of  October 
he  convoked  an  extraordinary  congress.36  This  was 
open  violation  of  the  constitution,  which  vested  in  the 
senate  the  authority  for  convoking,  and  moreover 
limited  representation  to  only  one  delegate  for  every 
30,000  inhabitants.  Much  indignation  was  felt  by 
the  members  of  congress,  who  had  constituted  them- 
selves into  an  organizing  commission,  but  dispersed 
on  the  same  clay  that  Arce's  decree  was  published.37 
Exciting  events  now  followed  in  quick  succession. 
The  vice-jefe  Cirilo  Flores  and  the  state  authorities 
had  retired  on  the  8th  of  October  to  Quezaltenango, 
where  he  was  murdered  a  few  days  afterward — on  the 
13th — by  a  mob  of  fanatical  Indians.38  The  act  was 

33  Still  declaring  its  allegiance  to  the  federation.  Gaz.  de  Mex. ,  Jan.  25. 
1827;  Arce,  Mem.,  51. 

36  The  impossibility  of  obtaining  a  quorum  of  members  chosen  to  the  2J. 
congress,  and  impending  civil  war,  were  among  the  reasons  assigned  for  his 
action.     The  elections  were  to  be  made  on  the  basis  of  two  deputies  for  every 
30.000  inhabitants,  and  Cojutepeque  in  Salvador  was  appointed  as  the  place 
of  meeting.     This  measure  was  at  first  well  received  by  the  states,  but 
afterward  rejected  in  consequence  of  a  decree  of  the  Salvador  government  on 
the  Gth  of  Dec.,  inviting  the  federal  deputies  to  meet  at  the  villa  of  Ahuacha- 
pan.  Marure,  Efem.,  17 ;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  56. 

37  Oct.  11,  1826.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  273;  Corres.  Fed.  Mex., 
Nov.  27,  1826. 

88He  sought  refuge  in  the  parish  church,  but  was  pursued  by  the  crowd. 
His  only  safety  lay  in  the  pulpit,  the  remonstrances  of  the  religious,  and  the 
presence  of  the  host.  The  religious  succeeded  at  times  in  calming  the  rab- 
ble, promising  that  Flores  should  be  sent  into  exile.  But  Antonio  Corzo,  who 
was  in  the  court-yard  with  a  few  poorly  armed  militiamen,  fired  a  volley  upon 
the  mob,  which  became  still  more  excited.  The  women  dragged  Flores  from 
the  pulpit,  took  him  out  of  the  temple,  'y  le  inmolaron  en  un  claustro  bar- 
bara  y  horrorosamente.'  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  57-8.  Squier's  Travels,  ii. 
396,  has  it  that  the  Indians  had  been  infuriated  by  the  harangues  of  a  friar 
from  the  pulpit,  and  that  the  rabble  slaughtered  Flores  at  the  very  foot  of 
the  altar,  literally  rending  his  body  in  pieces;  the  apparent  cause  of  this 
vindictiveness  of  the  priests  being  that  in  the  general  levy  of  taxes  for  the 
state  the  property  of  the  convents  had  not  been  spared.  'And  thus  was  the 
movement  started  by  the  aristocrats,  seconded  by  their  allies,  the  priests.' 
Ex-president  Morazan,  referring  to  that  catastrophe,  uses  these  words:  'Pues- 
to  en  manos  de  un  feroz  populacho.  instigado  por  las  funestas  ideas  que  le 


attributed  to  Arce  and  his  immediate  friends,  but 
apparently  without  much  reason,35  though  it  must  be 
admitted  that  intrigues  of  the  servile  party  and  the 
preaching  of  hostile  priests  aroused  the  fanaticism  of 
the  populace  to  such  a  degree  that  the  slightest  cause 
would  bring  about  the  commission  of  outrages.  The 
trouble  did  not  end  with  Flores'  death,  for  many  mem- 
bers of  the  assembly  and  representative  council  were 
compelled  to  flee  for  their  lives. 

The  state  was  now  powerless,  for  even  its  military 
forces  disappeared  before  the  federal  troops.  The 
liberals  in  the  state  and  republic  saw  their  hopes 
dashed,  and  many  emigrated.40  Arce  held  the  execu- 
tive authority  of  both  the  federation  and  the  state  of 
Guatemala;  and  acting  upon  the  advice  of  Salvador, 
he  began  reorganization,  decreeing  on  the  31st  of 
October  the  election  of  a  new  executive  and  legisla- 
ture for  Guatemala,  from  which  the  inhabitants  enter- 
tained hopes  of  a  final  restoration  of  peace  throughout 
the  republic.  But  those  hopes  were  frustrated  by  a 
sudden  change  of  policy  on  the  part  of  the  Salvador 
government,  which  surprised  everybody,  all  the  more 
from  the  fact  that  it  had  heretofore  firmly  supported 
the  president. 

inculcaron  sus  sacerdotes,  pereci6  al  pie"  de  las  imageries  de  los  santos,  a  la 
vista  de  sns  inicuos  jueces,  y  en  presencia  de  la  eucaristia,  que  estos  cubrieran. ' 
Apuntes,  MS.,  4.  Flores  had  been  noted  for  his  charity  to  the  poor,  specially 
to  the  Indians,  to  whom  he  constantly  gave  medical  aid,  medicines,  and 
other  necessaries.  The  state  assembly,  after  being  restored  in  1829,  decreed 
honors  to  his  memory,  and  ordered  placed  in  its  hall  of  sessions  an  inscription 
in  letters  of  gold,  as  follows:  'Al  inmortal  Vice-jefe  Ciudadano  Cirilo  Flores, 
martir  de  la  Libertad,  sacrificado  en  Quezaltenango,  e  I  las  aras  de  la  ley/ 
In  May  1831  the  name  of  Ciudad  Flores  was  given  in  his  honor  to  the  head 
town  of  the  district  of  Peten.  Marure,  Efem.,  17,  28. 

39  The  liberals  looked  upon  it  as  the  result  of  an  arrangement  of  Arce  and 
his  partisans;  the  latter  declared  it  to  have  resulted  from  an  accident,  or  rather 
from  violent  acts  on  the  part  of  liberals  in  Quezaltenango,  such  as  forcibly 
taking  horses  in  the  night  from  private  houses  and  the  Franciscan  convent. 
Marure  states  that  he  thorougly  examined  every  document  bearing  on  the 
subject,  and  found  no  evidence  against  Arce  or  his  party.  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  275-85.     The  author  of  Mem.  Rev.   Cent.  Am.,  58,  acquits  Arce, 
attributing  the  act  to  a  sudden  popular  excitement.     See  also  Astabtiruaga, 
Cent.  Am.,  15;  Crowe's  Gospel,   127-8;   Pineda,  in  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  iii. 
348;  Corres.  Fed.  Mex.,  Nov.  9,  1826;  Doc.,  in  Arce  Mem.,  32-3. 

40  There  was  an  effort  toward  reconciliation,  the  liberals  offering  to  make 
concessions,  and  Arce  favoring  their  proposals;  but  the  serviles  haughtily  re- 


Pedro  Molina  arrived  at  San  Salvador  from  Panama" 
when  Arce  had  in  his  charge  the  affairs  of  Guate- 
mala, and  had  decreed  the  new  elections  for  the  state. 
Being  a  political  opponent  of  the  president,  Molina 
refused  to  go  to  Guatemala  to  report  the  action  of 
the  Panama"  congress.  It  was  not  a  difficult  matter 
for  him  to  find  congenial  spirits  for  an  intrigue  against 
the  federal  executive.  An  estrangement  had  occurred 
between  Arce  and  Delgado,  who  aspired  to  be  bishop 
of  San  Salvador/1  and  was  a  man  of  great  political 
power.  Moreover,  it-  so  happened  that  the  jefe  of 
Salvador,  owing  to  ill  health,  had  to  turn  over  his 
office  to  the  vice-jefe,  Mariano  Prado,  who  was  under 
the  influence  of  the  discontented  party.  His  first  act 
was  to  repeal  Arce's  decree  of  October  10th  convok- 
ing an  extraordinary  congress  at  Cojutepeque.42  Then 
simultaneously  forces  were  levied  in  Salvador,  osten- 
sibly to  protect  congress  when  assembled  at  Ahua- 
chapan.  Internal  difficulties  in  Honduras  led  the 
federal  government  to  interfere;43  and  thus,  at  the 
end  of  1826,  there  were  a  number  of  forces  at  work 
to  drive  Arce  from  the  presidential  seat.  This  state 
of  affairs  continued  till  February  1827,  when  rumors 
of  an  invasion  began  to  circulate  in  Guatemala.  The 


next  month  Salvadoran  forces, under  Trigueros,  started 
on  their  march  toward  the  capital.  All  doubts  about 
the  plans  of  the  invading  army  having  ceased,  Arce 
displayed  unusual  activity  in  his  preparations  to  meet 
the  enemy.  With  the  aid  of  the  newly  chosen  jefe 
of  Guatemala,  Aycinena,  he  increased  the  garrison  to 

41  Owing,  it  was  said,  to  the  publication  of  a  pontifical  bull,  which,  under 
Arce's  exequatur,  had  been  restricted  to  Guatemala  by  the  archbishop,  a 
step  that  Delgado  supposed  to  have  been  by  Arce's  instigation,  or  at  least  a 
lack  of  interest  on  his  part  for  San  Salvador.  Hem.  Rev.   Cent.  Am.,  60. 
Arce  himself   attributed  the  estrangement  to  party  intrigues.  Mem.,  GO. 
Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  165,  assigns  disputes  about  the  erection  of  the  bishopric 
as  the  cause  of  the  rupture. 

42  Arce,  Mem.,  61,  finds  fault  with  Prado's  act,  when  his  own  had  been 
just  as  illegal. 

43  Colonel  Milla  invaded  the  state  with  a  federal  force,  captured  Comaya- 
gua  on  the  9th  of  May,  1827,  and  arrested  the  jefe  of  the  state,  Herrera 
The  whole  was  a  wanton  proceeding.  Morazan,  Apuntes,  MS.,  6-9. 


2,000  men,  and  leaving  the  executive  authority  in 
charge  of  Vice-president  Beltranena,  took  personal 
command  of  the  troops.  He  made  an  effort,  how- 
ever, to  avert  an  encounter,  but  without  avail;44  and 
they  fought,  a  few  days  later,  at  Guadalupe,  a  short 
distance  from  Guatemala,  the  invaders  being  repulsed, 
and  the  following  day,  March  23d,  utterly  routed  at 
Arrazola.45  This  victory  caused  great  exultation  in 
Guatemala,  and  Arce's  prestige  grew  rapidly.  Money 
and  reinforcements  were  cheerfully  placed  at  his 
command,  and  he  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  away 
by  evil  counsels  to  pursue  an  aggressive  policy  and 
punish  Salvador.46 

The  federal  army  marched  in  April  into  the  state 
of  Salvador,  and  reenforced  from  Sonsonate  and  Santa 
Ana,4'"  reached  Nejapa  without  opposition,  that  place 
being  about  twelve  miles  from  the  city  of  San  Salva- 
dor. After  certain  negotiations  for  peace,  which  had 
no  satisfactory  result,  Arce  attacked  the  city  on  the 
18th  of  May,  at  the  head  of  2,000  men,  and  was  re- 
pulsed with  heavy  loss.  His  slow  movements  liad 
given  the  Salvadorans  time  to  act.43  His  retreat  was 
in  good  order  to  Santa  Ana;  but  from  this  place,  de- 
jrtions  having  greatly  diminished  the  force,  it  degen- 
erated into  flight,  of  which  the  pursuing  Salvadorans 
died  to  take  advantage.  Arce  reached  Cuajiniqui- 
ipa  toward  the  end  of  May,  with  only  300  men. 

44  The  commander  of  the  Salvadorans  was  unable  to  explain  his  illegal 
proceeding.  Doc.,  in  Arce,  Mem.,  45-6. 

45  Detailed  accounts,  with  copies  of  the  official  exaggerated  reports,  are 
jiven  in  Gaz.  de  Hex.,  Apr.  26  till  May  1  and  May  22,  1827;  Marure,  Efem., 
19;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  62-4.     Decree  of  government  of  Guatemala  on  the 

ibject,  March  28,  1827.  Ouat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  250. 

46  Beltranena  and  several  of  Arce's  officers  disapproved  the  retaliatory 
Ian.     Aycinena,  on  the  contrary,  favored  it,  though  willing  to  abide  by 
o-ce's  decision. 

47  Both  districts  had  seceded  from   the  state  government  of  Salvador, 
aching  themselves  to  the  federal  cause. 

48  He  committed  the  error  of  entertaining  peace  proposals,  which  were  made 
snly  to  gain  time.     He  endeavored  to  explain  it  away  on  the  plea  of  Cent. 
Am.  brotherhood:  'Puedoyo  dejar  de  tener  un  corazon  Centro  Americano  ? 
No  es  posible.'  Arce,  Mem.,  69.     On  the  same  and  following  pages  is  a  de- 
tailed account  of  the  action,  carefully  worded  and  extolling  the  bravery  of  his 
Guatemalan  soldiers.     The  official  reports  are  in  El  Sol,  Mex.,  July  3,  1827; 
Marure,  Efem.,  19. 


This  early  failure  of  a  war  from  which  were  to  flow 
such  great  results  brought  odium  on  Arce;  but  by  the 
efforts  of  friends,  confidence  in  him  was  restored,  and 
about  700  men  were  obtained  to  resume  operations  by 
taking  Santa  Ana.49  For  several  months  no  events 
of  importance  occurred.  The  time  was  employed  by 
Arce  in  strengthening  his  force,  with  which  he  made 
a  fruitless  attempt  to  intercept  a  Salvador  division  that 
assailed  Sonsonate.  Overtures  for  peace  were  again 
made  by  Salvador,  but  though  not  absolutely  rejected, 
no  understanding  was  arrived  at.  They  gave  rise, 
however,  to  a  discussion  as  to  whether  the  federal 
president  was,  as  he  thought  himself,  authorized  to 
decide  upon  the  question  of  peace  or  war  without  con- 
sulting the  state  government  of  Guatemala.50  Piqued 
at  the  opposition  he  had  met,  which  he  supposed  to 
arise  from  want  of  confidence,  Arce  received  with 
pleasure  a  request  from  Vice-president  Beltranena 
to  give  up  the  army  and  return  to  Guatemala  and 
take  charge  of  the  government.51  Brigadier  Fran- 
cisco Ca"scaras  was  thereupon  made  commander  of  the 
army  on  the  12th  of  October,  1827.  Soon  after  Arce's 
return  to  Guatemala  he  took  steps  to  restore  peace, 
and  issued,  on  the  5th  of  December,  a  decree  to  con- 
voke a  new  congress,52  and  at  the  same  time  ordered  a 
suspension  of  hostilities.  But  his  commissioner,  Juan 

49  The  government  of  Salvador  had  in  May  made  peace  proposals,  but  the 
federal  authorities  rejected  them.  Docs,  in  Arce,  Mem.,  47-57. 

50  It  was  decided  in  secret  session  of  the  state  assembly  on  the  16th  of  Oct. 
that  the  state  had  a  right  to  intervene,  and  if  it  was  ignored,  and  treaties  dis- 
pleasing to  the  state  were  concluded,  the  latter  should  detach  itself  from  the 
federation,  and  its  troops  continue  occupying  the  towns  they  then  held.  Arce's 
letter  of  Oct.  17,  1827,  to  Brig.  Cascaras,  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hi*L,  i.  22. 

51  It  may  have  been  of  his  own  seeking,  for  he  must  have  seen  ere  this  the 
great  difficulty  of  conquering  San  Salvador  with  his  small  force,  and  that  to 
continue  longer  in  the  field  would  only  bring  him  into  further  disrepute. 

52  Ex-marque's  de  Aycinena,  brother  of  the  jefe  of  Guatemala,  called  the 
decree  impolitic,  illegal,  and  arbitrary.     The  serviles  could  see  that  it  would 
restore  the  old  congress,  so  hostile  to  them;  and  with  a  majority  against  them 
in  both  houses,  they  might  have  to  resort  to  the  dangerous  expedient  of  driv- 
ing away  the  senators  and  deputies  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.     It  was  ridic- 
ulous in  them  to  rail  against  arbitrariness,  when  they  had  arbitrarily  deposed 
Barrundia  in  Guatemala  and  Herrera  in  Honduras.     It  was  arbitrary  to  keep 
the  nation  without  a  congress,  which  was  their  work.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist., 
i.  9,  23. 


de  Dios  Mayorga,  who  was  to  notify  the  authorities 
at  San  Salvador  of  his  measures,  was  not  allowed  to 
proceed  to  that  city,  the  Salvadorans,  now  reenforced 
with  officers  exiled  from  Colombia,53  being  more  than 
ever  opposed  to  conciliation.  Hostilities  were  re- 
sumed and  conducted  with  alternating  success;54  but 
on  the  whole,  disadvantageously  for  the  federal  force, 
owing  to  Cascaras'  lack  of  strategy,  and  the  tempor- 
izing policy  of  the  enemy;  for  the  latter,  whenever 
pressed,  would  make  overtures  of  peace,  protesting  a 
willingness  to  terminate  the  war,  though  breaking 
their  promises  as  fast  as  they  were  made.55  Cascaras' 
situation  was  daily  becoming  perilous,  on  account  of 
the  numerous  desertions  of  his  troops.  At  last,  on 
the  17th  of  December,  a  bloody  encounter  took  place 
in  the  streets  of  Santa  Ana,  which  terminated  in  a 
capitulation,  under  which  both  forces  were  to  leave 
the  place  the  next  day.  Cascaras  left  it  as  stipulated, 
but  Colonel  Merino  with  the  Salvadorans  remained.68 
Cascaras  returned  to  Guatemela  toward  the  end  of 
December,  the  Salvadorans  having  regained  posses- 
sion of  Santa  Ana,  and  of  all  the  other  places  formerly 
occupied  by  the  federal  army. 

Shortly  after,  with  Aycinena's  assistance,  another 
federal  army  was  organized,  but  Arce  took  good  care 
to  give  positions  in  it  only  to  trusted  friends.57  As 
soon  as  the  organization  was  nearly  completed,  detach- 
ments were  sent  to  check  the  enemy's  raids  in  Chi- 
quimula,  and  then,  under  the  command  of  a  foreigner 
named  William  Perks,  the  army  marched  against  the 

53  Three  brothers  Merino,  and  a  Frenchman  named  Soumaestra.     Rafael 
[erino  was  made  commander-in-chief.  Hem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  75;  Arce,  Mem., 


54  Near  the  hill  of  La  Trinidad  the  federal  forces  which  had  control  of 
[onduras  were  defeated  by  Nicaraguans  and  Salvadorans  under  Lieut-col 

Remigio  Diaz.  Harure,  Efem.,  20. 

55  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  Guatemalans  could  place  faith  on  pledges 
often  violated;  evidently  given  to  gain  time. 

This  ended  the  second  campaign  between  Salvadorans  and  Guatemalans. 
07  This  army  was  to  be  used,  first  in  subduing  Salvador,  and  next  Guate- 
mala, where  Arce  encountered  more  and  more  opposition  to  his  plans.  Mem. 
Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  81-2. 


Salvadoran  headquarters  at  Ahuachapan.  Once  more 
stratagem  was  resorted  to  by  the  wily  Salvadorans, 
who  made  proffers  of  peace,  the  farce  ending  as  usual/8 
In  the  mean  time  troubles  broke  out  in  the  federal  army, 
and  Perks,  the  commander,  was  deposed  by  the  field- 
officers  and  sent  to  Guatemala  as  a  prisoner.50  The 
command  then  devolved  upon  Colonel  Antonio  Jose 
Irisarri.  Arce  tried  in  vain  to  have  Perks  reinstalled, 
and  his  efforts  in  that  direction  only  served  to  increase 
the  ill  feeling,  which  grew  so  strong  that  on  the  14th 
of  February,  1828,  he  turned  over  the  executive 
office,  though  without  a  formal  resignation,  to  Bcltra- 
nena,60  who  conferred  the  command  of  the  federal 
army  on  Brigadier  Manuel  Arzu.  This  officer  marched 
at  once  against  the  Salvadorans,  refusing  to  listen  to 
any  overtures  for  negotiations  from  their  chief,  Me- 
rino. The  armies  met  at  Chalchuapa  on  the  1st  oi 
March,  and  the  federal  troops  obtained  a  victory,  which 
drove  the  foe  back  to  San  Salvador.61  Arzu  followed 
and  made  an  assault  on  that  city,  in  which  both  sides- 
gave  proofs  of  extraordinary  bravery.  The  assault 
failed;  at  the  end  of  six  hours'  fighting  the  assailants 
had  to  retreat  behind  their  intrenchments.62  From 
this  time  San  Salvador  and  San  Miguel  became  the 
theatres  of  war.  A  series  of  encounters,  none  of  suf- 

58  The  commissioners,  as  agreed  upon,  were  to  meet  at  Jutiapa.  Those  of 
the  general  government  went  there  and  waited  several  days;  no  Salvadorans 

5a  The  mutiny  took  place  at  Xalpatagua  on  the  9th  of  Feb.  Marure,  Efem., 
20;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  83-5.  Aycinena  wrote  his  cousin  Antonio,  who 
was  in  the  theatre  of  war,  that  in  order  to  hinder  all  peace  arrangements, 
measures  would  be  resorted  to  that  were  unknown  even  to  Machiavelli.  The 
mutiny  against  Perks  was  evidently  one  of  these  measures. 

60  He  alleged  as  a  reason  the  unwillingness  of  Salvador  to  enter  into  nego- 
tiations as  long  as  he  remained  at  the  head  of  affairs.  Arce,  Mem.,  84-7.  The 
real  cause,  however,  was  a  resolution  of  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  demand- 
ing his  resignation,  and  he  was  unable  to  disregard  it.  This  course  of  the 
assembly  was  altogether  illegal,  but  the  time  for  the  expiation  of  Arce's  politi- 
cal sins  had  arrived.  According  to  his  own  statement,  he  retired  to  his 
plantations  at  Santa  Ana. 

a  This  was  the  most  bloody  fight  of  the  war  of  1826-9,  and  opened  the 
third  campaign  between  Guatemala  and  Salvador.  Marure,  Efem.,  21. 

ca  Their  supply  of  ammunition  had  been  destroyed  by  fire,  and  their  com- 
mander had  received  a  serious  contusion.  This  fight  has  been  since  known 
as  the  'ataque  del  viernes  santo,'  having  taken  place  on  good-friday,  March 
12,  1828.  Id.,  21. 


ficient  importance  to  be  lengthily  described,  followed, 
with  varying  success  for  either  side.63  The  Salvador- 
ans  having  besieged  the  remnants  of  the  federal  army 
under  Colonel  Manuel  Montufar,  at  Mejicanos,  after 
eight  months  compelled  them  to  surrender,  on  the 
20th  of  September.  Their  commander  and  general 
staff  were  held  as  prisoners  of  war.64 

The  division  of  the  federal  army  that  occupied  the 
department  of  San  Miguel,  which  had  been  defeated 
by  General  Morazari  at  Gualcho  on  the  6th  of  July, 
being  intercepted  on  its  retreat  toward  the  Lempa, 
laid  down  its  arms,  under  honorable  terms,  at  San 
Antonio,  on  the  9th  of  October.65 

63  April  13th,  action  of  Quelepa,  in  which  the  Salvadorans  were  defeated. 
With  that  victory,  and  another  at  Guascoran  on  the  25th  of  the  same  month, 
the  whole  department  of  San  Miguel  was  brought  under  subjection  to  the 
federal  government.     June  12th,  peace  stipulations  were  signed  at  the  house 
of  Esquibel,  Manuel  F.  Pavon  acting  for  the  federal  government  and  Matfas 
Delgado  for  Salvador,  by  which  the  former  was  to  be  recognized  by  the  latter, 
a  general  diet  was  to  meet  at  Santa  Ana,  and  a  federal  force  occupy  San  Sal- 
vador; but  the  Salvador  government  refused  to  sanction  the  arrangement, 
and  the  war  continued  with  more  fury  than  ever.     Details  on  those  prelim- 
inaries are  given  in  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  100-1.     July  6th,  battle  of  Gualcho, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Lempa,  in  the  department  of  San  Miguel,  between  Hon- 
durans  and  Guatemalans.     The  latter,  under  Col.  Dominguez,  hitherto  vic- 
torious, were  utterly  defeated.  Marure,  Efem.,  21-2;  El  Espiritu  Pub.,  Jan. 

8,  1829. 

64  Arzii  had  abandoned  them  to  their  fate.  Montufar,,  Hist. ,  L  47-51 . 
63 Morazan,  Apuntes,  MS.;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  53-4.     Thus  ended 
istrously  for  the  federal  forces  their  third  invasion  of  Salvador  territory. 

The  actions  of  Gualcho  and  San  Antonio  were  the  first  in  which  the  great 
Central  American  soldier  and  statesman  Francisco  Morazan  figured  as  a  gen- 
eral. Morazan  will  stand  in  history  in  many  respects  as  the  best,  and  in  all  as 
the  ablest,  man  that  Central  America  had.  He  was  born  in  Honduras  in  1799, 
his  father  being  a  French  Creole  from  the  W.  I.,  and  his  mother  of  Tegucigalpa, 
in  Honduras.  His  education  was  such  as  he  could  obtain  in  the  country  at 
that  time;  but  his  quickness  of  apprehension  and  thirst  for  knowledge  soon 
placed  him  far  above  his  countrymen.  He  was  of  an  impetuous  tempera- 
ment, and  possessed  at  the  same  time  great  decision  and  perseverance.  His 
bearing  was  free  and  manly,  and  his  manner  frank  and  open.  These  quali- 
ties could  not  fail  to  and  did  secure  him  the  love  and  respect  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  giving  him  an  immense  influence  over  them.  In  1824  he  was  already 
occupying  the  position  of  secretary -general  of  Honduras,  and  later  was  sena- 
tor, and  for  a  time  acting  jefe  of  that  state;  but  his  temperament  soon  made 
him  turn  his  attention  to  martial  affairs.  He  ever  after  was  noted  as  a  re- 
publican of  very  liberal  views.  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  400;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am., 
170-1;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  17.  The  writer  of  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
92,  says  that  Morazan  had  been  at  one  time  a  clerk  in  a  notary's  office  at. 
Comayagua,  where  he  'habia  dado  a  conocer  disposiciones  muy  felices,  pero 
poco  honrosas,  para  la  imitacion  de  letras  6  firmas.'  It  has  been  said  that 
Morazan  joined  the  party  opposed  to  the  existing  federal  government  at  the 
instigation  of  Pedro  Molina.  Gaceta  de  S.  Salv.,  Oct.  3,  1851.  A  portrait  of 
Morazan  is  given  in  Mont  Afar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  72. 


The  condition  of  federal  affairs  was  now  far  from 
encouraging.  It  may  be  that  Arce,  had  he  been 
replaced,  might  have  turned  disaster;  but  his  appli- 
cation had  met  with  a  refusal,  and  he  took  no  further 
part  in  the  political  events  of  the  republic.66  After  all 
hostile  forces  had  been  either  captured  or  expelled  from 
Salvador,  Morazan  made  a  triumphant  entry  into  the 
state  capital  on  the  23d  of  October,  1828.67  Shortly 
before  this  a  commission  had  come  from  Costa  Rica 
to  mediate  between  Guatemala  and  Salvador,  but  the 
latter  demanded  too  much.63  Morazan's  presence  in 
San  Salvador  greatly  strengthened  the  warlike  party, 
and  the  idea  of  invading  Guatemala  gained  favor  from 
day  to  day,  till  it  was  finally  carried  out.  After  peace 
overtures  had  been  rejected  by  the  federal  author- 
ities, Morazan  began  his  march  toward  Guatemala  in 
the  latter  end  of  November  1828.69  The  news  struck 
terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  now  defenceless  Guate- 
malans, and  no  steps  to  meet  the  emergency  could 
be  taken,  owing  to  lack  of  order,  official  rivalries,  and 
party  intrigues.  It  was,  as  a  saving  measure,  finally 
decided  in  the  assembly  to  detach  the  state  from  the 
federation,  though  it  was  never  sanctioned  or  carried 
out.  To  increase  difficulties,  a  revolution  broke  out 
in  the  department  of  La  Antigua,  placing  it  under 
the  protection  of  Morazan,70  who,  at  the  head  of  about 
2,000  men,  assuming  the  title  of  'ejercito  aliado  pro- 
tector de  la  ley,'  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Guatemala, 

66It  has  been  asserted  that  he  offered  his  services  to  Salvador,  and  was 
slighted,  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  97-8,  which  finds  confirmation  in  Arce's  own 
statement.  Mem.,  88-9.  Squier  has  it  that  Arce  went  to  Mexico,  T-ravds,  ii. 
402;  but  this  seems  to  be  a  mistake,  for  he  was  in  Guatemala  in  1829. 

67  A  few  days  previously,  on  the  20th,  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  decreed 
a  renewal  of  all  the  powers  of  the  state,  with  the  vain  purpose  of  removing 
one  of  the  obstacles  to  the  termination  of  the  war.  Marure,  Efem.,  22. 

68  Prado  and  Morazan  offered  peace  to  the  Guatemalans  on  condition  that 
the  federal  government  should  be  fully  restored.    El  Etpirilu  Pub.,  Feb. 
14,  1829. 

69  He  established  his  general  headquarters  in  Ahuachapan,  whence  raids 
were  constantly  made  into  the  enemy's  territory. 

70 This  took  place  on  the  22d  of  Jan.,  1829.  The  sedition,  though  soon 
quelled,  rather  hastened  the  action  of  Morazan  with  his  allied  Salvador  and 
Honduras  force. 



assailing  it  from  the  side  of  the  Garita  del  Golfo, 
on  the  5th  of  February.  He  was  repulsed  after  a 
brisk  fire.71  This  was  followed  on  the  15th  by  a  sally 
of  the  garrison,  which  annihilated  at  Mixco  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  invading  army.72 
^  In  consequence  of  this  reverse,  Morazan  raised  the 
siege  of  Guatemala,  and  concentrated  his  forces  at 
La^Antigua.  The  success  of  Mixco  was  the  last  ex- 
perienced by  the  federal  'army;  for  with  the  same 
neglect  which  had  characterized  its  operations  almost 
throughout  the  whole  campaign,  no  advantage  was 
taken  of  the  victory,  nor  of  several  military  errors  of 
Morazan.73  A  strong  division  under  Pacheco  sallied 
out  of  Guatemala  toward  the  towns  of  Zumpango 
and  El  Tejar,  as  if  to  confine  Morazan  in  La  Antigua; 
but  Pacheco  disseminated  his  force,  and  was  beaten.74 
Early  in  March  Morazan 's  troops  reoccupied  Mixco, 
and  when  attacked,  shortly  afterward,75  by  the  federal 
forces  at  Las  Charcas,  signally  defeated  them,  and 
the  fate  of  the  servile  party  in  Guatemala  was  thus 

71  The  repulse  was  so  unimportant,  however,  that  Morazan  does  not  even 
mention  it  in  his  memoirs.  Marure,  Efem.,  23;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  61. 
nM*m>  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  123;  Marure,  Efem.,  23,  gives  the  18th  as  the 
date.  ^  Morazan,  Apuntes,  MS.,  14,  says  with  reference  to  that  defeat,  'Cerda 
acredit6  en  esta  derrota  su  ineptitud  y  cobardia  y  el  enemigo  su  crueldad  con 
el  asesinato  do  los  veucidos. '  After  that  the  town  was  given  the  title  of  Villa 
de  la  Victoria;  but  later  resumed  its  original  name.  This  defeat  was  exagger- 
ated in  San  Salvador,  where  it  was  reported  that  Morazan  was  besieged  in 
La  Antigua,  and  preparations  to  meet  another  invasion  were  hastily  made. 

"Morazan  might  have  been  besieged  in  La  Antigua;  for  during  his  stay 
there  he  despatched  a  force  to  Quezaltenango,  that  should  have  been  followed 
by  another  from  Guatemala,  and  destroyed  between  the  latter  and  the  fe^r 
forces  that  Irisarri  might  have  brought  against  it  in  the  hard  roads  of  Ista- 
lacan  and  Laja;  instead  of  which,  Irisarri  retreated  toward  Soconusco,  to  be, 
terward  undone  and  taken  prisoner.     Morazan's  force  occupied  Los  Altos,. 
"      many  prisoners,  levied  contributions  which  Irisarri  had  failed  to  get 
the  Quezaltecs,  and  left  the  enemy  powerless  to  recuperate.  Mem.  Rev. 
ent.  Am.,  124;  Morazan's  Memoirs,  quoted  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  63. 
74  March  6,   1829.     The  disaster  occurred  at  San  Miguelito.  Morazan, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  15.     The  place  received,  for  that  reason,  the  name  of  San 
Liguel  Morazan.     The  Frenchman  Raoul,  now  a  general  under  Morazan 
gures  prominently  in  the  military  operations  at  this  time. 

70 On  the  15th  of  March.  Marure,  Efem.,  23;  Morazan,  Apuntes,  MS    15- 
Montufar,  Helena  Hint.,  i.  62-3. 

^6  The  federal  force  that  succumbed  in  Las  Charcas  was  commanded  by 
their  mayor-general,  Agustin  Prado,  not  Col  Pacheco,  as  supposed  by  some. 
The  federals  had  no  general  now.     Cuscaras  had  lost  his  reputation   and  was 
HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    7 


Through  the  mediation  of  General  Verveer,  minis- 
ter from  the  Netherlands,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
bring  peace  to  the  distracted  country.  Commissioners 
representing  the  several  belligerents  assembled,  on  the 
27th  of  March,  at  the  house  of  Ballesteros,  and  dis- 
cussed the  propositions  laid  before  them,  which  were 
rejected,  and  they  then  retired.  Morazan,  who  was 
anxious  for  a  compromise,  specially  as  he  had  good 
reasons  to  apprehend  the  dissolution  of  his  army  by 
the  small-pox  epidemic  which  had  broken  out,  urged 
Verveer  to  invite  the  commissioners  to  hold  another 
conference.  It  took  place;  and  those  of  Salvador, 
Honduras,  and  Nicaragua  presented  four  propositions, 
which  were  likewise  rejected  by  the  federal  and  Gua- 
temalan negotiators.77  Morazan  had  felt  certain  that 

distrusted  by  the  serviles.  Arzu  would  not  take  the  command,  or  was  not 
trusted  on  account  of  his  ill  success  in  the  third  invasion  of  Salvador.  Mora- 
zan had  defeated  Milla,  Dominguez,  Aycinena,  Pacheco,  and  Prado.  Id.. 

77  The  representatives  were,  Arbeu  for  Vice-president  Beltranena,  Pavon 
for  Guatemala,  Espinosa  for  Salvador,  and  Morazan  for  Honduras  and  Nica- 
ragua. The  last  propositions  of  Espinosa  and  Morazan  were  the  following, 
namely:  1st.  That  a  provisional  government  should  be  formed  in  Guatemala, 
composed  of  the  chief  of  the  state  Mariano  Aycinena,  Mariano  Prado,  and 
Morazan;  2d.  That  the  two  armies  should  be  reduced  to  1,000  men,  Guate- 
malans and  Salvadorans  in  equal  parts;  3d.  That  the  provisional  government 
should  be  installed  in  Pinula,  and  afterward  enter  Guatemala  with  that  force 
to  give  it  strength  and  preserve  order  in  the  state;  4th.  A  general  forgetful- 
ness  of  the  past.  Morazan,  Apuntes,  MS.,  5,  16;  Montufar,  ResenaHist.,  i.  65. 
It  is  claimed,  oji  the  other  hand,  that  Morazan  really  wanted  the  federal  vice- 
president  and  the  chief  of  the  state  of  Guatemala  to  throw  up  their  offices, 
.the  legislative  assembly  and  representative  council  to  cease  exercising  their 
.functions;  and  that  of  1826,  sitting  at  La  Antigua,  and  which  had  made  Zen- 
vteno  chief,  was  also  to  dissolve;  the  supreme  court  of  justice  was  to  stop  acting. 
-Meantime*  and  until  new  elections  took  place,  Morazan  was  to  be  clothed 
with  executive,  representative,  and  judicial  powers.  Under  the  pretext  of 
.restoring  the  sway  of  law  and  constitutional  order,  a  dictatorship,  emanating 
rfrom  a  war  treaty,  would  have  been  created,  whose  sole  object  was  to  reward 
tthe  victor  with  an  unlimited  authority.  The  commissioners  of  the  federal  and 
Guatemalan  governments  refused  to  accede,  and  presented  counter-proposi- 
tions of  a  different  nature,  namely,  to  the  effect  that  the  existing  high  function- 
aries should  resign  their  powers,  and  a  provisional  government  be  established, 
with  one  representative  from  each  state,  to  govern  till  new  elections  and  the 
restoration  of  the  constitutional  rdgime.  There  were  also  propositions  re- 
specting the  government  of  the  state  of  Guatemala.  Full  details  in  Mem. 
Jiev.  Cent.  Am.,  125-9,  231-6,  which  are  widely  different  from  those  in  Mora- 
zan, Apuntes,  MS.,  16.  The  government  of  Mexico,  at  the  request  of  that  of 
Guatemala,  tendered  its  mediation  on  the  20th  of  February,  but  it  arrived 
too  late,  and  there  was  nothing  left  for  it  to  dp  but  to  tender  the  hospitalities 
of  the  Mexican  soil  to  the  victims  of  persecution.  The  full  correspondence  is 
to  be  found  in  Mex.,  Mem.  Hel,  1830,  2-3;  alaoinSuarezyNavarro,  Hist.  Mej.t 


those  proposals  would  be  accepted,  and  believed  them 
to  be  exceedingly  generous  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
the  city  could  no  longer  hold  out.  However,  hostil- 
ities were  resumed,  and  on  the  9th  of  April  the  forces 
under  Morazan  attacked  the  city,  and  a  part  of  it  was 
taken  and  plundered.78 

Aycinena  applied  on  the  llth  to  Morazan,  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  allied  army  of  Honduras 
and  Salvador,  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities,  in  order 
to  negotiate  a  capitulation  which  he  was  disposed  to 
enter  into.  Morazan  replied  at  once  that  he  could 
agree  to  nothing  but  the  unconditional  surrender  of 
the  city,  though  offering  to  guarantee  the  lives  and 
property  of  all  persons  existing  therein.79  The  fight- 
ing continued,  and  on  the  12th  the  place  capitulated. 
The  occupation  was  effected  on  the  following  day,80 
and  immediately  Vice-president  Beltranena  and  his 
ministers  of  relations  and  treasury,  Aycinena  and  his 
secretary  Pielago,  and  Ex-president  Arce81  were 

407-14;  this  authority  claims  that  Mexican  mediation  might  have  been  finally 
successful  in  restoring  peace  but  for  the  opposition  of  the  new  chief  of  Guate- 

78  A  long  account  of  the  alleged  outrages  of  Morazan 's  forces  appears  in 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  132-3.     Marure,  Efem.,  24,  in  referring  to  the  capture 
of  Guatemala,  makes  no  mention  of  any  such  abuses. 

79  Morazan's  answer  was  addressed  to  Gen.  Aycinena,  not  recognizing  the 
latter  as  chief  of  Guatemala,  Juan  Barrundia's  term  not  having  expired  when 
Arce  deposed  him,  in  consequence  of  which  act  Aycinena  rose  to  that  position. 
The  dissolved  authorities  of  1 826  were  now  assembled  in  La  Antigua,  and  Mo- 
razan held  relations  with  them.     Aycinena  had  changed  his  tone;  he  was  no 
longer  the  man  of  the  manifestoes  of  1827,  of  the  prescriptive  decrees,  nor  of 
the  stringent  military  orders  of  the  first  months  of  1829.     He  did  not  now 
call  his  opponents  'un  punado  de  enemigos  del  6rden,  descamisados  y  fora- 
jidos.'  Montufar,  JResena  Hist.,  i.  72-5,  79-86. 

80  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  18,  erroneously  places  the  surrender  on  the 
20th.     The  terms  of  the  capitulation  are  given  in  Arce,  Mem. ,  98-4;  Montufar, 
Reseila  Hist.,  i.  76-7.     Only  the  life  and  property  of  the  inhabitants  were 
guaranteed;  the  vanquished  were  in  all  else  subject  to  the  good-will  of  the 
victor.    Jos6  Milla  y  Vidaurre,  in  his  biographical  sketch  of  Manuel  Francisco 
Pavon,  who  figured  in  these  events,  claims  that  the  capitulation  was  con- 
trary to  Aycinena's  wishes,  who  was  ready  to  defend  the  place  foot  by  foot. 
Montufar,  quoted  above,  denies  the  statement,  adding  that  it  was  advanced 
solely  to  make  the  chief  of  the  serviles  and  head  man  of  the  nobles  appear  as 
a  hero,  and  refers  to  the  correspondence,  which  will  show  Aycinena  quite 
anxious  to  accept  the  guarantee  of  life  and  property. 

81According  to  Miguel  Garcia  Granados,  who  in  later  years  was  a  liberal 
leader  and  acting  president  of  Guatemala,  Arce  had  remained  unmolested  at 
his  house  in  sight  of  the  besiegers  during  the  three  days'  attack.  Id.,  103. 


placed  under  arrest.82  Morazan,  assuming  then  all  the 
powers  of  state,  restored  Juan  Barrundia  to  the  posi- 
tion of  jefe  of  Guatemala,83  whereof  he  had  been 
deprived  by  Arce.  The  capitulation  of  April  12th 
was  on  the  20th  declared  void,  on  the  ground  that 
the  federal  commander  had  failed  to  comply  with  its 
terms  in  not  giving  up  all  the  arms  his  forces  held  at 
the  time  of  the  surrender.84  Morazan  treated  the  func- 
tionaries, both'  federal  and  of  the  state  of  Guatemala, 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  revolution  of  1826  to  1829, 
with  much  rigor/ 


A  period  of  reaction,  or  restoration  as  it  was  prop- 
erly called,  was  now  inaugurated.  During  several 
years  the  servile  party  had  held  undisputed  control  of 
public  affairs  in  Guatemala,  crushing  out  all  opposi- 
tion to  the  best  of  its  ability.  Its  policy  had  been 
one  of  intolerance,  and  its  downfall  was  hailed  with 
joy.  Morazan  seemed  to  have  been  chosen  by  provi- 

82  This  was  done  pursuant  to  orders  from  the  governments  of  the  states. 
So  says  Morazan  himself,  adding  that  the  measure  was  in  consonance  with 
his  own  views,  to  reduce  the  number  of  prisoners  to  a  minimum,  'y  tenia 
tambien  por  objeto  poner  en  absoluta  incapacidad  de  obrar  a  los  principales 
jefes  que  habian  llevado  la  guerra  a  los  Estados.'  Apuntes,  MS.,  16-17. 

63  He  took  charge  of  the  provisional  government  at  the  end  of  April,  Ma- 
riano Zenteno,  who  had  held  the  position  ad  int. ,  was  given  a  vote  of  thanks 
for  his  patriotism  and  courage.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  127. 

84Tho  federal  authorities  alleged  that  their  soldiers  only  had  431  muskets, 
and  not  1,500,  as  demanded  from  them.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  236-9.  Mora- 
zan says  that  soldiers  were  allowed  to  leave  the  city  with  their  arms,  infring- 
ing the  4th  clause  of  the  capitulation,  and  he  could  get  only  evasive  answers. 
Apuntes,  MS.,  17;  Arce,  Mem.,5S-9,  98-103,  from  which  the  conclusion  will  be 
drawn  that  the  charges  against  the  federal  party  were  not  unfounded.  Mon- 
tufar, Resena  Hist.,  i.  109-17.  On  this  subject  Morazan  himself  said:  'No  one 
was  put  to  death,  or  had  money  exacted  from  him  by  me.  The  capitulation 
was  faithfully  carried  out,  even  after  being  annulled.  Duty  gave  way  to  mag- 
nanimity, and  there  was  no  cause  to  regret  it.  Not  that  there  was  no  blood 
to  avenge,  grievance  to  punish,  and  reparation  to  demand.  Among  many 
other  victims  sacrificed,  there  were,  calling  for  vengeance,  generals  Pierzon 
and  Merino,  the  one  shot,  without  even  the  form  of  a  trial,  the  other  taken 
out  of  a  Chilian  vessel  on  which  he  intended  to  return  to  Guayaquil,  his 
country,  to  be  murdered  in  the  city  of  San  Miguel.  There  were,  besides,  the 
burning  and  plundering  of  the  towns  of  Salvador  and  Honduras,  which 
demanded  a  just  reparation.'  Apuntes,  MS.,  10,  17. 

85  He  called  them  to  the  palace,  and  some  of  them  mistaking  the  object  of 
the  summons  made  their  appearance  in  full  uniform.  When  all  were  assem- 
bled they  were  taken  to  prison  and  kept  in  confinement  till  July  9th,  when 
most  of  them  were  sent  out  of  the  country.  Marure,  E/em.,  24. 


dence  to  inflict  condign  punishment  on  those  who  had 
so  cruelly  exercised  a  usurped  power.  Surrounded 
as  he  was  by  so  many  diverse  elements,  the  severity  of 
the  blows  he  dealt  must  riot  be  all  laid  to  his  account. 
The  state  assembly,  which  had  been  dissolved  in 
1826,  having  again  met  on  the  21st  of  April,  1829,86 
with  its  old  president,  Nicola's  Espinosa,  was  practically 
a  tool  in  the  hands  of  the  victorious  general,  and  en- 
acted several  vigorous  laws  against  the  vanquished 
party.87  On  the  4th  of  June  the  assembly  passed  an 
act,  which  was  sanctioned  by  the  consejo  representa- 
tive on  the  12th,  and  by  Jefe  Barrundia  on  the  13th, 
declaring  null  all  elections  made  pursuant  to  the  un- 
constitutional decree  of  the  president  of  the  republic 
dated  October  31,  1826,  and  the  subsequent  ones  of 
1827  and  1828.  It  furthermore  stamped  as  revolu- 
tionists and  usurpers  all  persons  who  by  virtue  of 
those  decrees  had  obtained  and  held  office  of  the 
federation  or  the  state  of  Guatemala,  and  as  such 

1  guilty  of  high  treason,  and  amenable  to  the  death  pen- 
alty.83 On  the  same  day  was  issued  a  so-called  am- 
nesty law;  but  the  number  of  exemptions  from  its 
benefits  made  its  name  a  piece  of  irony.89  The  posi- 
tion of  the  prisoners  taken  in  Guatemala  at  the  time 

"  of  the  capture  of  said  city,  and  others,  became  a  more 
complicated  one,  in  consequence  of  a  decree  passed  by 
the  assembly  of  Salvador  on  the  9th  of  June,  declar- 
ing that  it  would  not  recognize  in  the  assembly  of 
Guatemala  any  authority  to  grant,  without  the  assent 
of  the  other  states,  amnesty  to  the  factious  disturbers 
of  public  order;  and  that  the  capitulation  entered 
into  between  Morazan  and  Aycinena  having  been  an- 


,      e.,      . 

c:  Among  its  acts  was  one  recognizing  the  services  of  Morazan,  to 
was  due  K;J  reinstallation.     He  was  voted  a  gold  medal,  with  the  word  ' 

™Marure,  Efem.,  24. 


me'rito'  before  his  name.  A  full-length  portrait  was  ordered  placed  in  the  hall 
of  sessions.  The  decree,  however,  was  never  carried  out.  Montufar,  Resena 
Hist.,  i.  129;  Marure,  Efem.,  25. 

88  'Son  reos  de  alta  traicion,  y  como  tales,  acreedores  a  la  pena  capital.' 
Arce,  Mem.,  108;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  151;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.  ,  i.  130. 

89  The  text  is  given  in  full  in  Id.,  131-4;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  253-7; 
Ouat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  254-6. 


nulled,  the  captives  were  really  prisoners  of  war  of  the 
allied  states.90  A  number  of  the  prisoners  were,  how- 
ever, permitted  to  go  into  exile  within  fifteen  days, 
paying  first  the  expenses  of  their  support  while  in 
prison,  and  one  third  of  the  value  of  their  estates91 
into  the  federal  treasury,  as  indemnification  for  the 
damages  they  had  inflicted  on  the  country.  That 
privilege  was  not  granted  to  the  president  and  vice- 
president  and  their  ministers,  the  former  chief  of  Gua- 
temala, and  others.  In  fact,  it  was  a  proscription  of 
all  the  principal  men  who  had  sided  with  the  servile 
party.92  It  was  also  decreed  that  all  salaries  paid 
from  October  1826  to  April  1829  should  be  refunded. 
Harsh  measures  were  used  to  force  a  compliance. 

The  federal  congress  that  was  dismissed  in  October 
1826  assembled  on  the  22d  of  June,93  under  the  pres- 
idency of  Doroteo  Vasconcelos,  and  on  the  25th  Jose 
Francisco  Barrundia 94  assumed  the  office  of  president 
of  the  republic,  he  being  the  senior  senator,  and 
having  been  specially  called  thereto  by  the  congress, 
though  the  real  power  in  the  country  was  Morazan. 

The  chief  point  of  discussion  in  congress95  was,  what 
to  do  with  the  prisoners.  Some  members  favored 

90  'Y  por  lo  mismo  sujetos  &  la  jurisdiccion  militar  de  los  misraos  Estados.' 
Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  134-5. 

91  Crowe,  Gospel  Cent.  Am.,  131,  erroneously  asserts  that  all  their  property 
was  confiscated. 

92Arce  addressed  to  Morazan  a  most  virulent  protest.  He  afterward 
boasted  that  he  had  bearded  the  tyrant.  The  very  fact  that  he  dared  to  send 
such  a  document,  and  did  not  lose  his  head,  proves  that  Morazan  was  not 
a  tyrant.  Arce,  Mem.,  113-14.  Antonio  Jos<§  Irisarri,  Manuel  and  Juan  Mon- 
tiifar,  protested  before  the  assembly  and  government  of  Salvador,  before  the 
assemblies  of  all  the  states  of  the  union,  before  Gen.  Morazan,  before  all  the 
republics  of  America,  and  before  all  the  free  people  of  the  world.  The  doc- 
ument was  drawn  up  by  Irisarri,  who  was  not  a  soldier,  though  a  colonel  of 
militia;  the  language  was  pure  and  elegant,  but  it  was  virulent  and  full  of 
sophistry.  Irisarri  also  in  several  publications  boasted  of  his  courage  in 
having  sent  such  a  document.  He  must  have  known  that  it  would  not  have 
any  effect  on  Morazan.  The  latter  was  a  generous  man.  The  effect  would 
have  been  different  on  Rafael  Carrera,  whom  the  serviles  at  a  later  period 
made  their  master,  as  well  as  of  the  whole  country.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist,, 
i.  135-6. 

a3  Marure  has  it  in  Efem.,  25;  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  137-9. 

94 Portrait  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  138. 

95 The  senate,  dissolved  in  1826,  was  reinstalled  July  9th.  Marure,  Efem., 


their  execution,  and  though  others  disapproved  of 
such  a  disposal  of  them,  none  had  sufficient  courage 
to  openly  condemn  such  vindictiveness.  The  discus- 
sions continued  till  July  9th,  when  a  number  of  the 
prisoners  were  sent  under  an  escort  to  Sonsonate,  to 
be  embarked  at  Acajutla  and  expatriated.96  Two  days 
later  a  similar  blow  was  struck  at  the  church,  evi- 
dently because  of  the  sympathy  of  its  head  men  with 
the  servile  party.97  During  the  night  between  the 
10th  and  llth  of  July,  an  armed  force,  acting  under 
orders  of  Morazan,  who  issued  them  in  accordance 
with  the  views  of  the  acting  president  and  the  jefe  of 
Guatemala,  seized  the  archbishop  and  the  friars  of 
several  orders,  and  despatched  them  to  the  Atlantic 
coast,  where  they  were  embarked  for  Habana.  Sev- 
eral of  the  friars  are  represented  to  have  died  on  the 
voyage.93  Whether  there  was  sufficient  cause  for  so 

96Arce,  Mem.,  122-3,  and  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  167-9,  assert  that  they 
were  not  even  allowed  to  make  preparations  for  the  journey,  and  many  had 
furthermore  to  start  on  foot.  The  decree  of  expatriation  was  not,  however, 
issued  till  August  22d,  anft  Jose"  del  Valle  is  said  to  have  been  its  author.  The 
persons  thus  exiled  for  life  were  Arce  and  Beltranena,  and  their  ministers, 
Aycinena  and  his  secretaries,  Cascaras,  Villar,  and  other  high  military  offi- 
cers, Spaniards  not  naturalized  that  served  the  usurping  governments,  and 
many  other  prominent  officers.  Others  were  expatriated  for  various  terms  of 
years.  Montufar,  Resenallist.,  i.  144-50;  Marure,  Efem.,  26.  Arce  and  Ayci- 
nena left  Guatemala  on  the  7th  of  Sept.  They  were  required  to  reside  in  the 
U.  S.  of  Am. ;  embarked  at  Omoa  for  Belize,  and  thence  went  to  New  Orleans. 

9TDunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  177,  and  Squier,  Travels,  ii.  408,  speak  of  plots 
against  the  republic  as  the  reason,  but  it  was  probably  what  the  liberal 
party  alleged. 

98  This  step  was  subsequently  approved  by  the  federal  congress.  Marure, 
Efem.,  25;  Rocha,  Ctfdigo  Nic.,  ii.  373.  The  friars  sent  away  were  the  Do- 
minicans, Franciscans,  and  Recollects.  Those  of  the  order  of  Mercy  were  not 
banished;  they  were  but  few,  and  had  not  been  active  against  the  liberal 
cause.  The  Bethlehemite  hospitallers,  who  devoted  their  time  to  teaching 
and  to  the  care  of  convalescents,  were  also  allowed  to  remain.  The  author  of 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  170,  says  that  the  exiled  priests  were  on  the  passage 
vilely  treated,  for  they  were  allowed  only  sailers'  rations.  Montufar  con- 
fesses that  it  is  not  likely  that  the  289  friars  had  the  succulent  viands  that 
were  usually  prepared  for  them  in  their  convents,  nor  the  dainty  dishes  they 
were  so  often  favored  with  from  the  nuns,  beatas,  and  all  the  daughters  of 
confession.  As  for  the  archbishop,  he  journeyed  with  every  comfort.  Juan 
B.  Asturias,  who  made  the  inventory  of  his  property,  reported  on  31st  of  Dec., 
1829,  that  $218  had  been  paid  for  a  saddled  mule  to  take  the  archbishop  to 
the  coast;  he  was  allowed  $2,000  for  the  expenses  of  his  journey,  and  $1,008.50 
were  given  to  the  pages  for  conveying  him  and  his  effects.  A  person  having 
all  that  cannot  be  said  to  be  unprovided  with  edibles.  Saint  Peter  would  not 
have  needed  so  much.  Resena,  Hist.,  i.  156-7. 


%riolent  a  proceeding  is  doubtful.  However,  the  fed- 
eral congress  thanked  the  executive  for  his  zeal.  The 
sentence  of  expatriation  against  the  archbishop  was 
not  formally  issued  till  about  a  year  after."  On  the 
28th  of  July  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  decreed  the 
suppression  of  all  monastic  establishments  of  men,  ex- 
cepting only  the  Bethlehemite  hospitallers,  who  were 
allowed  to  remain  as  secular  priests,  and  prohibited 
in  the  nunneries  vows  and  professions  in  the  future. 
All  the  temporalities  of  the  suppressed  convents  were 
declared  confiscated  to  the  state.  The  federal  congress 
approved  this  act  on  the  7th  of  September,  declaring 
that  the  nation  would  no  longer  receive  or  recognize 
within  its  territory  any  religious  orders.100 

Peace  being  finally  restored,  the  large  army  of 
Morazan  was  gradually  dissolved,  and  the  leader  be- 
came a  candidate  for  the  presidency.  The  necessity 
of  an  energetic  man,  such  as  Morazan  was,  at  the 
head  of  affairs,  was  quite  apparent,  for  new  difficulties 
were  threatening  from  different  quarters.  Costa  Rica, 
disapproving  the  course  of  Salvador,  declared  her  se- 
cession from  the  union,  and  it  was  only  after  much 
persuasion  that  she  retracted  it.  The  federal  gov- 
ernment, and  that  of  the  state  of  Guatemala,  now  in 
charge  of  Pedro  Molina,101  clashed  on  several  occa- 
sions, and  specially  when,  in  1830,  the  question  of 

99  In  June  1830  he  was  declared  a  traitor.     It  has  been  said  that  it  was 
because  he  accepted  a  pension  of  $3,000  from  the  Spanish  government  at  Ha- 
bana.     Archbishop  Casaus  was  later  appointed  to  administer  the  vacant  see 
of  Habana,  and  held  the  office  till  his  death.     The  above-mentioned  law  was 
revoked  by  the  constituent  assembly  on  the  21st  of  June,  1839,  and  Casaus 
was  restored  to  all  his  former  rights,  and  recognized  as  legitimate  archbishop. 
He  was  repeatedly  invited  to  return,  but  never  would  do  so.  Guat.,  Recop. 
Leyc*,  i.  242-3. 

100  This  declaration  was  subsequently  confirmed  by  all  the  states.     At  a 
later  time— Feb.  27,  1834— a  further  step  was  taken  to  consummate  the  sup- 
pression of  monastic  establishments,  ordaining  that  the  authorities  should  not 
retain  the  nuns  refusing  to  reside  in  the  convents  where  they  professed. 
These  measures  continued  in  force  till  June  21,  1839,  when  the  second  con- 
stituent assembly  of  Guatemala  repealed  them,  decreeing,  consequently,  the 
reestablish  ment  of  the  suppressed  convents.  Marure,  JEfem.,  25. 

101  He  had  been  declared  elected  on  the  22d  of  Aug.,  1829.     Antonio  Ri- 
vera Cabezas  had  been  chosen  vice-jefe.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  172-4, 
giving  also  a  portrait  of  Molina. 


constituting  Guatemala  city  as  a  federal  district  again 
came  upon  the  tapis.  The  state  rejected  the  plan,  as 
on  every  previous  occasion.102  A  project  of  Molina 
to  reform  the  confederation  met  with  the  same  fate. 
He  favored  the  model  of  the  Swiss  republic  at  that 
time,  abolishing  the  expensive  machinery  of  a  federal 
government,  which  was  almost  continually  at  variance 
with  the  different  states.103  The  failure  of  this  scheme 
brought  with  it  the  downfall  of  Molina,  who  was 
afterward  suspended  on  fictitious  charges  and  tried, 
and  though  acquitted,  was  not  reinstated.104 

The  plan  of  King  Fernando  VII.  of  Spain  for  the 
reconquest  of  his  former  American  dominions,  and  the 
steps  he  was  taking  to  accomplish  it,  naturally  caused 
a  sensation  in  Central  America,  where  that  monarch 
would  be  sure  to  find  elements  favorable  to  his  views. 
The  so-called  nobles,  who  had  endeavored,  after  the 
downfall  of  Iturbide  and  the  separation  from  Mexico, 
to  establish  in  Central  America  an  aristocratic  repub- 
lic, such  as  that  of  Genoa  or  Venice,  had  been  again 
balked  in  their  aims  by  the  successes  of  Morazan.  In 
their  disappointment  they  turned  their  eyes  to  Fer- 
nando, and  through  special  agents,  as  well  as  through 
Archbishop  Casaus,  made  known  to  the  captain-gen- 
eral of  Cuba  that  the  circumstances  Central  America 
was  then  in  were  most  propitious  for  the  restoration 
of  the  royal  sway;  for,  as  they  asserted,  all  honest, 
right-thinking  men  and  women  in  the  country  yearned 
for  it,  and  the  Indians  were  likewise  anxious  for  the 
change.  Therefore,  the  only  opposition  thereto  lay  in 

102  Because  the  number  of  Guatemalan  representatives  in  the  federal  con- 
gress would  be  greatly  decreased.     Moreover,  several  of  the  best  public 
buildings  in  the  city  would  become  national  property.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 

103  By  his  plan  a  congress  representing  the  entire  union  was  to  wield  the 
executive  powers  in  foreign  affairs.     The  scheme  fell  through,  owing  to  the 
little  interest  shown  by  the  states,  and  to  the  powerful  opposition  of  persons 
holding  or  aspiring  to  federal  offices,  among  the  most  prominent  being  Mora- 
zan.    Mem.  liev.  Cent.  Am.,  201-3,  dwells  extensively  and  comments  on  the 

.  subject. 

JWFull  particulars  in  Monttifar,  Resefia  Hist.,  i.  205-17. 


the  comparatively  small  number  of  aspirants  to  pub- 
lic offices,  who  made  revolution  in  order  to  control 
the  public  funds  for  their  own  benefit.  Such  reports 
were  full  of  encouragement  for  the  Spaniards  who 
were  intriguing  in  behalf  of  Fernando's  interests, 
which  were  probably  also  their  own. 

Positive  information  was  at  last  received  from  a 
reliable  source  that  Spain  was  preparing,  in  Habana, 
an  expedition  to  land  at  Omoa  and  march  on  Guate- 
mala, where  it  expected  to  find  the  requisite  coopera- 
tion.105 This  report  coincided  with  the  departure  of 
the  Spanish  expedition  under  Brigadier  Barradas  to 
Tampico.106  President  Barrundia,  on  the  3d  of  Sep- 
tember, 1829,  issued  a  stirring  address;  and  the  con- 
gress, in  October  and  November,  with  the  sanction  of 
the  executive,  passed  an  act  forbidding  Spaniards  to 
enter  or  land  in  Central  American  territory  under  any 
pretext.  The  ports  of  the  republic  were  closed  to  the 
Spanish  flag,  and  to  the  products  and  manufactures  of 
Spain,  her  colonies,  and  dependencies. 

There  were  not  a  few  Spaniards  who,  together  with 
the  self-styled  nobles  of  native  birth,  desired  to  s#e 
the  flag  of  the  old  country  waving  again  over  Central 
America.  That  anxiously  wished  for  day  had  become 
almost  the  only  subject  of  conversation  in  their  circles, 
of  which  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  took  due  warn- 
ing. In  November  it  declared  the  sequestration  of 
all  property  belonging  to  Spaniards  who  dwelt  in  the 
republic,  coupled  with  the  assurance  that  none  should 
be  restored  till  Spain  had  formally  recognized  the 
independence  of  Central  America.107 

105  This  report  came  from  Gen.  Mariano  Mantilla,  commanding  the  Colom- 
bian district  of  the  Magdalena,  dated  Jan.  8,  1829,  and  addressed  to  the  jefe 
of  Nicaragua.  It  was  a  long  time  in  getting  to  Guatemala,  and  the  govern- 
ment and  Gen.  Morazan  at  once  made  preparations  for  the  defence  of  the 

106 See  my  Hist.  Hex.,  v.  72-6. 

107  Under  this-  decree  some  of  the  Spanish  property  was  sold;  but  after  a 
•while,  upon  the  receipt  of  favorable  news  from  Mexico,  and  when  there  was 
a  quasi  certainty  that  Spain  would  not  again  make  such  attempts  as  that 
against  Tampico,  the  law  was  revoked.     But  property  already  sold  was  de-  ^ 
clared  to  be  legally  disposed  of,  adding  that  the  former  owners  should  not  be 


indemnified  therefor  till  Spain  had  recognized  Central  American  independence. 
The  texts  of  both  the  federal  and  Guatemalan  decrees  may  be  seen  in  Montu- 
far,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  182-7. 

Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  la  Revolution  de  Centra  America.  Por  un 
Guatemalteco.  Jalapa,  1832.  IGmo,  257  pp.  The  authorship  of  these  me- 
moirs was  attributed  by  well-informed  men,  namely,  Morazan,  ex-president 
of  Central  America,  and  the  distinguished  statesman  and  diplomate  of  that 
country,  Lorenzo  Montufar,  to  Manuel  Montiifar,  who  had  been  chief  of  staff 
of  the  first  president  of  the  republic,  Manuel  Jos6  Arce.  The  work  begins 
with  the  geography  and  political  and  ecclesiastical  divisions  of  the  country, 
accompanied  with  data  on  each  of  the  states  and  territories;  namely,  Costa 
Rica,  Nicaragua,  Poyais,  Honduras,  Salvador,  Guatemala,  and  Chiapas,  to- 
gether with  some  remarks  on  mining  and  other  industries,  military  defences, 
and  financial  condition.  The  political  portion,  as  the  author  himself  acknowl- 
edges, is  loosely  put  together,  and  lacks  many  necessary  details,  which  he 
attributes  to  absence  from  home  when  the  first  sheets  went  to  the  press. 
He  claims,  however,  to  have  impartially  and  correctly  narrated  the  events 
of  Cent.  Am.  history  from  1820  to  1829.  This  to  some  extent  is  true;  never- 
theless there  crops  out  in  places  class-bias,  particularly  in  describing  the 
events  from  1826  to  1829,  by  the  ideas  which  prevailed  in  the  moderado, 
otherwise  called  servile,  party,  in  which  he  was  affiliated  and  serving,  and  for 
whose  acts  he,  like  many  others,  was  driven  into  exile  after  the  defeat  of  that 
party  on  the  field  of  battle. 

Manuel  Jos4  Arce,  Memoria  de  la  Conducta  Piiblica  y  Administrativa  de 
. . .  durante  el  periodo  de  su  presidencia.  Mex.,  1830. '  8vo,  p.  140  and  63.  This 
work  purports  to  be  a  defence  of  his  administration  by  the  first  president  of 
the  republic  of  Central  America,  against  what  he  calls  the  slanders  heaped 
upon  his  name  by  those  who  rebelled  against  the  government  and  the  nation, 
with  documents  bearing  on  the  revolts,  the  whole  having  been  prepared  while 
the  author  was  in  exile.  The  book  is  a  disconnected,  disjointed  patchwork, 
incomplete  in  its  various  records  of  events,  and  indicates,  as  does  Arce's  ca- 
reer, a  weak  character.  A  number  of  meaningless  and  inapt  quotations  from 
the  old  classics  and  from  law-books  help  to  confuse  the  narrative  still  more. 




IT  is  difficult  for  us  to  realize  how  long  it  takes  and 
how  hard  it  is  for  progressive  man  to  throw  away  the 
fetters,  temporal  and  spiritual,  which  in  times  past  he 
stupidly  forged  for  himself.  Intellectual  light  break- 
ing in  on  our  old  savagism  finally  tells  us  that  the 
hurtful  manifestations  of  nature  are  not  the  chastise- 
ments of  offended  deity;  and  then  we  wonder  how 
we  could  have  been  so  stupid  so  long,  with  our  pope- 
worship  and  king-worship,  and  our  servility  to  their 
satellites.  Then  when  we  first  gain  our  liberty  we 
know  not  what  to  do  with  it.  We  feel  lost  without 
the  harness,  the  reins,  the  whip  and  spur.  The  peo- 
ple of  Central  America,  high  or  low,  knew  little  at 
this  juncture  of  self-government.  In  times  past  they 
had  observed  that  rulership  consisted  largely  of  per- 
sonal wranglings  for  place,  from  king  and  pope  down 
to  the  lowest  aspirant;  of  wars,  political  and  ecclesi- 
astical, brother  against  brother,  priests  and  people 
butchering  and  burning  as  if  the  great  object  of  reli- 
gion and  civilization  was  to  preserve  upon  this  earth 



as  long  as  possible  the  hell  which  we  all  hope  in  one 
way  or  another  to  escape  hereafter. 

Note  further  in  regard  to  Central  America  the 
strange  union  of  widely  distinct  classes  in  their  efforts 
to  sacrifice  the  country  for  self.  Though  from  some- 
what different  motives,  we  see  join  hands  the  highest 
and  the  lowest,  a  self-styled  aristocracy  and  the  igno- 
rant rabble,  aided  by  the  priests  who  would  not  see 
their  power  slip  from  them  in  the  general  overturn- 
ings,  all  spending  their  energies  and  blood  in  the 
direction  of  utter  destruction  for  themselves,  their 
families,  and  their  country.  Fortunately  there  were 
others  at  hand  whose  ideas  of  self-government  were 
different;  who  earnestly  desired  that  this  new  plant 
of  liberty — a  boon  which  had  so  unexpectedly  dropped 
down  to  them  from  heaven — should  have  in  their 
midst  a  healthy  growth,  in  spite  of  ignorance,  ambi- 
tion, or  superstition. 

The  legislative  assembly  of  Honduras,  pursuant  to 
the  prescriptive  law  enacted  by  the  federal  congress 
in  August  1829,  issued  a  decree  of  expulsion,  and  the 
government  of  the  state  transmitted  to  Guatemala  a 
list  of  those  who  had  come  within  its  provisions.1 
Some  exiles  from  Honduras  and  other  states  of  Cen- 
tral America  went  to  Belize  to  carry  on  their  plots 
from  that  quarter,  and  soon  caused  a  sedition  in  the 
department  of  Olancho.  The  vice-jefe,  Vijil,  used 
his  best  endeavors  to  bring  the  seditious  to  terms 
peaceably,  but  failed.2  It  became  necessary  then  to 
resort  to  force,  and  Lieutenant-colonel  Terrelonge  was 
authorized  to  move  his  troops  from  Trujillo  against 
Olancho.  The  state  of  Guatemala  was  also  requested 

1  Most  of  them  had  been  agents  of  ^illa,  and  contributed  to  the  over- 
throw of  the  state  government.     A  number  had  moved  to  Guatemala,  Salva- 
dor, and  elsewhere.     The  most  prominent  in  the  list  were  the  ex-provisor, 
Nicolas  Irias,  and  Pedro  Arriaga.     The  latter  was  sent  out  of  the  country 
from  the  port  of  Omoa.     He  had  been  Milla's  chief  agent  and  adviser,  and 
brought  about  the  destruction  by  fire  of  Comayagua,  his  native  place.     This 
will  account  for  his  hostility  in  after  years  to  liberals,  and  for  his  active  coop- 
eration with  the  despots  of  Guatemala.  Montufar,  Reseua  Hist.,  i.  190. 

2  The  pretext  for  the  movement  was  to  resist  a  moderate  tax  established 
by  the  legislature;  the  real  object  was  to  bring  on  a  reaction. 



to  send  its  force  stationed  in  Chiquiinula  to  Gracias, 
for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  the  preservation  of  order. 
The  assembly  of  Guatemala,  on  the  24th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1829,  directed  that  500  men,  subject  to  the  orders 
of  the  chief  of  the  state,  should  repair  at  once  to 
Honduras  and  quell  the  insurrection.  The  wording 
of  the  decree  caused  a  disagreement  between  the 
president  of  the  republic  and  Jefe  Molina.  The  lat- 
ter insisted  that  the  500  men  to  be  sent  to  Honduras 
should  be  under  his  orders.  President  Barrundia 



could  not  accede  to  it,  because  the  command  of  a  mil- 
itary force  operating  out  of  the  state  belonged  by  law 
to  the  federal  government,3  and  through  his  minister 
of  war,  Nicolas  Espinosa,  applied  to  the  Guatemalan 
legislature  for  a  change  in  the  decree.  Espinosa's 
communication  caused  much  sensation,  and  the  assem- 

3  The  friendship  existing  between  Barrundia  and  Molina,  from  the  earliest 
period  of  their  political  life,  previous  to  the  independence,  became  weak- 
ened, threatening  a  disruption  of  the  liberal  party.  The  disagreement  was 
increased  by  Molina's  opposition  to  the  federal  government  remaining  in 


bly  repealed  the  act  of  November  24th,  and  in  its 
stead  provided  that  the  money  needed  to  muster  in 
and  equip  500  men  should  be  furnished  the  general 
government  out  of  the  state  treasury. 

Morazan,  jefe  of  Honduras,  and  general-in-chief  of 
the  Central  American  forces,  had  marched  with  a  di- 
vision upon  the  departments  of  Olancho  and  Opoteca, 
and  to  him  were  despatched  the  troops  newly  raised  in 
Guatemala.  Colonel  Vicente  Dominguez  was  one  of 
the  chief  promoters  of  the  revolution  of  Honduras.4 
Morazan's  military  reputation  made  easy  his  road  to 
victory.  He  encountered  no  great  difficulties.  The 
year  1830  was  inaugurated  with  new  triumphs.  The 
Olancho  rebels  surrendered  to  him  at  Las  Vueltas  del 
Ocote,  and  on  the  21st  of  January  solemnly  bound 
themselves  to  recognize  and  obey  the  government.5 
Morazan  next,  on  the  19th  of  February,  routed  the 
insurrectionists  of  Opoteca.6  Morazan,  after  pacifying 
Honduras,  intended  marching  into  Nicaragua,  if  po- 
litical measures  should  prove  insufficient  to  establish 
regularity  there.  He  first  despatched  Dionisio  Her- 
rera  to  the  seat  of  Nicaraguan  differences,  who  ful- 
filled his  trust  with  zeal,  and  Morazan  had  no  need  of 
going  to  the  state.  Herrera  had  been  chosen  jefe*,  and 
was  duly  inducted  in  his  office  on  the  12th  of  May. 

The  time  for  renewing  the  supreme  federal  authority 
having  arrived,  elections  were  held  throughout  the 
republic.  Congress  opened  its  session  with  due  so- 
lemnity on  the  27th  of  March,  1830.  The  supreme 
court  of  justice  was  likewise  installed.7  The  elec- 
tion of  president  of  the  republic  had  been  also  made. 

*  The  same  who  made  the  revolt  of  Xalpatagua,  murdered  Gen.  Merino  at 
San  Miguel,  and  was  defeated  at  Gualcho. 
*Marure,  Efem.,26. 

6  Forty-one  of  them,  including  the  clergyman  Antonio  Rivas,  were  sen- 
tenced to  military  duty  in  the  castle  of  San  Felipe  for  five  years.     Father 
Rivas,  after  serving  out  his  term,  said  that  he  was  an  innocent  victim  and  a, 
martyr  of  religion,  and  prayed  upon  the  liberals  all  the  maledictions  of  the 
108th  psalm.  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  196. 

7  Composed  of  the  citizens  Nicolas  Espinosa,  Jos6  Antonio  Larrave,  Ma- 
nuel Jos<5  de  la  Cerda,  and  Jacobo  Rosa. 

112  CIVIL  WAR. 

Morazan,  Jose  Francisco  Barrundia,  Jose  del  Valle, 
Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas,  and  Pedro  Molina  obtained 
votes ;  but  by  far  the  largest  number  of  them  had  been 
polled  for  Morazan  and  Valle.8 

The  votes  were  counted  in  June.  Morazan  had 
the  largest  number;  but  in  order  to  ascertain  if  the 
election  had  been  legal,  it  was  necessary  first  to  de- 
clare if  the  basis  was  to  be  the  number  of  votes  which 
the  citizens  of  the  republic  had  the  right  to  poll,  or 
that  of  the  votes  actually  given  and  counted.  If  the 
former,  there  had  been  no  popular  election, and  congress 
had  to  decide  the  point  between  Morazan  and  Valle; 
in  the  latter  case,  Morazan  had  been  popularly  elected.9 

The  congress  consisted  for  the  most  part  of  friends 
of  Morazan,  and  he  was  declared  president.  He  made 
a  triumphal  entry  into  Guatemala  on  the  14th  of  Sep- 
tember, and  should  have  been  inaugurated  on  the  15th; 
but  it  was  decided  that  Barrundia  should  turn  over 
to  him  the  executive  office  on  the  16th,  in  the  midst 
of  the  festivities  of  national  independence.  This  was 
done  by  Barrundia  with  that  republican  simplicity 
which  had  ever  characterized  the  man.  All  the  states 
sent  their  congratulations  to  Morazan,  and  to  Bar- 
rundia for  the  good  judgment  and  success  of  his  ad- 
ministration.10 Mariano  Prado,  the  distinguished 

8  Barrundia  did  not  want  the  position,  and  did  not  work  for  it.  He  wished 
Morazan  to  be  elected.  Morazan  had  in  his  favor  the  prestige  of  a  victorious 
general.  He  was  somewhat  in  the  position  of  Bonaparte  when  he  returned 
from  Egypt.  Valle  was  recognized  to  be  the  best  informed  man  of  Central 
America;  none  could  compete  with  him  in  literary  or  scientific  attainments. 
In  politics  he  was  always  an  opponent  of  the  aristocracy,  who  execrated  his 
memory,  and  even  impudently  pretended  to  deny  his  literary  merits.  But 
we  have  seen  elsewhere  that  he  was  not,  like  Barrundia,  an  uncompromising 
opponent  of  all  governments  not  based  011  democracy  and  republicanism.  He 
compromised  with  the  Mexican  empire,  was  a  deputy  to  the  imperial  congress, 
where  he  made  a  brilliant  record,  and  became  a  minister  of  the  emperor,  who 
sent  him  to  prison  when  he  dissolved  the  congress.  After  the  emperor's  over- 
throw, Valle  maintained  that  the  provinces  of  Central  America  were  free  to 
act  their  own  pleasure.  He  was  a  popular  man,  but  Morazan's  victorious 
sword  eclipsed  all  else  just  then.  Id.,  268. 

'It  was  the  same  question  that  occurred  in  1825  between  Arce  and  Valle. 
The  congress  at  that  time,  in  order  to  exclude  Valle,  decided  in  favor  of  the 
former.  Valle  published  pamphlets  in  favor  of  the  latter  principle,  and  the 
congress  of  1830  acted  upon  his  arguments. 

10  Among  the  warmest  were  those  of  the  legislature  of  Guatemala.  The 
spokesman  for  the  committee  presenting  them  was  Alejandro  Marure. 


citizen  of  Salvador,  who  did  such  good  service  to  the 
liberal  cause  as  vice-jefe  of  that  state  during  the  cam- 
paign that  ended  in  April  1829,  was  elected  vice- 

One  of  Barrundia's  measures  that  did  him  honor 
was  his  saving  the  island  of  Roatan  to  Centra! 
America.  The  British  had  driven  away  the  few  in- 
habitants and  small  garrison  and  taken  possession.11 
Barrundia  made  energetic  though  courteous  remon- 
strances, and  the  island  was  restored  after  Morazan 
had  become  president. 

The  country  now  required  peace.  Morazan  exerted 
himself  to  foster  education  and  national  industry. 
Agriculture  and  trade  began  to  revive;  but  it  was 
not  to  be  continued  long,  for  the  demon  of  political 
strife  was  let  loose  again.  The  servile  party,  though 
defeated,  had  not  remained  inactive.  In  1831  it  pre- 
pared a  plot  for  the  destruction  of  the  liberals,  which 
had  ramifications  everywhere.  Arce  was  to  invade 
the  republic  from  Mexico  through  Soconusco.  DQ- 
minguez  was  to  occupy  Honduras  with  elements  gath- 
ered for  the  purpose  at  Belize.  Meantime,  Rarnon 
Guzman  seized  the  fort  at  Omoa  with  200  negroes.12 
Arce  effected  his  invasion  with  about  100  men,  exiled 
and  discontented  Central  Americans,13  and  was  de- 
feated at  Escuintla  de  Soconusco,  on  the  24th  of.' 
February,  1832,  by  the  forces  under  General  RaojcIL 
He  succeeded  in  escaping  with  a  few  men  into  Mexico 
again.14  Guzman,  being  hard  pressed  at  Omoa  by  the; 
government  troops  under  Colonel  Terrelonge,  hoisted! 
the  Spanish  flag  over  the  fort,  and  despatched,  on  ihe 
10th  of  August,  the  schooner  Ejeeutivo,  whose  name 
had  been  now  changed  to  General  Dominguez,  to  ask 
assistance  from  the  captain-general  of  Cuba,  offering 

11  This  was  a  common  course  with  our  brethren  across  the  Atlantic.  Ma- 
rure,  Efem.,  27;  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  414. 

12  This  was  on  the  21st  of  Nov.,  at  about  11  P.  M. 

l*Larrainzar,  Soconusco,  80;  Morazan  and   Carrera,  MS.,  no.  3,  9,  say 
troops  from  Mexico,  which  is  doubtful. 

14  Details  on  this  campaign  are  given  in  Montqfar,  Resefia  Hist.,  i.  348-65.. 
HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    8 

114  CIVIL  WAR. 

himself  and  those  with  him  as  subjects  of  the  Spanish 
king.  But  the  vessel  was  captured  on  her  return 
with  supplies,  and  the  rebel  garrison  surrendered  on 
the  12th  of  September,  after  a  siege  of  five  months.15 
Almost  at  the  same  time  that  Omoa  was  seized  by 
the  rebels,  the  port  of  Trujillo  was  occupied  by  Vicente 
Dominguez,  who  had  in  his  company  Pedro  Gon- 
zalez.16 The  Central  Americans  had  two  armed 
schooners  at  Izabal,  besides  two  national  vessels 
under  Terrelonge,  and  an  armed  schooner  at  Belize. 
Duplessis,  a  Frenchman,  commanding  the  national 
vessel  Fenix,  was  captured  by  Dominguez,  taken  to 
Omoa,  and  shot  in  the  plaza.17 

Dominguez'  vanguard  reached  Yoro  on  the  7th  of 
March,  1832,  and  was  defeated  at  Tercales  on  the  9th, 
and  again  at  Olanchito.  He  fled  to  Trujillo,  leaving 
behind  200  muskets,  other  arms,  some  money,  and 
other  things.18  He  then  transferred  himself  to  Omoa, 
and  with  600  men,  on  the  26th  of  March,  attacked 
the  government  troops  at  Jaitique,  being  defeated. 
He  was  again  routed  at  Opoteca,  pursued  in  all 
directions,  captured,  and  taken  to  Comayagua,  where 
he  was  put  to  death  on  the  14th  of  September.19  The 
rebel  plot  thus  defeated  was  a  formidable  one.  Arch- 
bishop Casaus  from  Habana  moved  his  clergy.  Bishop 
Fray  Luis  Garcia  of  Chiapas  favored  Ex-president 
Arce,  whose  friends  confidently  asserted  that  he  also 

15  The  national  armed  schooner  Deseada  took  the  Ejecutivo.  The  Spanish 
flags  that  waved  over  the  fort  and  the  latter  vessel  were  dragged  through  the 
streets  of  Guatemala,  tied  to  the  tails  of  horses,  on  the  day  of  the  national 
anniversary.  Ramon  Guzman  was  executed  at  Omoa  on  the  13th  of  Sept.,  by 
order  of  Col  Agustin  Guzman,  who  commanded,  Terrelonge  being  bedridden 
by  a  serious  illness.  Montufar,  Resena,  Hist.,  i.  377-81;  Marure,  Efcm.,  29. 

16A  man  who,  though  amenable  to  exile  under  the  law  of  expulsion,  had 
been  pardoned  at  his  repeated  supplications. 

17  Duplessis  died  like  a  hero.  His  execution  was  a  murder,  similar  to  that 
of  Gen.  Merino.  Both  instances  served  as  an  example  of  what  the  liberals 
might  expect  if  the  serviles  got  the  upper  hand  again. 

18Among  them  were  a  number  of  rosaries  and  prayers  to  the  virgin  of 
Guadalupe,  supposed  to  possess  the  power  of  benumbing  the  enemy  in  the 

19  He  is  said  not  to  have  shown  at  the  hour  of  his  execution  that  courage 
which  was  manifested  by  his  victims  at  the  scaffold. 


had  the  support  of  the  Mexican  government.20  Arce's 
plans  were  also  in  combination  with  the  jefe  of  Salva- 
dor, Jose  Maria  Cornejo.21  The  fallen  party  would 
not  admit  that  they  had  been  vanquished,  that  their 
principles  were  antiquated  and  repugnant  to  the  people; 
they  still  believed  that  a  reaction  was  not  only  possi- 
ble, but  right  and  natural. 

Cornejo's  intrigues  led  to  a  disturbance  of  the  peace 
in  Salvador.  The  state  assembly  had  been  installed 
in  February  1831,  and  the  tendencies  of  its  members 
elect,  together  with  Cornejo's  workings,  had  awakened 
mistrust  among  the  liberals  of  Guatemala.  The  as- 
sembly of  the  latter  state  directed  the  executive,  in 
congratulating  the  Salvador  assembly  upon  its  instal- 
lation, to  remind  it  of  the  necessity  of  harmony  and 
of  upholding  liberal  principles.22 

On  the  news  of  the  invasion  of  Honduras,  already 
described,  reaching  Guatemala,  Morazan  decided  to 
establish  his  headquarters  in  San  Salvador  as  a  more 
convenient  centre  for  future  operations.  His  relations 
with  the  authorities  of  Salvador  were  anything  but 

20  It  was  probably  unfounded;  and  yet  the  fact  stands  that  though  often 
requested  to  make  Arce  reside  farther  in  the  interior,  the  Mexican  authorities 
never  did  it.     Arce  recruited  his  men,  issued  proclamations,  and  built  forts 
undisturbed  by  the  Chiapanec  officials,  who,  on  the  other  hand,  exerted  them- 
selves to  hinder  the  action  of  the  government  forces. 

21  This  man  was  a  servile  at  heart,  and  undoubtedly  had  secret  relations 
with  the  invaders;  as  was  shown  in  the  proclamation  of  Dominguez  and 
Father  Herrera,  in  the  praises  the  serviles  awarded  him,  and  in  his  rebellion. 
Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  334,  382. 

22  It  is  understood  they  were  jealous  in  Salvador  of  Guatemala's  influence 
in  the  federal  policy.     Cornejo  claimed  that  what  he  wanted  was  reforms  in 
the  national  constitution.     Reforms  were  certainly  necessary,  and  if  they  had 
been  adopted  in  good  faith  by  the  states,  the  union  might  have  been  saved. 
The  executive  had  no  participation  in  the  framing  of  laws,  either  directly  or 
indirectly;  he  had  not  the  sanction  of  them,  nor  could  he  veto  or  suspend. 
It  was  the  senate,  as  the  council  of  the  government,  that  sanctioned  the  laws. 
That  body,  elected  very  like  the  chamber  of  deputies,  was  the  judge  of  min- 
isters and  other  functionaries.     It  nominated  the  officials,  and  at  the  same 
time  had  legislative,  administrative,  and  judicial  powers.     The  president  of 
the  republic  had  no  independent  place  of  abode,  and  was  ever  at  the  mercy 
of  the  state  where  the  federal  government  had  its  seat;  at  best,  he  was  the 
object  of  that  state's  benevolent  hospitality.     On  the  other  hand,  he  was_the 
target  of  all  the  assaults  promoted  by  the  spirit  of  localism  for  or  against 
that  state.     It  was  therefore  evident  that  a  federal  district  was  a  necessity; 
one  which  the  states  would  look  upon  as  common  property,  and  would  foster 
and  advance. 

116  CIVIL  WAR. 

harmonious;  neither  could  they  be  harmonious  under 
the  circumstances.  Mariano  Galvez,  jefe  of  Guate- 
mala,23 desiring  to  avoid  conflicts,  despatched  Colonel 
Nicolas  Espinosa  with  letters  to  Cornejo,  advising 
him  that  his  agent  was  instructed  to  use  his  best 
offices  to  settle  the  differences  between  him  and  Mo- 
razan.  Espinosa,  when  near  Atiquizaya,  heard  that 
orders  for  his  arrest  had  been  issued,  and  therefore 
went  back.  Galvez  became  justly  indignant  at  the 
conduct  of  Cornejo's  agents. 

The  president  of  the  republic  started  from  Guate- 
mala on  the  29th  of  December,  1831,  accompanied  by 
his  ministers,  and  journeyed  toward  San  Salvador 
without  any  military  force  other  than  his  body-guard ; 
consequently  Cornejo  had  no  cause  to  apprehend  any 
sudden  blow  at  his  authority.24  Nevertheless,  on  the 
6th  of  January,  1832,  Cornejo  broke  out  in  open  re- 
bellion, commanding  the  national  executive,  then  at 
Santa  Ana,  to  quit  the  state  forthwith  or  he  would 
be  driven  away.  Morazan,  having  no  means  of  resist- 
ance, obeyed.  This  insult  to  the  republic  was  fol- 
lowed next  day,  January  7,  1832,  by  an  act  declaring 
the  suspension  of  the  federal  compact  and  the  seces- 
sion of  the  state  of  Salvador.  Congress  then  em- 
powered the  executive  to  repel  invasions.  The  jefe 
of  Guatemala  admitted  the  obligation  of  his  state  to 
aid  the  general  government  with  all  its  means.25  The 
assembly  of  Nicaragua,  backed  by  the  jefe  Dionisio 
Herrera,  who  was  a  stanch  friend  and  supporter  of 
Morazan,  passed  an  act  disallowing  the  legitimacy  of 

23  Galvez'  record  is  not  clean  in  the  eyes  of  many  liberals.  He  had  be- 
longed to  the  imperial  party,  and  had  been  leagued  with  the  aristocracy.  He 
was  a  patriot,  it  is  true,  but  his  patria  was  Guatemala;  his  patriotism  did  not 
embrace  all  Central  America.  Such  is  the  opinion  given  of  him,  with  his 
portrait,  by  Montufar,  in  Resena  Hist.,  i.  296. 

21  Besides,  Cornejo  had  officially  said  that  Morazan  had  neither  supporters 
nor  prestige  in  Salvador. 

25  Galvez  had  wanted  arrangements  made  to  repel  invaders,  but  leaving 
Cornejo,  though  he  disliked  his  indiscreet  acts,  in  his  position.  Morazan 
was,  on  the  contrary,  impressed  with  the  idea  that  Cornejo's  deposal  was  a 


the  Salvador  authorities  and  their  acts,  and  providing 
means  to  support  the  federal  government.26 

Costa  Rica,  through  her  minister  of  state,  Joaquin 
Bernardo  Calvo,  in  a  note  from  San  Jose  of  March  3, 
1832,  to  the  government  of  Guatemala,  signified  her 
readiness  to  support  the  laws,  and  with  that  end  to 
place  at  the  disposal  of  the  federal  executive  all  the 
aid  in  her  power.  A  Guatemalan  force  was  stationed 
on  the  frontier  of  Salvador,  first  under  Colonel  Cdrlos 
Salazar,  and  afterward  under  Colonel  Juan  Prem,  a 
distinguished  officer  of  the  campaign  of  1829.  Even 
now  Galvez  hoped  to  avert  war,  sending  commis- 
sioners to  confer  with  Cornejo  at  Ahuachapan.  The 
latter  received  them,  and  appointed  his  own  to  con- 
tinue the  conferences;  but  they  were  suddenly  brought 
to  an  end  without  results.27  Further  efforts  on  behalf 
of  peace  were  useless;  the  contest  had  to  be  decided 
by  war.28 

Morazan  with  a  force  of  Salvador  and  Honduras 
men  marched  from  the  river  Lempa  to  Portillo.  Cor- 
nejo had  600  men  in  Jocoro  of  the  department  of  San 
Miguel.  The  latter  were  signally  defeated  on  the 
14th  of  March,  losing  500  men  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  prisoners.29  This  was  soon  followed  by  pronun- 
ciamientos  in  several  departments  against  Cornejo  and 
in  favor  of  Morazan.  The  latter  lost  no  time  in 
marching  upon  San  Salvador,  which  he  took  by 
assault  on  the  28th  of  March,  notwithstanding  the 

26  The  act  outlawed  all  persons  who  having  been  expelled  from  Nicara- 
guan  territory  should  uphold  the  authorities  of  Salvador.     Correspondence 
with  the  enemies  of  the  country,  or  any  expression,  verbal  or  written,  favor- 
ing them,  were  made  punishable  by  death.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist,,  i.  338. 

27  Cornejo  had  consented  to  negotiate,  believing  the  force  on  the  frontier 
be  controlled  by  Guatemala;  but  on  ascertaining  that  it  was  under  Mora- 
zan's  orders,  and  that  Galvez  had  merely  intended  a  mediation  without  being 
recreant  to  his  federal  obligations,  his  commissioners  broke  off  the  conferences 
under  various  pretexts. 

28  It  was  a  great  mistake,  perhaps,  not  to  have  given  the  state  time  to  re- 
flect, when  it  might  have  gone  back  quietly  to  the  union.     As  it  was,  liberals 
were  for  the  first  time  arrayed  against  liberals,  and  the  shedding  of  blood 
begat  animosities  that  never  could  be  healed.     The  serviles,  of  course,  gladly 
fanned  the  flame. 

29  In  fact,  they  hardly  made  any  resistance.     The  president's  casualties 
were  trifling.  Marure,  Efem.,  30;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  340. 

118  CIVIL  WAR. 

obstinate  resistance  of  Cornejo  and  the  garrison,  the 
assailing  force  being  made  up  of  Nicaraguans  and 
Hondurans.30  The  state  authorities  were  deposed, 
sent  to  Guatemala  under  a  guard,  and  subsequently 
tried  by  a  special  court  created  ex  post  facto,  with  the 
name  of  jurado  nacional.31  Morazan  then  assumed 
control  of  Salvador  until  constitutional  authorities 
should  be  reorganized.32  This  step,  illegal  as  it  was, 
gave  dissatisfaction,  not  in  Salvador  alone,  but  in  the 
other  states,  which  subsequently  seceded  from  the 
union;  and  though  later  retractions  took  place,  it 
may  be  said  that  the  confederation  was  dissolved  at 
this  period.33 

Meantime,  the  federal  congress  had  continued  its 
sessions,  striving  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  coun- 
try by  a  liberal  policy.  Among  the  acts  adopted  at 
this  time,  and  deserving  special  mention,  was  that 
of  May  2,  1832,  abolishing  the  exclusiveness  of  the 
Roman  religion,  and  recognizing  freedom  of  conscience 
and  of  worship.34  This  law,  though  practically  of 
little  effect,  inasmuch  as  there  were  but  few  foreigners 
in  the  country,  showed  that  a  spirit  of  toleration  was 
gaining  ground.  Another  important  measure  was  the 
adoption  of  Livingston's  Lousiana  code,  and  trial  by 

30 The  following  facts  are  taken  from  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  lib.  iii., 
chap.  14.  Filisola  in  1823  needed  2,000  bayonets  to  take  San  Salvador. 
In  1827-8,  Arce,  Arzu,  and  Montufar  failed  to  do  it  with  an  equal,  if  not  a 
larger  force.  In  1832  Morazan  with  only  800  men  made  himself  master  of  the 
place  in  less  than  two  hours.  The  object  of  these  remarks  was  to  show  that 
no  credit  should  be  given  to  Morazan 's  detractors  in  their  attempts  to  lessen 
his  military  reputation.  Montufar,  Itesena  Hist.,  i,  343. 

31  There  were  38  of  them,  including  Cornejo  and  Antonio  J.  Canas. 

32  The  new  rulers,  raised  to  power  under  the  auspices  of  the  victor,  de- 
clared those  of  1831  and  the  beginning  of  1832  to  have  been  illegitimate,  and 
organized  courts  for  the  trial  of  treason.     The  decrees  of  June  7  and  26,  and 
July  28,  ]832,  were  severe;  fortunately,  they  were  not  executed  with  the  same 
animosity  displayed  in  enacting  them.  Marure,  Efem.,  30. 

33  Nicaragua  seceded  Dec.  3,  1832;  Guatemala,  Jan.  27,  1833;  Salvador 
repeated  her  declaration  on  Feb.  13,  1833;  Honduras  and  Costa  Rica  sepa- 
rated themselves,  respectively,  on  the  19th  of  May  and  18th  of  Sept.,  1833. 
Marure,  Efem.,  32;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  42-3;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  20; 
Dunlop1*  Cent.  Am.,  184;  Crowe's  Gospel,  134;  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  417. 

84 '  Todos  los  habitantes  de  la  republica  son  libres  para  adorar  a  Dios  segun 
su  conciencia,  y  que  el  gobierno  nacional  les  proteje  en  el  ejercicio  de  esta 
libertad.'  Marure,  Efem.,  31.  Jos6  F.  Barrundia  is  said  to  have  effectively 
fathered  this  resolution.  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  12,  1854. 


jury.  This  form  of  trial  was  not  understood  by  the 
people,  and  fortunately  fell  into  disuse. 

Notwithstanding  the  acts  of  disunion  passed  by  the 
several  states,  there  was  no  serious  disturbance  during 
the  remainder  of  1832  or  in  1833.  In  the  middle  of 
the  latter  year35  congress  adjourned,  and  there  were 
fair  prospects  of  peace.  Indeed,  the  liberals  had  been 
made  to  see  the  folly  of  disunion.  The  states,  relin- 
quishing their  antagonisms,  quietly  returned  to  the 
confederacy.  The  federal  government,  on  the  20th  of 
April,  1833,  convoked  a  new  congress  to  adjust  differ- 
ences. But  now  a  new  element  of  discord  appeared. 
This  was  the  jealousy  felt  by  the  smaller  states  toward 
Guatemala,  which  being  larger  in  extent  and  popula- 
tion, naturally  had  a  corresponding  influence  in  the 
national  congress.36  These  states  demanded  an  equal 
voice  in  that  body,  and  insisted  that  this  right  should 
be  recognized  before  proceeding  to  the  elections.37 
Guatemala,  heeding  the  anxiety  of  the  liberal  leaders, 
assented  to  the  demand.  Some  of  the  states  pro- 
ceeded with  their  elections,  but  it  soon  became  obvious 
that  the  plan  of  compromise  could  not  be  satisfactory 
or  permanent,  and  it  was  dropped.  The  proposed 
congress  accordingly  did  not  meet.38 

Rumors  were  current  for  some  time  in  1833  of  an 
intended  invasion  of  Salvador  by  Arce,  by  sea  from 
Acapulco,39  but  they  proved  to  be  unfounded.  The 

35  July  8,  1833.    Barrundia's  speech  in  closing  the  congress  is  given  in  El 
Centra  Americano,  July  11,  1833,  57-69. 

36  This  jealousy  had  developed  during  the  states'  rights  agitation. 

37  Guatemala  rejected  this  convocation  by  an  act  of  June  2,  1833.  Guat., 
Recop.  Leyes,  i.  240-1.     A  project  appeared  in  the  Centra  Americano  of  June 
11,  1833,  28-30,  to  terminate  the  question  of  equal  numerical  representation 
in  congress  for  the  five  states.     It  was  proposed  to  divide  the  territory  into 
three  states  of  about  the  same  population  each,  the  executive  authority  to  be 
alternately  held  by  the  presidents  of  the  three  states.     The  plan  was  im- 

38  The  adoption  of  such  a  plan  by  the  federal  congress  could  not  be  secured 
until  July  18,  1838.     The  decree  of  convocation  issued  on  that  date  was  gen- 
erally accepted,  and  yet  the  diet  never  met  till  March  17,  1842.  Harure, 
Efem.,  33. 

39  The  correspondence  between  the  state  governments  for  the  strict  vigi- 
lance on  the  coast  of  that  state  appears  in  El  Centro  Americano,  Oct.  18, 
1833;  Montdfar,  JKesena  Hist.,  ii.  41-2. 

120  CIVIL  WAR. 

federal  government  transferred  its  seat  on  the  5th  of 
February,  1834,*°  first  to  Sonsonate,  and  later  to  San 
Salvador,  which  for  the  time  being  quieted  the  jealous 
feeling  of  the  several  states  against  Guatemala.  But 
after  a  few  weeks  the  dissensions  between  the  federal 
and  state  governments,  of  so  frequent  occurrence  when 
the  former  was  in  Guatemala,  were  renewed  in  San 
Salvador.  On  the  23d  of  June,  1834,  a  fight  took 
place  between  troops  of  the  two  parties,  and  the  affair 
ended  in  another  overthrow  of  the  local  authorities,41 
who  were  proscribed  under  ex  post  facto  laws.42  The 
state  government  went  first  into  the  hands  of  General 
Salazar,  who  called  himself  jefe  provisorio,  and  after- 
ward into  those  of  the  vice-president  of  the  republic. 
Neither  had  any  legal  authority  in  the  premises.  This 
state  of  affairs  caused  dissatisfaction  in  Salvador. 
Political  disturbances  were  also  experienced  in  other 
states.  The  flame  of  discord  was  fanned  everywhere 
by  the  oligarchs,  who  found  their  task  made  easier  by 
the  extreme  religious  liberalism  of  the  ruling  party. 
Their  influence  was  felt  when,  on  the  7th  of  February, 
1835,  after  San  Salvador,  together  with  a  few  sur- 
rounding towns,  was  constituted  a  federal  district,43 

40  Pursuant  to  a  resolution  of  the  national  congress  of  June  25,   1833. 
As  early  as  1826  the  government  of  Salvador  had  tried  to  have  the  federal 
authorities  reside  at  least  40  leagues  from  Guatemala.     Similar  requests  had 
been  subsequently  made  by  other  states;  and  even  in  the  legislature  of  Guate- 
mala reiterated  motions  had  been  presented  to  the  same  effect.     But  the  fed- 
eralist  party,  as  long  as  it  was  in  the  majority  in   congress,  strenuously 
opposed  the  removal,  believing  that  it  would  bring  about,  as  it  actually  did, 
the  downfall  of  the  federal  system,  and  the  dissolution  of  the  federal  author- 
ities. Marure,   Efem.,  34.     Montufar,  Reseila  Hist.,  ii.  58-9,  remarks  that 
Marure  when  he  wrote  the  first  two  volumes  of  his  Bosquejo  Jlistorico  was 
a  liberal;  in  his  Efemerides,  written  later,  he  speaks  like  a  conservative.     The 
change  of  tone  is  attributed  to  the  iron  influence  of  the  government  from 
whom  he  had  a  salary  as  a  professor.     Lastarria,  in  La  America,  250,  errone- 
ously attributes  the  transfer  to  Mora^an's  action  to  break  up  the  influence  of 
the  oligarchical  party  in  Guatemala. 

41  The  affray  lasted  five  hours;  the  federal  force  being  under  Gen.  Salazar, 
and  that  of  Salvador  under  Col  Jose"  D.  Castillo.  Marure,  JSfem.,  36. 

42  Decree  of  vice-president  of  Sept.  1,  1834. 

43  The  legislature  of  the  state  had  made  a  cession  of  the  territory  for  the 
purpose  on  the  28th  of  Jan.,  1835.     On  the  9th  of  March,  1836,  the  district 
was  enlarged  by  the  addition  of   Zacatecoluca.     The  national  government 
had  its  capital  in  San  Salvador  till  the  3d  of  May,  1839,  when  the  assembly  of 
San  Salvador  resumed  possession  of  the  whole  territory  that  had  been  ceded. 
Id.,  37;  Montiifar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  165-7.     Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  187,  says  that 


a  new  constitution,  based  on  the  former  one  of  1824, 
was  generally  rejected.44 

Elections  for  supreme  authorities  of  the  republic 
were  decreed  on  the  2d  of  June,  1838.  The  end  of 
Morazan's  term  was  approaching,  and  his  popularity 
was  to  be  again  put  to  the  test.  There  was  really 
but  one  man  that  could  compete  with  him,  Jose  del 
Valle,  who  was  leading  a  retired  life  devoted  to  scien- 
tific and  political  studies;  but  his  reputation  was  a 
national  one,  eminently  Central  American,  and  a 
large  portion  of  the  people  summoned  him  to  ruler- 
ship.  He  was  elected,  but  died  before  the  certificates 
of  election  were  opened. 

The  death  of  Valle  occurred  on  the  2d  of  March, 
1834.  The  highest  honors  were  paid  to  his  memory.45 
This  untoward  event  necessitated  another  election  to 
carry  out  the  decree  of  June  1833,  and  Jose  Fran- 
cisco Barrundia  having  declined  to  be  a  candidate, 
Morazan  encountered  no  opposition  and  was  reflected.46 

the  district  occupied  San  Salvador  and  ten  leagues  of  territory  surrounding 
it.  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  419;  Crowe's  Gospel,  136. 

44  The  opposition  came  not  only  from  the  serviles,  but  from  not  a  few  lib- 
erals.    It  contained  many  liberal  and  equable  modifications.    Marure,  Efem., 
37,  says  it  did  not  contain  'las  alteraciones  sustanciales  quo  reiteradas  veces 
so  habian  propuesto  por  las  legislaturas  de  los  estados, '  for  which  reason  it 
was  not  accepted  by  the  states,  except  Costa  Rica,  which  expressed  assent 
May  7,  1835.     Squier,  Travels,  ii.  422,  also  says  that  only  Costa  Rica  ex- 
pressed an  acceptance  of  the  proposed  constitution,  adding  that  the  opposing 
states  wanted  different,  and  in  most  cases  irreconcilable,  reforms.    Montiifar, 
Reseila  Hist.,  ii.  169-73,  giving  details,  asserts  that  both  Nicaragua  and  Costa 
Rica  accepted  the  reforms. 

45  The  assembly  of  Guatemala  decreed,  after  hearing  several  eulogistic 
motions,  that  all  the  state  officials  residing  in  the  capital  should  wear  the 
badge  of  mourning  three  days;  that  the  bells  of  the  churches  should  be  tolled 
morning,  noon,  and  eve  of  each  day;  that  a  portrait  of  Valle,  contributed  by 
the  members  of  the  legislature,  should  be  placed  in  its  hall  of  sessions;  and 
that  the  other  states  should  be  requested  to  make  manifestations  of  sorrow 
for  the  loss  of  their  distinguished  statesman  and  savant.     Salvador,  on  the  9th 
of  Apr.,  1834,  decreed  similar  honors.     Marure,  in  his  Efemerides,  35,  bestows 
the  highest  praise  on  Valle.     'Perdi6  Centro  America,  con  el  fallecimiento 
del  licenciado  Jos6  del  Valle,  uno  de  sus  mas  distinguidos  hijos.'    This  re- 
mark is  followed  by  a  sketch  of  Valle's  career,  which  has  been  given  by  me 
elsewhere.     Montufar,  Rexena  Hist.,  ii.  95-9,  also  eulogizes  Valle  and  gives 
his  portrait. 

46  It  was  so  formally  declared  by  the  federal  congress,  Feb.  2,  1835,  with 

122  CIVIL  WAR. 

For  the  office  of  vice-president,  no  one  having  ob- 
tained the  constitutional  number  of  votes,  congress, 
on  the  2d  of  June,  1834,  chose  from  among  candidates 
having  forty  votes  and  upward  Jose  Gregorio  Salazar, 
to  be  inducted  in  office  on  the  16th.  Mariano  Prado, 
the  former  vice-president,  had  been  as  such  at  the 
head  of  the  federal  executive  authority  in  1831;  but 
he  was  chosen  jefe  of  the  state  of  Salvador,  and  took 
charge  of  that  office  on  the  25th  of  July  following. 
The  vice-presidency  and  the  office  of  a  state  jefe  were 
incompatible.  He  chose  the  latter,  and  was  most  un- 
fortunate in  the  discharge  of  its  duties.  There  being 
then  no  vice-president,  Jose  Gregorio  Salazar  had 
charge  of  the  executive  in  1834  as  the  senior  senator, 
Morazan  having  for  a  time,  and  with  the  permission  of 
the  senate,  absented  himself.  Upon  being  elected  on 
the  2d  of  June,  Salazar  continued  in  charge,  and  it  was 
by  his  order  that  the  federal  authorities  transferred 
themselves  to  the  city  of  Santa  Ana  during  San 
Martin's  insurrection  against  the  national  government. 
The  day  after  the  inauguration  of  Morazan  for  the 
second  presidential  term,  congress  closed  its  session.*7 
No  important  event  affecting  the  confederation  oc- 
curred during  the  remainder  of  1835,  but  the  atmos- 
phere was  filled  with  folly  and  misrule,  foreboding 
the  storm  which  was  to  make  of  Central  America  for 
many  a  day  the  theatre  of  the  bloodiest  of  civil  wars. 

It  has  been  shown  that  the  party  in  power  pursued 
in  general  a  liberal  policy — too  liberal,  in  fact,  as  later 
events  proved.  In  view  of  the  tardy  development  of 
the  country  in  the  old  way,  inducements  were  offered 
for  foreign  immigration,  and  an  English  company  was 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  fostering  colonization  in 
the  department  of  Vera  Paz.48  Settlers  were  sent 

the  clause  that  he  should  be  placed  in  possession  of  the  office  on  the  14th.  ld.t 

"Feb.  15,  1835.  El  Correo  Atldntico,  May  9,  1835. 

48  The  first  colonists,  63  in  all,  arrived  from  London  on  the  schooner  Mary 


out,  and  several  hundred  thousand  dollars  expended, 
but  the  scheme  failed  because  of  unskilful  and  dis- 
honest management.49  Nevertheless,  the  servile  party 
turned  this  incident  to  account,  filling  the  minds  of 
the  lower  classes,  especially  the  Indians,  with  prejudice 
against  the  government,  which  it  accused  of  an  intent 
to  exterminate  the  native  population  by  throwing 
open  the  country  to  foreign  influence,  religion,  and 
administration  of  justice.  The  innovations  in  this 
last  respect  had,  more  than  anything  else,  imbittered 
the  natives,  and  on  the  6th  of  March  led  to  an  out- 
break at  Ostuncalco,  where  the  Indians  had  become 
irritated  at  being  compelled  to  work  at  the  construc- 
tion of  prisons.50  An  armed  force  was  sent  to  quell 
the  disturbance,  out  of  which  the  judges  and  some 
officials  had  great  difficulty  to  escape  with  life. 

Scarcely  was  this  trouble  over  when  a  worse  one 
stole  in — the  cholera.  The  scourge  began  its  ravages 
in  Central  America  early  in  1837,51  and  soon  spread 

Ann  Arabella,  under  a  Mr  Fletcher.  Their  settlement  took  the  name  of  Ab- 
botsville.  Marure,  Efem.,  38. 

49  Many  of  the  immigrants  died,  while  others  returned  to  England  or  went 
to  the  West  Indies,  but  few  remaining.  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  191,  makes  ap- 
propriate remarks  on  the  'infatuation  in  Europeans  to  attempt  colonizing  on 
pestiferous  shores,  under  a  burning  sun,  where  no  native  of  a  temperate  re- 
gion, not  even  those  of  the  interior  of  the  same  country,  can  enjoy  tolerable 
health. '  See  also  Astaburuaga's  comments  on  the  undertaking.  Cent.  Am. ,  25. 
A  glowing  and  favorable  account  of  the  enterprise  was  issued  as  late  as  1839. 
See  Cent.  Am.,  Brief  Statement,  1  et  seq. 

50 On  the  6th  of  March,  1837.  Marure,  Efem.,  39;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist., 
ii.  353. 

51 B.  Lambur,  commissioned  by  Galvez,  jefe  of  Guatemala,  to  report  on 
the  origin  and  progress  of  the  disease,  wrote  from  Aceituno  April  3d:  '  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  cholera  came  by  way  of  Omoa  to  Gualan,  thence  went 
to  Zacapa  and  to  Esquipulas,  this  last-named  town  being  the  focus  whence  it 
has  irradiated  with  such  velocity  to  the  towns  at  present  infested.'  Esqui- 
pulas is  a  species  of  Mecca  which  people  from  all  parts  of  Central  America 
and  Mexico  visit  in  January  of  each  year,  to  worship  an  image  of  Christ,  to 
which  countless  miracles  have  been  attributed.  In  the  Boletin  de  Noticias  del 
Ctilera  of  Apr.  4,  1837,  appear  the  following  words,  'En  San  Sur  han  muerto 
muchos  romeristas  de  Esquipulas.'  Id.,  351-3.  The  fact  is,  that  the  disease 
had  been  doing  havoc  in  the  towns  near  the  northern  coast  since  Feb.,  and 
gradually  spread  throughout  the  rest  of  the  state  and  republic  till  toward  the 
end  of  the  year,  when  it  abated.  The  first  case  in  the  city  of  Guatemala  oc- 
curred on  the  19th  of  April.  The  mortality  in  that  city  during  the  invasion 
was  819,  or  a  little  over  the  44th  part  of  the  population,  which  was  much 
smaller  than  in  other  less  populated  cities.  Marure,  Efem. ,  40.  See  also  Dun- 
lop's  Cent.  Am.,  193-4;  Salv.  DiarioOfic.,  Feb.  14,  1875;  Rocha,  Cddigo  Nic., 
i.  215-16;  ii.  163-4. 

124  CIVIL  WAR. 

throughout  the  towns  of  the  republic.  The  govern- 
ments of  the  different  states,  and  notably  that  of 
Guatemala,  used  the  utmost  efforts  to  relieve  suffer- 
ing. Physicians  and  medical  students,  provided  with 
medicines,  were  despatched  to  the  several  districts. 
But  their  efforts  were  largely  frustrated  by  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  servile  party,  which  never  ceased  its  work 
even  in  these  days  of  awful  distress.  Determined  to 
bring  to  an  end  the  influence  of  the  liberals,  the  servile 
party  hesitated  at  nothing.  All  means  to  that  end 
were  made  available.  The  priests  made  the  ignorant 
masses  believe  that  the  waters  had  been  poisoned  in 
order  to  destroy  the  natives  and  make  way  for  for- 
eigners.52 Their  deviltry  was  crowned  with  success. 
The  low  murmurs  of  hatred  -soon  swelled  to  loud  cries 
of  vengeance  against  the  government  and  foreign  res- 
idents. Several  physicians  became  the  victims  of 

S>pular  fury,  being  put  to  death  with  cruel  tortures.53 
thers  barely  escaped  death.  The  greatest  violence 
was  in  the  district  of  Mita,  where  it  assumed  the 
form  of  a  general  insurrection.  The  government  de- 
spatched a  body  of  troops  to  dissolve  a  large  assem- 
blage of  insurrectionists.  The  instructions  were  to 
use  gentle  means  to  allay  the  disturbance,  resorting 
to  force  only  in  case  of  necessity.  The  magistrate  of 
the  district,  having  imprudently  left  the  strong  body 
of  infantry  behind,  had  no  sooner  attempted  to  ex- 
plain his  mission  than  the  mob  fell  upon  him  and  his 
guard  of  forty  dragoons,  killing  a  number  of  them  and 
putting  the  rest  to  flight.  This  was  on  the  9th  of 
June.54  The  leader  of  the  mob  on  this  occasion  was 

Travels,  ii.  427-8.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  370-2,  gives 
copies  of  the  documents  that  were  circulated. 

53  Such  as  making  them  swallow  the  contents  of  their  medicine-chests,  or 
pouring  water  down  their  throats  till  they  died,  a  circumstance  that  was  al- 
ways looked  upon  as  an  evidence  of  guilt.  Crowe's  Gospel,  141.  Montgomery, 
OuaL,  speaks  of  an  Englishman  who  was  nearly  killed  by  the  water  torture 
inflicted  by  an  enraged  Indian  mob. 

64  On  the  plains  of  Ambelis,  near  Santa  Rosa,  accompanied  with  impreca- 
tions against  the  ley  de  jurados  and  the  so-called  'envenenadores.'  It  was 
the  beginning  of  a  struggle  which,  in  less  than  two  years,  wrought  a  complete 


Rafael  Carrera,  a  mixed-breed,  who  now  for  the  first 
time,  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  possibly  a  few  years 
older,  appeared  on  the  stage,  to  become  afterward  the 
bitterest  foe  of  the  liberal  party,  and  eventually  the 
dictator  of  the  country. 

Rafael  Carrera  was  a  native  of  Guatemala,  of  In- 
dian descent,  of  a  violent,  irascible,  and  uncommuni- 
cative disposition,  base-born,  ignorant,  though  gifted 
with  talents,  bold,  determined,  and  persevering.  From 
common  servant  he  became  a  pig-driver,  and  while 
such  obtained  much  influence  among  the  lower  class 
of  Indians — an  influence  which  was  due  no  less  to 
his  blood  connections  and  the  force  of  circumstances 
than  to  his  bravery  and  capabilities.55 

Carrera  was  at  first  a  mere  tool  of  the  priests,  and 

change  in  public  affairs.  Marure,  Efem. ,  41,  copied  by  Monttifar,  Eesena  Hist. , 
ii.  353;  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  428. 

55  Tempsky,  Mitla,  337,  says  that  Carrera  was  born  in  Santa  Rosa,  misled 
probably  by  the  circumstance  that  the  first  Indian  outbreak  under  his  lead 
occurred  there.  He  was  born  about  1815  or  1816,  and  was  the  illegitimate 
offspring  of  Antonio  Aycinena,  a  member  of  one  of  the  chief  families  of 
Guatemala,  and  of  Manuela  Carrillo,  a  servant  in  the  paternal  mansion. 
Through  the  influence  of  the  Aycinenas  he  was  immediately  after  his  birth 
adopted  -by  one  Juana  Rosa  Turcios,  whose  husband's  name  of  Carrera  the 
boy  subsequently  was  given.  Such  is  the  version  of  the  author  of  a  manu- 
script written  in  July  1844,  and  entitled  Oriyen  de  Carrera,  in  Morazan  y 
Carrera,  no.  4,  1  et  seq. ,  the  authenticity  of  which  is  made  doubtful  by  some 
inaccuracies  in  other  statements,  the  object  evidently  being  to  give  Carrera 's 
descent  a  little  respectability.  Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  225,  says  that  in 
1829  he  was  a  drummer-boy,  leaving  the  army  after  the  capture  of  Guate- 
mala by  Morazan,  and  retiring  to  Mataquescuintla,  where  he  became  a 
pig-driver,  or,  as  Montgomery,  Guat.,  143-4,  has  it,  a  dealer  in  hogs, 
having  risen  in  the  federal  army  as  high  as  corporal.  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am., 
195,  followed  by  Crowe's  Gospel,  141,  and  Squier's  Trav.,  ii.  429,  essentially 
confirms  Stephens'  statements.  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  75,  adds  that  Carrera  was  for 
a  time  employed  in  the  plantation  of  a  Frenchman  named  Laumonier,  near 
La  Antigua.  Montiifar  says  of  him:  '  Un  joven  como  de  25  anos,  sin  nin- 
guna  educacion,  ni  conocimientos  de  ningun  je'nero,  pues  no  conocia  siquiera 
el  abecedario.  Los  primeros  anos  de  su  vida  los  emple6,  ya  de  sirviente 
domestico,  ya  de  apacentador  de  cerdos,  ya  de  peon  en  los  trabajos  tie 
campo.'  The  same  authority  refers  to  Miila's  eulogies  of  Carrera,  where 
the  words  occur,  'Carrera  a  pesar  de  su  falta  de  educacion,  y  de  los  habitos 
de  la  vida  del  campo,'  which  might  have  secured  for  Milla  lodgings  in  the 
dungeons  of  the  castle  of  Guatemala.  The  same  writer  repeats  the  assertion 
often  made  against  the  Jesuit  Paul,  later  bishop  of  Panama,  and  raised  to  the 
position  of  archbishop  of  Bogota,  that  he  said  at  Carrera's  death,  in  his 
funeral  oration,  that  the  man  whose  corpse  was  descending  into  the  tomb  was 
on  the  right  side  of  God  the  father.  All  repentant  villains  are  given  some  such 
post-mortem  place  by  sympathizing  ministers  of  the  gospel. 

126  CIVIL  WAR. 

seemed  to  have  been  a  believer  of  the  lies  they  had  cir- 
culated. After  he  became  powerful,  they  and  their 
allies,  the  so-called  nobles,  humored  his  idiosyncrasies, 
and  often  had  to  put  up  with  his  insults  and  abuse. 
He  had  upon  them  the  heel  of  insane  revolt.56 

58  In  the  early  days  they  assured  the  Indians  that  he  was  their  protecting 
angel  Rafael,  and  resorted  to  tricks  to  favor  the  delusion.  Squicr's  Travels,  ii. 




ONLY  a  week  after  the  success  of  the  insurgents  on 
the  field  of  Ambelis,  a  numerous  armed  force  was  sent 
against  them  by  the  government,  which  achieved 
victory  near  Mataquescuintla.1  The  revolution  might 
have  ended  here  but  for  the  excesses  of  the  govern- 
ment troops,  which  roused  the  Indians,  and  rendered 
reconciliation  impossible.2  Henceforth  the  war  was 
one  of  races.  Carrera,  upheld  as  he  was  by  the 
priests,  found  no  difficulty,  in  his  visits  from  village  to 
village,  to  induce  the  native  population  to  join  the 
revolt,  which,  notwithstanding  the  triumphant  lan- 
guage of  the  military  officers  in  their  reports — calling 
the  rebels  cowards  and  themselves  intrepid  and  in- 

I0n  the  15th  of  June.  Marure,  Efem.,  41.  Gen.  Carrascosa's  report  of 
his  victory,  with  details,  in  Monttifar,  Eesena  Hist. ,  ii.  356-9. 

3  Among  the  sufferers  was  Carrera's  wife,  which  circumstance,  it  is  said, 
awakened  in  him  an  implacable  hatred.  Stephens'  Cent.  Am.,  i.  226;  Crowe's 
Gospel,  142.  Montgomery,  Guat.,  144,  states  that  Carrera  was  then  command- 
ing a  few  men  of  the  military  cordon  established  because  of  the  epidemic, 
which  he  induced  to  rebel. 



vincible — was  fast  spreading.  Carefully  avoiding 
encounters  with  the  regular  army,  Carrera  succeeded 
in  getting  together  a  large  force,  which,  though  raw 
and  undisciplined,  often  surprised  and  defeated  detach- 
ments of  the  regulars,  seeking  a  refuge  when  pursued 
in  the  inaccessible  mountain  fastnesses.3 

To  make  matters  worse,  the  departments  of  Saca- 
tepequez,  Chiquimula,  and  Salamd,  declared  them- 
selves independent  of  the  government,  and  the  rebels 
of  the  first  district,4  concentrating  at  La  Antigua, 
threatened  to  attack  the  capital.  In  the  latter  place 
a  division  had  occurred  in  the  liberal  party,6  some  of 
whose  members  from  this  time  sided  with  the  serviles ; 
which  circumstance  made  it  more  difficult  to  place 
the  city  of  Guatemala  in  a  proper  state  of  defence. 
A  mutiny  of  the  federal  troops  in  the  city 6  increased 
the  danger,  but  it  soon  was  quelled  with  the  execution 
of  the  ringleader.  On  the  27th  of  January,  1838,7 
Galvez  despatched  the  vice-president,  Jose  Gregorio 
Salazar,  and  the  secretary  of  relations,  Miguel  Al- 
varez, as  commissioners,  to  confer  with  General  Car- 
rascosa,  the  commander  of  the  rebel  forces,  and  bring 
about  an  amicable  arrangement.  The  commissioners 
signed  at  Guarda  Viejo8  a  convention  containing  the 

3  The  hostilities  now  carried  on  partook  more  of  the  character  of  highway 
robbery  than  of  orthodox  war,  both  parties  being  plundered;  but  the  liberals 
were  the  greater  sufferers. 

*  The  provisional  government  constituted  at  La  Antigua  placed  itself 
under  the  protection  of  the  federal  authorities.  Marure,  Efem.,  42. 

5  The  division  was  created  by  Jose"  Francisco  Barrundia.     It  is  said  that 
he  joined  the  discontented  because  the  jefe  Galvez  refused  him  a  high  office 
for  one  of  his  relatives.  Stephens'  Cent.  Am.,  i.  227.     But  looking  over  the 
correspondence  that  passed  between  them  in  June  1887,  the  conclusion  is 
that  the  cause  of  the  disagreement  was  not  a  personal  one.     Barruudia  op- 
posed the  convocation  of  the  assembly  to  an  extra  session,  and  all  the  decrees 
enacted  by  it.     The  correspondence  produced  much  sensation.     Galvez  ended 
accusing  Barmndia  of  having  adopted,  when  he  was  president  of  the  repub- 
lic, some  measures  similar  to  those  he  had  now  censured.     The  most  serious 
charge  against  Barrundia  was  his  persecution  of  Padre  Rojas,  to  which  the 
former  answered  that  the  priest  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  insurgents  who 
proclaimed  the  Spanish  domination  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  though  out- 
lawed for  that  offence,  was  not  executed.  Montufar,  Reseiia,  Hist.,  ii.  377-407. 

6  The  battalion  LaConcordia  mutinied  on  the  26th  of  January. 

7  Stephens,  loc.  cit.,  places  these  events  in  February,  but  he  is  evidently 
mistaken.  Marure,  Efem.,  43,  gives  the  29th  of  Jan.  as  the  date. 

8  At  4  P.  M.  of  Jan.  28,  1838.  Id.,  ii.  543. 


following  stipulations:  1st,  resignation  of  Galvez;  2d, 
occupation  of  the  capital  by  the  forces  of  Sacatepe- 
quez;  3d,  the  forces  in  the  capital  to  go  out,  and  place 
themselves  under  the  orders  of  General  Morazan;  4th, 
the  forces  of  Sacatepequez  to  guarantee  the  persons 
and  property  of  all;  5th,  the  commissioners  would 
arrange  the  manner  of  evacuating  the  city;  6th,  upon 
the  ratification  of  these  clauses,  they  were  to  be  car- 
ried out  within  twenty-four  hours.  Nothing  was 
done,  however,9  and  after  four  hours'  waiting,  Carras- 
cosa  continued  his  march  toward  the  gate  of  Buena- 
vista,  where  he  met  the  government  commissioners, 
who  assured  him,  with  great  mortification,  that  the 
convention  had  not  been  ratified.10 

Sacatepequez'  force,  800  strong,  entered  the  capital 
during  the  night  of  the  29th  of  January,  from  the 
Calvario  side,  reaching  the  plazuela  de  San  Francisco, 
afterward  known  as  plaza  de  la  Concordia.  The  roar 
of  artillery  apprised  the  inhabitants  at  1  o'clock  in 
the  morning  that  the  struggle  had  begun.  Generals 
Prem  and  Gorris,  colonels  Yanez,  Arias,  Mariscal, 
Cerda,  and  C6rdoba,  and  the  other  officers  of  the 
garrison,  made  a  stout  defence.  Their  troops,  though 
inferior  in  number,  were  for  their  discipline  more  effi- 
cient than  their  assailants,  who  were  mostly  raw 
recruits.  It  was  quite  evident  that  Carrascosa  and 
his  colleague  Carballo  would  waste  their  efforts  unless 
they  were  strongly  reenforced.  But  the  opponents  of 
Galvez  were  resolved  to  depose  him,11  even  if  they 
had  to  make  use  of  Carrera  to  accomplish  their  pur- 
pose. It  was  a  fatal  thought. 

Jose  F.  Barrundia  was  authorized  by  President  Mo- 

9  Galvez  well  knew  of  the  relations  existing  between  Carrera  and  the  revo- 
lutionists of  La  Antigua.     The  convention  of  Guarda-Viejo  would  have  saved 
the  situation.     Had  the  forces  of  the  city,  consisting  of  411  men,  been  placed 
under  Morazan,  they  with  those  of  Sacatepequez  would  have  been  too  strong; 
for  Garrera,  and  he  would  not  have  entertained  the  idea  that  a  powerful  party 
looked  to  him  for  aid. 

10  Full  details  appear  in  Gen.  Carrascosa's  correspondence  given  in  Montu- 
far,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  589-97. 

11  Among  them  were  Miguel  Garcia  Granados,  the  brothers  Arrivillaga, 
and  their  relations  the  Zepedas,  together  with  the  Barrundias. 

HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    9 


razan  to  enter  into  peaceable  negotiations  with  Carrera, 
and  the  clergymen  Josd  Maria  de  Castilla,  Manuel 
Maria  Zecena,  and  Jose  Vicente  Orantes.  Barrundia, 
together  with  Manuel  Arrivillaga,  started  for  the 
hacienda  of  La  Vega  to  confer  with  Carrera;  but  at 
Ojo  de  Agua  they  ascertained  that  he  was  at  Mata- 
quescuintla,  and  declined  to  hold  any  conferences,  and 
yet  an  arrangement  with  other  opponents  had  been 
signed  at  Santa  Rosa.  This  document,  which  was 
shown  by  Father  Duran  to  Barrundia,  stipulated  the 
immediate  coming  of  a  bishop,  the  abolition  of  the 
code  and  of  other  liberal  measures  decreed  by  Barrun- 
dia, and  that  Carrera  should  become  the  commander 
of  the  reform  forces,  or  in  other  words,  the  arbiter 
of  the  country,  which  was  what  the  clergy  wanted. 
Barrundia  was  indignant,  but  he  had  to  submit  and 
keep  calm,  else  he  might  lose  his  life.  He  merely 
.said  that  the  arrangement  needed  some  discussion, 
which  might  lead  to  the  adoption  of  some  amend- 
ments. Duran  had  not  worked  to  promote  Barrun- 
dia's  nor  Molina's  ideas,  but  his  own  interests.  He 
coolly  replied  that  the  matter  had  been  well  consid- 
ered, and  admitted  of  no  changes. 

Barrundia  wrote  Carrera,  asking  for  an  interview  to 
explain  Morazan's  views,  but  Carrera  appeared  angry 
at  the  mention  of  Morazan's  name,  and  declined  the 
invitation,  saying  that  the  time  for  negotiations  had 
passed,  and  that  his  march  against  Guatemala  was  in 
order.12  He  became  much  mollified  on  receiving  from 
La  Antigua  a  request  for  his  cooperation/3  and  was 
now  satisfied  that  the  fate  of  the  country  was  in  his  own 
hands.  Three  days  after  Carrascosa's  failure,  Carrera 

12  He  was  in  all  this  affair  guided  by  the  priests.     Barrundia  was  accused 
throughout  Central  America  of  having  brought  about  Carrera 's  invasion  of  the 
capital.     The  serviles,  who  were  responsible  for  all  Carrera's  iniquities,  have 
endeavored  to  place  some  of  the  odium  on  that  patriot,  who  had  nothing  to  do 
with  it.     Indeed,  had  Barrundia  gone  to  Carrera's  headquarters,  he  would 
probably  have  been  shot.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  573;  Squier's  Travels, 
ii.  432. 

13  The  chiefs  of  Sacatepequez  had  become  convinced  of  their  inability  to  take 
the  city,  or  even  to  properly  besiege  it. 


joined  him  with  a  numerous  force  of  Indians,  and  after 
some  fruitless  negotiations,  marched  into  the  city  on 
the  1st  of  February,14  at  the  head  of  about  10,000 
men,  women,  and  children,  the  troops  of  the  govern- 
ment having  retreated  in  an  opposite  direction.  The 
result  of  this  was  that  Galvez  ceased  to  be  the  jefe  of 
the  state,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  vice-jefe,  Pedro 

The  entry  of  Carrera's  hordes  into  Guatemala  might 
well  create  consternation.  Outlaws  and  robbers  were 
among  the  leaders;  the  soldiers  were  in  rags,16  and 
equipped  with  a  variety  of  arms,  from  the  rusty 
musket  down  to  clubs,  and  knives  secured  at  the  end 
of  long  poles,  while  others  carried  sticks  shaped  like 
muskets,  with  tin-plate  locks.  Conspicuous  among 
the  mass  of  followers  were  thousands  of  women  hav- 
ing bags  to  carry  away  the  booty,  and  who  gazed  with 
amazement  on  the  fine  houses.17  Shouting  'Viva  la 
religion!  Mueran  los  extranjerosl'  the  invaders  en- 
tered the  main  plaza.  After  a  few  hours  the  work  of 
rapine  began.18  No  regard  was  paid  by  Carrera  and 

"Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  198,  and  Crowe,  Gospel,  143,  erroneously  say  it  was 
on  the  30th  of  January. 

lbMarure,  Efem.,  43,  places  this  event  on  the  2d  of  Feb.,  1838. 

16  Carrera  himself  is  described  as  having  on  a  pair  of  coarse  frieze  trousers, 
and  a  fine  coat  with  gold  embroidery  belonging  to  Gen.  Prem,  which  had  been, 
taken  by  Monreal.     For  a  chapeau  the  new  general  wore  a  woman's  hat  with 
a  green  veil,  the  property  of  Prem's  wife,  who  was  known  as  La  Colombiana. 
In  lieu  of  decorations  Carrera  had  on  his  breast  a  number  of  'escapulariosdel 
Carmen,'  symbolizing  the  religion  he  had  come  to  protect.  Monttifar,  Resena, 
Hist.,  ii.  574. 

17  It  seems  that  a  large  portion  of  the  men  and  women  had  never  seen  a 
city  before. 

18  The  physician  Quirino  Flores,  who  belonged  to  the  opposition  party, 
and  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Carrascosa  and  Carballo,  believing  that  hia 
house  would  be  a  place  of  safety,  induced  the  vice-president  and  his  family  to 
use  it.     It  so  happened  that  a  small  force  of  Galvez  entered  the  house,  fired 
upon  the  invaders  from  the  windows  and  retired.     The  men  fired  upon  were  not 
of  the  force  from  La  Antigua,  but  some  of  Carrera's  savage  horde,  called  from 
that  time '  cachurecos, '  whorushed  into  the  house,  fired  upon  the  family,  wound- 
ing one  of  the  women  and  a  child,  and  killing  Jose"  Gregorio  Salazar,  the  vice- 
president.     Salazar  was  born  in  San  Salvador  in  1793,  and  had  two  brothers, 
Carlos,  the  general,  and  Francisco,  who  as  a  captain  was  killed  in  action  on 
the  23d  of  June,  1834.     Jose"  Gregorio  Salazar  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  whom 
Morazan  reposed  the  highest  trust.     As  senator,  president  of  the  senate,  jefe 
of  Salvador,   vice-president  of  the  republic,  and  acting  executive  at  such 
times  as  Morazan  assumed  personal  command  of  ths  troops,  Salazar  unswerv- 
ingly supported  progressive  principles.     His  portrait  shows  a  fine  and  intelli- 


his  hordes  to  the  wishes  of  the  vice-jefe  Valenzuela, 
who  had  asked  that  only  the  force  from  La  Antigua 
should  occupy  the  plaza. 

The  leader  of  the  opposition  urged  Carrera  to  leave 
the  city;  but  he  manifested  much  indignation  at  such 
a  request,  and  several  of  his  chiefs  refused  compliance. 
Carrera  himself  wanted  to  sack  the  city/9  and  it  was 
only  with  great  effort  that  he  was  prevented.  In 
lieu  of  pillage  he  was  given  $11,000,20  $10,000  for  his 
troops  and  $1,000  for  himself.  He  was  also  flattered 
with  the  commission  of  lieutenant-colonel  and  the 
appointment  of  comandante  of  Mita.  A  number  of 
those  who  had  defended  the  city  having  voluntarily 
joined  the  Sacatepequez  force,  Carrascosa  was  now 
better  able  to  meet  emergencies.  He  at  once,  by 
order  of  the  vice-jefe,  made  known  to  Carrera  that 
the  interests  of  the  public  service  demanded  that  he 
should  repair  to  Mita  and  take  charge  of  the  coman- 
dancia  there.  He  made  no  resistance,  and  went  away 
with  his  horde,21  the  inhabitants  again  breathing 
freely  for  a  time.22  Thus  were  the  serviles  balked 
once  more.  Carrera  was  sent  away  from  Guatemala, 
Valenzuela  remaining  in  charge  of  the  state  execu- 
tive. Morazan  was  at  San  Salvador  recognized  as 
the  chief  magistrate  of  the  republic,  and  Vijil  held 
the  executive  office  of  that  gallant  little  state. 

gent  face.  The  murder  of  the  vice-president,  instead  of  calling  for  execration 
on  the  part  of  the  priests,  Duran,  Lobo,  Nicolas  Arellano,  Antonio  Gonzalez, 
and  others,  only  brought  out  their  diatribes  against  the  victim.  Id. ,  576-9. 

19  It  was  found  at  first  difficult  to  elicit  a  satisfactory  answer  from  him. 
The  pillaging,  though  not  officially  decreed,  had  been  carried  on  mostly  in  the 
houses  of  foreigners.     Charles  Savage,  U.  S.  consul  at  Guatemala,  has  been 
highly  praised  for  his  intrepidity  in  protecting  from  the  infuriated  Indians 
the  foreign  residents  and  their  property.  Montgomery's  Guat.,  146;  Stephens1 
Cent.  Am.,i.  233-4. 

20  There  being  no  money  in  the  treasury,  it  was  borrowed  from  private 
persons.  Stephens'  Cent.  Am.,  i.  227  et  seq.,  copied  by  Larenaudiere,  Mexi- 
que  et  Guat.,  29&-Q.     The  facts  appear  in  the  records  of  the  asamblea. 

21  Had  he  resisted,  the  reenforced  troops  of  La  Antigua  would  in  all  prob- 
ability have  defeated  his  undisciplined  rabble.     This  would  not  have  suited 
Father  Duran  and  the  other  priests,  who  expected  their  own  triumph  through 
Carrera's  success.     Those  same  priests  aided  Barrundia  and  Valenzuela  to  rid 
the  city  of  himself  and  his  men.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  584. 

"The  priest  who  seemed  to  exercise  the  greatest  influence  on  Carrera  was 
named  Lobo,  a  man  of  dissolute  character,  who  always  accompanied  him 
sort  of  counsellor. 


Carrera  and  his  supporters  continued,  however, 
their  menaces,  creating  no  little  alarm,  which  was 
quieted  on  receipt  of  the  tidings  that  Morazan  was 
marching  toward  Guatemala  with  1,500  men.  On 
his  arrival  he  found  not  only  that  the  serviles  had 
been  deriving  advantages  from  the  disturbed  political 
situation,  but  that  the  western  departments  of  Los 
Altos,  namely,  Quezaltenango,  Totonicapan,  and  So- 
lola",  had  declared  themselves,  on  the  2d  of  February, 
a  separate  state  under  an  independent  government.23 
Without  interfering  with  those  arrangements,  Mo- 
razan endeavored  to  secure  by  peaceful  means  the 
submission  of  Carrera,  or  rather,  the  disbanding  of  his 
force;  failing  in  which,  he  opened,  on  the  30th  of 
March,  the  campaign  against  him.  Three  months 
of  military  operations  ensued,  the  federal  arms  being 
victorious  at  every  encounter,  but  without  obtaining 
any  definitive  result,  for  the  enemy  defeated  in  one 
place  rallied  in  another,  continually  increasing  in  num- 
bers, and  never  crushed.24  Morazan  returned  at  last 
to  Guatemala,  where  in  the  mean  time  servile  influence 
had  become  predominant.25  The  most  strenuous  ef- 
forts, even  to  fulsome  sycophancy,  were  used  by  the 

23  Los  Altos,  Manif.  Document.,  1-28.  The  federal  congress  ratified  the 
separation  on  the  5th  of  June,  1838;  the  departments  were,  however,  rein- 
corporated  a  year  after.  Marure,  Efem.,  43;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  198;  Asia- 
buruaga,  Cent.  Am.,  28.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iii.  9-23,  furnishes  a 
detailed  account  of  the  events  preceding  and  following  the  separation.  The 
provisional  government  then  established  was  a  triumvirate  formed  by  Marcelo 
Molina,  Jos<5  M.  Galvez,  and  Jose"  A.  Aguiiar. 

24 Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  239-42,  details  some  of  the  military  movements, 
which  are  not  of  sufficient  interest  to  reproduce  here.  Marure,  Efem.,  43-4, 
says  that  Morazan  attacked  the  rebels  on  the  hill  of  Mataquescuintla;  '  pero 
despues  de  tres  meses  de  combates,  marchas,  contramarchas,  y  todo  ge"nero  de 
maniobras,  el  eje'rcito  de  operaciones  tiene  que  replegarse  &  la  capital. .  .sin 
haberse  adelantado  nada  en  la  pacificacion  de  aquellos  pueblos.' 

250n  the  18th  of  June,  1838,  the  vice-jefe  Valenzuela,  and  the  deputies  Pedro 
Molina,  Jos<5  Gandara,  Jose"  F.  Barrundia,  Bernardo  Escobar,  Pedro  Amaya, 
Felipe  Molina,  aud  Mariano  Padilla,  laid  a  paper  before  the  federal  congress 
on  the  war  and  its  consequences.  In  this  document  they  say,  among  other 
things,  that  it  had  been  moved  in  the  asamblea  of  Guatemala  to  authorize  the 
restoration  of  the  archbishop  and  of  the  religious  orders,  to  abolish  divorce, 
and  to  declare  void  the  decrees  of  1829,  'decretos  que  sostuvieron  entonces 
la  revolucion  en  favor  de  las  instituciones  y  de  la  libertad. '  They  accuse  the 
serviles  of  perversely  attempting  to  render  the  representatives  of  liberalism 
and  progress  hateful  in  the  eyes  of  the  ignorant  populace.  Montiifar,  Reseiia 
Hist.,  iii.  47. 


serviles  to  win  him  to  their  side,  and  to  prevail  on  him 
to  accept  the  dictatorship.26 

The  president  returned  in  July  to  San  Salvador  to 

Juell  a  revolt.  A  few  weeks  later,  on  the  20th  of 
uly,  1838,  the  eleventh  and  last  federal  congress  of 
Central  America,  presided  over  by  Basilio  Porras, 
closed  its  session.27  Subsequent  efforts  to  bring  it 
again  into  life  proved  unavailing,  and  from  this  time 
the  dismemberment  of  the  republic  made  rapid  prog- 
ress. Two  days  after  the  adjournment  of  congress, 
on  the  22d,  the  state  government  of  Guatemala  was 
also  dissolved,  and  was  temporarily  intrusted  to  the 
federal  authorities,28  though  the  executive  office  finally 
was  assumed  by  Mariano  Rivera  Paz,  as  president  of 
the  council,  which  satisfied  the  people,  and  peace  was 
unbroken,  it  being  understood  that  a  constituent 
assembly  would  be  summoned  at  once. 

As  soon  as  Morazan  was  at  some  distance  from 
Guatemala  on  his  way  to  San  Salvador,  Carrera,  the 
supposed  beaten  rebel  leader,  for  whose  capture  a  lib- 

26  Arguments,  cajolery,  entertainments,  and  every  other  possible  means 
were  employed  to  induce  him  to  swerve  from  the  principles  he  had  always 
upheld.     Barrundia  looked  aghast  on  their  proceedings,  and  describing  them, 
says  it  is  imposible  to  realize  '  el  envilecimiento,  la  miseria  ruin  de  este  partido 
noble  aristocratic©. '    The  haughty  patricians,  represented  by  Pa  von,  Batres, 
Aycinena,  and  their  confreres,  fawned  at  his  feet,  covered  him  with  flowers, 
disgusted  him  with  their  flattery,  feasted  him  to  satiety,  and  patiently  bore 
his  contemptuous  rebuffs  as  long  as  they  hoped  to  win  him  over.     After  their 
failure,  sarcasm,  ridicule,  and  abuse  were  heaped  upon  him  and  his  name. 
Had  Morazan  'a  morals  been  equal  to  those  of  the  serviles,  he  might  have  ac- 
cepted the  dictatorship,  assumed  the  full  powers,  and  then  crushed  them; 
but  he  was  an  honest  man,  who  always  acted  in  good  faith.  Id.,  175-9. 

27  On  the  30th  of  May  it  passed  an  act  declaring  the  states  free  to  con- 
stitute themselves  as  they  might  deem  best,  preserving,  however,  the  popular 
representative  form  of  government.     This  amendment  to  the  12th  art.  of  the 
constitution  of  1824  was  accepted  by  all  the  states,  excluding  the  restrictions 
contained  in  the  federal  decree  of  June  9,  1838,  which  was  rejected  by  a 
majority  of  the  legislatures.  Marure,  Efem.,  44-5.      The  federal  congress 
passed,  on  the  7th  of  July,  1838,  an  act  as  follows:  'The  federated  states  of 
Cent.  Am.  are,  and  by  right  should  be,  sovereign,  free,  and  independent  po- 
litical bodies.'  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  69. 

28  It  was  the  spontaneous  act  of  the  citizens  of  the  capital,  who,  in  view  of 
the  progress  made  by  the  rebels  of  Mita,  deemed  it  necessary  to  provide  for 
their  own  safety.     Valenzuela  resigned,  on  the  23d,  the  executive  office  into 
the  hands  of  the  asamblea.  Marure,  Efem.,  45;  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii. 
181-5.     Crowe,  Gospel,  144,  attributes  to  Morazan  the  authorship  of  the  act 
adopted  by  the  citizens. 


eral  reward  had  been  offered,29  began  to  show  signs  of 
rallying.  He  gathered  a  numerous  force,  with  which, 
about  the  middle  of  August,  he  defeated  the  federal 
troops,  first  at  Jalapa  and  next  at  Petapa.  He  then, 
unresisted,  took  possession  of  La  Antigua,  a  portion  of 
which  was  pillaged,  and  forthwith  started  on  his  march 
for  Guatemala.30  A  general  clamor  for  Morazan  was 
aroused;  but  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  reach  Guate- 
mala in  time,  and  the  danger  was  imminent  that  Car- 
rera  would  not  only  take  the  city,  but  also  carry  out 
his  threats  of  burning  every  house  in  it.  In  this 
emergency,  General  Carlos  Salazar,  with  the  garrison 
of  900  men,  sallied  forth,  and  aided  by  a  thick  fog, 
surprised  Carrera  at  Villanueva,  where  the  latter  was 
concentrating  his  forces,  now  about  2,400  strong,  with 
the  plunder  secured  at  La  Antigua.  A  battle  ensued, 
the  bloodiest  that  occurred  in  1837  or  1838,  and  Car- 
rera was  routed,31  with  the  loss  of  350  killed  and  24 
prisoners,  one  of  whom  was  the  notorious  Father 
Duran,  the  representative  and  agent  of  the  aristocrats 
near  the  person  of  Carrera;32  besides  giving  up  a 
number  of  federal  prisoners  and  losing  three  pieces 
of  artillery,  305  muskets,  arid  a  large  number  of  other 

29  On  the  20th  of  July,  1838,  he  was  required  to  give  himself  up;  failing  to 
do  so,  a  reward  was  offered  for  his  apprehension,  alive  or  dead-— $1,500  and 
two  caballerias  of  land,  besides  a  full  pardon  for  any  offences  against  the  laws 
his  captor  or  captors  might  have  committed.  Stephens'  Cent.  Am.,  i.  242. 

30Squier,  Travels,  ii.  435,  says  that  Carrera  entered  Guatemala;  he  prob- 
ably meant  Old  Guatemala,  or  La  Antigua.  Carrera,  at  Jalapa,  had  2,000 
men,  while  his  opponent,  Col  Manuel  Bonilla,  had  about  500.  The  latter 
were  nearly  annihilated.  The  few  officers  and  soldiers  who  escaped  with 
life  found  refuge  in  Salvador  territory.  Carrera's  excesses  at  this  time  knew 
no  bounds.  He  not  only  ravished  women,  but  amused  himself  cutting  off  their 
tresses  and  ears.  Some  of  these  earless  women  entered  the  city  of  Guatemala, 
and  their  stories  produced  great  indignation.  Montufar,  Resena  liist.,  iii.  204; 
Marure,  Efem. ,  45. 

31  This  action  took  place  early  in  the  morning  of  Sept.  llth.  Salazar  at 
once  despatched  a  courier  to  Guatemala  with  the  news  of  his  success,  which 
caused  the  utmost  joy.  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  206-8;  Marure,  Efem., 
46.  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  201,  asserts  that  no  mercy  was  shown  by  the  federal 
troops  in  this  encounter.  By  a  decree  of  Sept.  13,  1838,  pensions  were  granted 
to  the  wounded,  and  to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the  slain  federals.  Badges 
of  honor  were  also  conferred  on  the  survivors.  Gfuat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  ii.  636-7. 

82  This  man's  life  was  then  spared,  but  some  time  afterward  he  was  shot, 
for  which  the  serviles  called  Morazan  a  murderer.  2dontufar,  Resena  Hist., 
iii.  208. 


arms,  besides  ammunition.  A  portion  of  the  defeated 
forces  fled  to  La  Antigua,  and  a  smaller  one  joined  the 
rebel  Mangandi,  who  had  500  men.  The  latter,  being 
ignorant  of  Carrera's  mishap,  approached  Guatemala 
on  the  llth,  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  causing  no 
little  commotion ;  but  on  learning  of  his  leader's  defeat, 
he  retired  to  the  mountains.  The  war  might  have 
ended  here  had  the  victors  followed  up  their  success; 
but  petty  annoyances  prevented  Salazar  from  doing 
so,  and  he  threw  up  his  command  in  disgust,33  though 
he  was  afterward  induced  to  resume  it. 

The  greater  part  of  the  clergy  friendly  to  Carrera 
never  forsook  him.  It  was  not  so  with  the  aristocrats, 
Manuel  Pavon,  Luis  Batres,  arid  Pedro  and  Juan 
Jose  Aycinena,  who  feared  at  times  that  they  could 
not  control  him.  After  his  defeat  at  Villanueva  they 
called  him  an  'antropdfago  sediento  de  sangre  hu- 
mana.'3*  At  that  time  they  asked  the  vicar-general, 
Larrazdbal,  to  fulminate  censures  against  Carrera, 
which  he  did.35  Friar  Bernardo  Pinol  also  railed 
against  him  from  the  pulpit  in  the  cathedral.36  How- 
ever, not  long  afterward  Carrera  was  called  from  that 
same  pulpit  'hijo  predilecto  del  Altisimo.' 

The  lack  of  energy  on  the  part  of  the  authorities 
after  the  affair  of  Villanueva37  enabled  Carrera  to  re- 

33  His  resignation  was  made  before  the  body  of  his  officers,  which  im- 
plied a  disregard  of  the  authority  of  the  government.     The  officers  eluded 
all  responsibility,  alleging  that  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  his  resignation. 
The  government  then  revoked  the  extraordinary  powers  conferred  on  him 
two  months  previously.  Marure,  Efem.,  46. 

34  In  the  Observador  and  the  Apdndice. 

^Exhortation  cristiana  que  el  vicario  capitular. .  .dirige  d  los pueblos,  etc., 
17  p. 

36  Text  of  his  funeral  oration  on  the  14th  of  Sept.  in  honor  of  the  slain  on 
the  government  side  at  Villanueva,  in  Mont&far,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  216-21. 

37  Jose"  Francisco  Barrundia,  who  fought  in  that  action,  said:  '  He  [Carrera] 
could  have  been  captured  or  annihilated  had  he  been  forthwith  pursued;  but 
no  advantage  was  derived  from  such  a  glorious  victory,  and  in  a  few  days 
vandalism  became  again  menacing.'     Salazar  was  blamed,  Montiifar  thinks 
unjustly.     According  to  him,  the  victorious  troops  were  not  in  condition  to 
pursue.     This  authority,  partly  on  the  testimony  of  Gen.  Carballo,  lays  the 
blame  on  Rivera  Paz,  who  had  no  interest  in  destroying  a  faction  on  which 
his  party  relied  in  the  emergency  of  Morazan  refusing  his  aid  to  the  serviles. 
Morazan,  on  the  24th  of  Oct.,  declared  martial  law  in  portions  of  Guate- 
mala, peremptorily  refused  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of  the  recalcitrants,  and 
marched  to  Guatemala,  leaving  the  government  in  charge  of  the  vice-prcsi- 


organize  his  forces,  with  which  he  made  a  successful 
raid,  in  the  latter  part  of  October,  against  Ahuacha- 
pan  and  Santa  Ana,33  returning  afterward  to  Guate- 
mala, when,  on  the  4th  of  November,  he  was  attacked 
in  Chiquimulilla  by  Colonel  Carballo,  defeated,  and 
driven  back  to  the  mountain  recesses  of  Mita.39  Mo. 
razan  had  in  the  mean  time  concentrated  forces  in 
Guatemala,  and  aided  Carballo's  operations  by  march- 
ing against  the  Indian  chieftain  from  a  northern  di- 
rection. But  all  efforts  to  crush  the  enemy  failed, 
though  the  federal  troops  were  everywhere  victorious ; 
many  of  Carrera's  followers  were  taken  and  shot,  but 
he  always  managed  to  escape.40  This  warfare,  or 
rather  chase,  was  kept  up  nearly  two  months.  At 
last  a  capitulation  was  concluded,  on  the  23d  of  De- 
cember, at  Rinconcito.  Carrera  and  his  followers 
were  to  surrender  their  arms 41  and  recognize  the  gov- 
ernment, which  in  turn  was  to  confirm  the  former  in 
his  office  of  comandante  of  the  district  of  Mita,  and 
respect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  inhabitants.42 
Thus  was  Carrera  a  second  time  given  a  legal  stand- 
ing. General  Guzman,  who  treated  with  him,  seemed 
to  place  on  the  treacherous  and  barbarous  mountaineer 
the  same  faith  as  if  he  were  a  civilized  man  and  a  re- 
specter of  treaty  stipulations.43  The  agreement  was 
not  carried  out  by  Carrera,  for  he  delivered  only  a 
small  portion  of  useless  arms,  and  kept  his  force  under 
the  pretext  that  the  safety  of  his  district  demanded 

dent,  Diego  Vijil,  whom  congress  had  chosen  to  succeed  the  murdered  Sala- 
zar.  Id.,  223-6. 

38  His  hordes  committed  all  sorts  of  outrages  in  these  departments  of  Sal- 
vador. Barrundia,  in  El  Progreso  of  S.  Salv.,  1850,  no.  3. 

39'Lescaus6  un  descalabro  de  entidad  la  division  del  coronel  Carballo.' 
Marure,  Efem.,  46. 

40  Once  he  was  almost  starved  to  death  on  the  top  of  a  mountain,  sur 
rounded  at  its  base  by  a  large  force;  but  owing  to  some  neglect  he  escaped. 

41  Stephens,  Gent.  Am.,  i.  244,  erroneously  has  it  that  the  delivery  was  to 
be  of  only  1,000  muskets. 

42  The  president  of  the  republic  ratified  the  agreement  on  the  25th  of  Dec. 

43  The  fact  was  that  the  arrangement  at  Rinconcito  was  prompted  to  Gen. 
Agustin  Guzman  by  Manuel  Pavon,  whom  he  believed  to  be  a  friend  that 
would  give  him  nothing  but  honorable  advice.     He  had  good  reason  at  a  later 
date  to  think  differently,  when  he  was  taken  into  Guatemala  in  rags,  tied  on 
a  mule,  as  a  trophy  of  Carrera's  success.  Montufar,  Resefta  Hist.,  iii.  228-9. 


it.  The  government  not  only  had  the  weakness  to 
enter  into  this  arrangement,  but  also  that  of  not  en- 
forcing its  fulfilment  to  the  letter.  This  rendered 
the  renewal  of  hostilities  but  a  question  of  time. 

I  have  mentioned  the  congressional  decree  of  May 
30,  1838,  granting  the  states  the  privilege  of  acting 
as  best  suited  their  views.  This  was  tantamount  to 
a  dissolution  of  the  union ;  and  when  Morazan's  second 
presidential  term  expired,  on  the  1st  of  February, 
1839/*  not  even  an  outward  tie  remained  to  hold  to- 
gether the  several  states.  Morazan,  and  he  alone,  did 
not  relinquish  all  hope  of  restoring  the  republic,  and 
without  delivering  up  an  office  which  had  ceased  to 
exist,  the  strife  was  continued  under  his  leadership. 
His  efforts,  supported  by  force  though  they  were,  met 
with  resistance  on  the  part  of  Nicaragua  and  Hon- 
duras, united  by  a  treaty  of  alliance  since  January 
18,  1839,  which  had  been  entered  into  for  the  pur- 
pose of  maintaining  the  independence  and  sovereignty 
of  the  two  states.45  Similar  agreements  were  made 
in  the  following  months  between  nearly  all  the  other 
states,  always  protesting  a  willingness  to  form  a  fed- 
eral convention  of  the  Central  American  states,  but 
opposing  the  idea  of  confederation.46 

"After  that  Diego  Vijil  represented  the  unity  in  the  federal  district  as 
vice-president.  The  conventicle  of  the  four  nobles,  Pavon,  Batres,  and  the 
two  Aycinenas,  had,  however,  during  Rivera  Paz's  rule  in  Guatemala,  arranged 
matters  to  their  own  satisfaction,  in  order  to  break  up  the  union,  haying  at 
their  disposal  the  requisite  number  of  municipal  districts.  Their  emissaries 
supported  the  separation  in  Honduras  and  Nicaragua.  Costa  Rica  was  gov- 
erned by  Carrillo,  a  declared  foe  to  Central  American  nationality.  They  were 
now  working  with  Rivera  Paz's  successor,  Gen.  Carlos  Salazar,  with  almost  a 
certainty  of  carrying  their  point.  Salazar  was  a  good  soldier,  but  as  a  poli- 
tician, without  guile,  and  easily  deceived.  Id.,  241-3. 

*3  And  also  to  protect  other  states  against  all  interference  on  the  part  of 
the  late  federal  government.  Full  text  of  the  convention  in  Cent.  Am.  Con- 
stitutions, no.  4,  1-5.  By  virtue  of  this  arrangemen 'jt  the  combined  forces  of 
the  two  states  invaded  Salvador.  Marure,  Efem.,  47.  This  treaty  brought 
about  Morazan's  ruin,  and  the  disruption  of  the  federal  union.  Francisco 
Ferrera,  commander  of  the  forces  of  Honduras,  himself  made  it  known  to 
Carrera,  and  it  prompted  the  latter 's  rebellion  on  the  24th  of  March,  1839, 
and  his  march  against  Guatemala.  It  enabled  Pavon,  Batres,  and  the  Ayci- 
nenas to  take  Carrera  in  triumph  into  that  city  on  the  13th  of  Apr.,  1839. 

46  The  jefe  of  Guatemala,  on  the  17th  of  April,  1839,  declared  the  federal 
compact  dissolved,  and  the  resumption  by  the  state  of  its  absolute  sovereignty. 
This  declaration  was  ratified  by  the  constituent  assembly  on  the  14th  of  June 


A  conciliatory  spirit,  to  bring  to  an  end  the  war 
against  Salvador,  and  to  act  as  mediator,  was  effected 
in  these  treaties ;  but  it  had  no  influence  for  good, 
and  the  hostilities  continued  between  Nicaragua  and 
Honduras  on  the  one  part,  and  Salvador  on  the  other. 
Troops  of  the  two  former  states  entered  Salvador  ter- 
ritory in  March  1839,  and  surprising  a  federal  party 
at  the  crossings  of  the  Lempa  River,  called  Xicaral 
and  Petacones,  took  without  resistance  the  town  of 
San  Vicente ;  but  having  advanced  to  the  heights  of 
Xiboa,  were  repulsed  and  beaten  by  Colonel  Narciso 
Benitez.*7  The  allies  were  signally  defeated  at  Espi- 
ritu  Santo,  near  the  Lempa,  by  the  Salvadorans,  called 
federals,  under  Morazan,  on  the  6th  of  April.48 
Equally  successful  were  Morazan's  operations  during 
the  rest  of  the  year.  His  officers  invaded  Honduras, 
took  the  capital  and  Tegucigalpa,  and  routed  the  allies 
in  several  encounters.49 

of  the  same  year.  Gnat,  on  the  llth  of  May  entered  into  a  treaty  of  amity 
and  alliance  with  Honduras;  on  the  5th  of  June,  24th  of  July,  and  1st  of  Aug., 
made  similar  treaties  with  Salv.,  NIC.,  and  Costa  R. ,  respectively.  July  1st, 
Hond.  and  Costa  R.  for  the  first  time  made  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance 
as  sovereign  states.  Aug.  10th  was  signed  at  Quezaltenango  the  first  treaty 
of  a  similar  nature  between  the  new  state  of  Los  Altos  and  Salv.  Marure, 
JSfem., _  48-50.  Costa  Rica  had  in  Nov.  1838  assumed  the  plenitude  of  her 
sovereignty.  In  obedience  to  a  decree  of  Braulio  Carrillo,  the  supreme  chief 
of  the  state,  dated  Aug.  4,  1838,  her  representatives  and  senators  had  left 
their  seats  in  the  federal  congress.  The  state  recognized  its  share  of  the  fed- 
eral debt  and  paid  it  at  once.  Carrillo's  decree  shows  that  the  Costa  Ricans 
were  dissatisfied  with  the  inequality  of  their  representation  in  the  national 
lower  house,  where  Guatemala  had  19  more  deputies  than  Nicaragua,  17  more 
than  Honduras,  15  more  ;than  Salvador,  and  23  more  than  Costa  Rica,  which 
had  only  four  representatives  in  the  '  congreso, '  as  the  lower  house  was  called. 
The  representation  in  the  senate  was  equal  to  that  of  the  other  states;  but  if 
the  latter  chamber  refused  its  sanction  to  any  bill  adopted,  the  former  could, 
under  the  83d  art.  of  the  constitution,  make  it  a  law  by  three  fourths  of  the 
votes  present.  Thus  was  Costa  Rica  made  a  nonentity  in  the  legislative  body. 
There  were  other  reasons  for  complaint.  By  a  good  management  of  her 
finances,  Costa  Rica  always  had  available  resources,  and  punctually  paid  her 
contingent  to  the  national  treasury  in  money.  She  was  therefore  taxed 
while  virtually  without  representation.  Montufar.  JResena  Hist.,  iii.  266-73, 

47  It  was  a  force  from  Leon,  under  Col  B.  Mendez,  who  had  entered  by  the 
frontier  of  San  Miguel.  Monttifar,  ItesenaHist.,  iii.  292-3. 

48  The  allied  commander  was  Francisco  Ferrera,  an  Hondureno,  who  had 
been  connected  with  the  incendiaries  of  Comayagua.     This  victory  was  mainly 
due  to  Morazan's  daring.     He  was  seriously  wounded  in  the  right  arm.     Col 
Benitez,  who  was  a  Colombian,  was  slain.    Marure,  Efem.,  48;  Montufar, 
ftesena  Hist.,  iii.  293-5. 

*•  Brigadier  Cabanas  occupied  the  capital  Aug.  28th.     He  defeated  the  Hon- 


But  affairs  underwent  a  change  against  him  early  in 
the  following  year.  A  joint  force  of  Nicaraguans  and 
Hondurans,  under  Manuel  Quijano,60  attacked  the 
federals  under  Cabanas  at  the  hacienda  del  Potrero, 
on  the  31st  of  January,  1840,  and  forced  them  to  leave 
the  state  of  Honduras.51  A  formidable  servile  coali- 
tion was  being  formed  against  Morazan.  Nicaragua 
was  resolved  to  drive  this  jefe  of  Salvador  from  the 
executive  chair.  Honduras,  under  Jauregui,  was  con- 
trolled by  Quijano's  sword.  Los  Altos  had  become 
again  a  department  of  Guatemala,  which  was  subject 
to  Carrera's  will.  This  chieftain,  in  his  pronuncia- 
miento  of  March  24,  1839,  had  avowed  his  intention 
to  champion  the  sovereignty  of  the  several  states  as 
concordant  with  his  own  ideas.52  Morazan  thought 
the  situation  might  be  saved  with  an  extraordinarily 
bold  move,  attacking  the  serviles  in  their  headquar- 
ters, and  made  preparation  to  bring  matters  to  a  final 
issue  in  the  city  of  Guatemala.  The  serviles,  on  their 
part,  pursuing  their  aim  of  overthrowing  Morazan, 
entered  into  a  league  with  Carrera,  and  invited  him 
to  take  possession  of  Guatemala. 

Morazan  convoked  the  assembly  of  Salvador,  and 
caused  the  vice-jefe,  Silva,  to  assume  the  executive 
office  of  the  state,  in  order  to  enable  himself  to  take 
command  of  the  forces  for  the  campaign  in  Guate- 
mala, which  at  first  amounted  to  900  men.  He  was 
afterward  joined  by  many  who  had  been  persecuted 
by  the  aristocrats,  who  pledged  themselves  to  con- 

durans  at  Cuesta  Grande  Sept.  6th,  and  then  entered  Tegucigalpa.  On  the 
25th,  after  quelling  a  revolt  which  took  place  on  the  16th,  in  San  Salvador, 
Morazan  was  again  victorious  at  San  Pedro  Perulapan  with  GOO  Salvadorans 
over  a  double  force  of  Hondurans  and  Nicaraguans,  who,  under  Ferrera,  had 
entered  that  town  on  their  way  to  San  Salvador,  to  destroy  the  'simulacro  cle 
gobierno  federal  que  existia  aun  en  aquella  capital.'  Cabanas  triumphed 
again  at  Soledad  on  Nov.  13th.  Marure,  Efem.,  48-51;  Montufar,  Reseila 
Hist.,  iii.  354-6,  446. 

60  Ferrera  was  without  a  command  for  some  time,  owing  to  his  continual 
defeats.     Quijano  was  another  *  notabilidad  del  partido  servil  aristocratico. ' 

61  Cabanas'  official  report  of  Feb.  3d  from  San  Antonio  del  Sauce  says 
that  the  enemy's  force  being  superior,  he  had  resolved  to  retire  to  San  Miguel 
in  Salv.  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  451-2. 

62  Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  245,  quaintly  remarks,  *  It  must  have  been  quite 
new  to  him,  and  a  satisfaction  to  find  out  what  principles  he  sustained.' 



quer  or  perish  at  his  side,  and  faithfully  carried  out 
the  promise.53  Morazan  marched  upon  the  city  of 
Guatemala,  and  his  movement  created  the  greatest 
alarm  when  he  neared  Corral  de  Piedra.  Consterna- 
tion then  seized  the  serviles.54  Preparations  were 
made,  however,  for  defence.  All  men  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms  were  called  to  the  service,55  and  Carrera 
established  his  headquarters  at  Aceituno,  his  plan 
being  to  catch  the  men  of  Salvador  between  the  forti- 
fications of  the  city  and  his  own  force.56  The  plan 
failed.  Morazan  entered  the  city  on  the  18th  of  March 
at  sunrise,  by  the  Bueriavista  gate,  and  after  some 
fighting,  made  himself  master  of  it,  and  of  all  the 
defences.67  Liberals  who  were  in  the  prisons  were 
set  free.  Among  them  was  General  Agustin  Guz- 
man, whom  Carrera  had  outrageously  treated,  confin- 
ing him  shackled  in  a  dungeon.  Guzman  hailed  the 
victor  who  returned  him  to  freedom,  but  was  unable  to 
afford  any  aid;  the  shackles  had  made  him  a  cripple. 
The  numerous  prisoners  taken  were  all  treated  with 
every  kindness.  Such  had  always  been  his  practice. 
However,  it  was  not  destined  that  he  should  enjoy  his 
victory.  Carrera  attacked  him  on  the  next  day — the 
19th — and  after  a  fight  of  twenty-two  hours,  com- 
pelled Morazan  to  retreat.53  His  forces  had  been  shat- 

53  Among  them  were  Mariscal  and  Del  Rio.     War  had  been  declared  be- 
tween Guatemala  and  Salvador.    The  fiction  of  Atescatempa,  Carrera's  procla- 
mations against  Morazan  the  chief  magistrate  of  Salv. ,  the  movement  of  the 
16th  of  Sept.,  1839,  against  the  lawful  authorities  of  Salvador  prompted  and 
aided  by  Carrera,  the  destruction  of  Los  Altos  the  friend  and  ally  of  Salv., 
and  many  other  causes,  constituted  a  real  state  of  war.     Montufar,  Resena 
Hist.,  iii.  456. 

54  Their  head  men  sought  refuge  with  the  nuns  of  La  Concepcion. 

55  Made  up  exclusively  of  Indians,  as  Carrera  wanted  no  white  soldiers  or 
officers.  Stephens'  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  111. 

56  The  worshippers  of  Carrera  have  said  that  he  intentionally  allowed 
Morazan  to  enter  the  city,  with  the  view  of  besieging  him,  which  is  absurd. 
The  city  was  full  of  war  material,  and  was  plentifully  supplied  with  meat. 

67  His  officers  who  distinguished  themselves  in  the  operations  were  Gen- 
erals Cabanas  and  Rivas,  colonels  Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas  and  Igjiacio  Ma- 
lespin,  and  Lieut-col  Bernardo  Rivera  Cabezas. 

68  Carrera's  official  report  is  dated  at  Guatemala  on  the  23d  of  March.     He 
does  not  speak  of  the  assassination  of  Col  Sanchez,  Morazan's  aide-de-camp, 
by  order  of  his  brother,  Sotero  Carrera;  nor  of  the  wanton  massacre  of  many 
others;  nor  of  the  maltreatment  of  women,  followers  of  the  Salvadoran  camp, 
which  caused  the  French  consul  to  raise  his  voice  in  protest.     Carrera  gave 


tered  at  the  Calvario.  The  number  of  assailants,  known 
as  cachurecos,  was  overwhelming.59  At  4  o'clock  in 
the  morning  he  left  the  city  by  the  plaza  de  Guada- 
lupe  with  upwards  of  400  men,  and  was  far  away 
before  the  escape  became  known.  No  pursuit  of  the 
fugitives  was  attempted.60 

On  arriving  at  San  Salvador,  Morazan  found  the 
tables  turned  against  him.  He  was  openly  insulted 
in  the  streets;  and  becoming  convinced  that  it  would 
be  impossible  to  raise  a  new  army  and  continue  the 
war,  he  concluded  to  cease  the  struggle  and  leave  the 
country.  He  accordingly  called  a  meeting  and  made 
known  the  necessity  of  such  a  course  in  order  to  save 
the  state  from  anarchy.  On  the  5th  of  April  he  em- 
barked at  La  Libertad  upon  the  schooner  Izalco,  to- 
gether with  Vice-president  Vijil  and  thirty -five  of  his 
supporters.61  The  vessel  reached  Puntarenas,  where 
the  chief  of  Costa  Rica,  Braulio  Carrillo,  who  had 
congratulated  Guatemala  on  the  defeat  of  Morazan, 
refused  him  residence  in  the  state,  though  it  was 
granted  to  some  of  his  companions.62  Morazan  and 

full  sway  to  his  ferocious  instincts  on  that  day,  taking  the  greatest  delight  in 
butchering  the  vanquished.  Many  of  the  pursued  sought  an  asylum  in  the 
house  of  Chatfield,  the  British  consul,  and  a  word  from  him  on  their  behalf 
would  have  saved  their  lives;  but  he  did  not  utter  it,  and  they  were  put  to 
death.  Id.,  460-7;  Marure,  Efem.,  52. 

69  Their  hatred  against  Morazan  was  shown  in  their  cries,  accompanying 
those  of  '  Viva  la  religion  !  Guanacos,  entreguen  a  ese  canalla,  entreguen  d 
ese  hereje;  nosotros,  defendemos  d  Dios  y  d  sus  santos.'  They  called  their  op- 
ponents 'guanacos,  pirujos,  malvados,  ladrones,'  and  declared  that  they  were 
going  to  bring  back  the  archbishop,  and  the  friars  who  were  sent  away  in 

60  Stephens,  ^ho  was  then  on  his  way  from  San  Salvador  to  Guatemala, 
met  the  defeated  troops,  and  in  his  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  69  et  seq.,  gives  a  graphic 

61  Miguel  Alvarez  Castro,  Jose"  Miguel  Saravia,  Isidro  Menendez,  Cdrlos 
Salazar,  Maximo  Orellana,  Nicolds  Angulo,  Trinidad  Cabanas,  Enrique  Rivas, 
Gerardo  Barrios,  Pedro  Molina,  with  his  sons  Felipe  and  Jose",  and  his  son-in- 
law  Manuel  Irungaray,  Antonio  and  Bernardo  Rivera  Cabezas,  Jose"  M.  Silva, 
Mdximo,  Tomds  and  Indalecio  Cordero,  A.ntonio  Lazo,  and  others.  ^  Pedro 
Molina  refused  to  go  at  first,  but  was  prevailed  on  by  his  sons  and  son-in-law, 
who  saw  that  his  fate  would  be  sealed  if  he  remained.    Monttifar,  Resena 
Hist.,  iii.  484. 

62  Pedro  Molina  and  his  sons  Felipe  and  Jose",  Manuel  Irungaray,  Isi Jro 
Menendez,  Gen.  Enrique  Rivas,  Doroteo  Vasconcelos,  Gerardo  Barrios,  Inda- 
lecio Cordero,  Jose"  Prado,  Ddmaso  Lonza,  and  others.    They  were  made  after- 
ward the  objects  of  abuse  on  the  part  of  Carrillo  and  his  coarse  wife,  Froilana 
Carranza.  Id.,  iii.  600-1. 


his  remaining  companions  continued  their  voyage  to 
South  America,  where  he  remained  about  two  years. 
After  a  time,  touching  at  David,  in  Colombia,  he 
issued  a  stirring  manifesto  to  the  Central  American 
people.63  He  was  the  last  champion  of  the  'Con- 
federacion  de  Centro  America/  whose  establishment 
had  been  greeted  with  so  much  joy  on  the  1st  of  July, 

The  governments  of  Nicaragua  and  Honduras, 
which  had  promised  Guatemala  aid  to  resist  Morazan, 
on  hearing  of  his  downfall  congratulated  the  victor  on 
the  defeat  of  the  ' common  enemy  of  all  the  states.' 
They  thought  that  with  the  fall  of  Morazan,  Central 
American  nationality  would  be  revived.  They  could 
not  yet  see  that  they  had  been  the  dupes  of  the  aris- 
tocrats and  their  clerical  allies  in  Guatemala,  who, 
while  holding  out  the  promise  of  reuniting  Central 
America,  had  been  all  along  working  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  federal  nationality. 

After  the  departure  of  Morazan  and  Vijil,  Anto- 
nio Josd  Canas,  by  virtue  of  his  position  as  a  council- 
lor of  state,  assumed  the  rulership  of  Salvador,  and 
called  the  assembly  to  hold  a  special  session.  It  was 
expected  that,  Morazan  being  out  of  the  way,64  with 
so  honorable  and  upright  a  man  as  Canas  at  the  head, 
concord  would  be  restored.  But  Salvador  was  still 
the  subject  of  abuses,  and  on  the  remonstrances  of 
Canas,  the  government  of  Guatemala  despatched  a 
diplomatic  mission  to  San  Salvador.  It  was  com- 
posed of  the  former  pig-driver  Rafael  Carrera,  and 
Joaquin  Duran,  and  had  for  an  attache*  Francisco 
Malespin,  a  military  officer  whose  sword  had  been  dyed 
in  the  best  blood  of  Quezaltenango.65  A  convention 

63  July  16,  1841.     He  details  the  acts  of  the  serviles,  enemies  of  their 
country's  independence  and  freedom.     Carrera's  career  of  crime  is  also  fully 
discussed.  Morazan,  Manif.,  in  Id.,  585-96;  Id.,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pap.,  no.  3. 

64  The  serviles  had  said  that  they  waged  war,  not  against  Salvador,  but 
against  Morazan. 

65  The  embassy  brought  an  escort  of  200  men,  and  Salvador  had  to  pay  all 
the  expense.  See  the  note  of  Minister  Manuel  Barberena  to  the  minister-gen- 
eral of  Guatemala,  dated  May  18,  1840.     Carrera  was  lodged  in  one  of  the 


was  concluded  on  the  13th  of  May,  1840,  placing  Sal- 
vador at  the  mercy  of  Guatemala,  Canas  having  to  sub- 
mit to  the  conditions  imposed.68  The  most  humiliat- 
ing condition  of  the  understanding  was  not  mentioned 
in  the  convention,  namely,  that  the  attache'  Francisco 
Malespin  should  remain  in  San  Salvador,  with  the 
office  of  comandante  de  armas.  This  treaty  convinced 
the  people  of  Salvador  that  they  could  expect  no  favor 
from  the  aristocracy  of  Guatemala,  their  implacable 

best  houses  of  Salvador,  and  his  deportment  clearly  indicated  what  his  early 
training  had  been.  His  first  diplomatic  utterances  were  threats,  and  the  gen- 
eral conduct  of  himself  and  his  soldiers  was  so  abusive  that  the  people  of  the 
liberal  district  of  Calvario  in  San  Salvador  finally  resolved  to  fall  upon  and 
annihilate  them.  Canas  saw  the  danger,  and  called  to  it  the  attention  of 
Duran,  who  prevailed  on  his  colleague  to  leave  the  state  with  his  troops. 
Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  487-8,  492. 

66  The  convention  was  signed  by  Joaquin  Duran,  secretary  of  the  sup.  gov., 
and  Lieut-gen.  Rafael  Carrera,  on  the  part  of  Guatemala,  and  by  Manuel 
Barberena  and  Juan  Lacayo  for  Salvador.  Under  art.  1st  Salvador  was  not 
to  have  in  office  any  man  who  had  cooperated  with  Morazan.  Art.  2d  required 
of  Salvador  to  surrender  to  Guatemala  a  number  of  persons,  named  in  a  list 
furnished,  to  be  retained  until  Salvador  should  be  fully  reorganized.  Art.  3d 
forbids  Salvador  to  permit  the  return  to  its  territory  of  any  of  the  persons  who 
went  away  with  Morazan.  Should  any  return,  they  must  be  given  up  to 
Guatemala,  as  prescribed  in  the  2d  article.  Art.  4th  and  7th  refer  to  the  re- 
turn of  certain  armament  and  of  prisoners  of  war  taken  in  the  action  of  18th  and 
19th  of  March  last.  Art.  5th  says  that  the  constituent  assembly  of  Salvador 
having  been  called,  her  government  must  see  at  once  to  the  appointment  of 
deputies  to  the  convention  which  was  to  organize  the  republic.  Under  art. 
6th  Salvador  agreed  that  Guatemala  and  the  other  states  should  appoint 
agents,  who,  together  with  her  own,  were  to  have  in  their  charge  the  archives 
and  other  effects  of  the  federation.  Id.,  489-91. 




HAVING  sketched  the  life  of  Central  America,  first 
as  an  appendage  of  the  Spanish  crown,  next  as  a  por- 
tion of  the  short-lived  Mexican  empire,  and  lastly  as 
a  confederation  of  states,  embracing  the  period  from 
1801  to  1840,  it  is  well  now  to  glance  over  the  inter- 
nal affairs  of  each  state  separately,  for  the  period  after 
its  accession  to  the  federal  union  down  to  1840,  be- 
ginning with  Guatemala  as  the  most  important. 

I  have  said  elsewhere  that  the  states  were  organ- 
ized on  the  same  principle  as  the  confederation, 
namely,  under  a  popular,  democratic,  representative 
government.  The  first  constituent  congress  or  as- 
sembly of  the  Estado  de  Guatemala  was  installed  at 
La  Antigua  on  the  16th  of  September,  1824,1  under 
the  presidency  of  the  clergyman  Josd  Maria  Chacon, 

1  Ouat.  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  42,  62-9,  178. 
HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    10  (145) 


and  its  first  act  was  to  call  Alejandro  Diaz  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  to  be  the  provisional  chief  of  the  state.'2  On 
the  30th,  the  votes  for  jefe  and  vice-jefe  having  been 
counted,  and  neither  of  the  candidates  having  the 
requisite  majority,  the  congress  named  Juan  Barrun- 
dia  to  be  jefe  and  Cirilo  Flores  to  be  vice-jefe,  the 
former  assuming  the  reins  of  government  on  the  12th 
of  October,  and  at  once  inaugurating  a  radical  policy, 
which  tended  to  widen  the  breach  between  liberals 
and  serviles.3  No  person  opposed  to  him  in  politics 
was  allowed  to  have  a  voice  in  public  affairs.  How- 
ever, no  open  rupture  occurred,  even  during  a  tumult 
in  February  1825,  when  the  Franciscan  friars  of  the 
college  de  propaganda  fide  refused  to  take  the  oath 
recognizing  the  constitution  of  the  republic.  The 
rabble  supported  the  friars,4  but  owing  to  the  ener- 
getic attitude  of  the  state  government,  the  priests  had 
to  submit. 

The  assembly  continued  its  labors.  A  coat  of  arms 
was  decreed  January  20,  1825,  and  on  the  2d  of 
May  took  place  the  installation  of  the  executive 
council,  whose  prerogatives  and  duties  were  similar 
in  state  matters  to  those  of  the  federal  senate  in  na- 
tional affairs.  On  the  same  date  was  also  installed 
the  superior  court  of  justice.  The  framing  of  a  state 
constitution  was  not  completed  till  the  llth  of  Octo- 
ber, on  which  date  it  was  decreed.5  After  passing  a 
law  for  the  political  division  of  the  state  into  depart- 
ments,6 the  assembly  adjourned  sine  die  one  month 

2  The  title  given  the  chief  magistrate  was  that  of  jefe.     That  of  president 
was  not  decreed  till  Nov.  29,  1839.  Marure,  Efem.,  51. 

3  He  is  represented  as  a  man  of  excitable  temperament  and  harsh  manners. 
He  was  a  brother  of  Jos£  Francisco  Barrundia. 

*The  prelate  of  the  order  was  summoned  to  the  palace  of  the  federal  gov- 
ernment, and  a  compromise  was  agreed  to.  Meantime  the  mob  had  assem- 
bled, shouting,  'Mision  queremos!  Viva  la  religion!  Muera  la  heregia! 
Mueran  los  que  no  quieren  misiones!'  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  182-3. 

5  It  was  solemnly  promulgated  Dec.  26,  1825.  This  constitution  was  in 
full  force  till  the  meeting  of  a  second  constituent  assembly,  when  it  ceased  to 
rule.  Marure,  Efem.,  15;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  201-2. 

6Vera  Paz  with  Peten;  Chiquimula,  Guatemala,  and  Escuintla;  Sacate- 
pequez  with  Chimaltenango;  Suchitepequez  with  Solold;  Quezaltenango  and 
Soconusco;  Totonicapan  and  Huehuetenango.  Id.,  463-70. 


later.  Clouds  had  already  appeared  in  the  political 
horizon,  the  state  authorities  having  transferred  the 
seat  of  government  from  La  Antigua  to  Guatemala, 
against  the  opposition  of  the  national  executive. 

The  liberal  party  has  been  accused  of  having,  with 
the  connivance  of  the  jefe  Barrundia,  committed 
frauds  at  the  elections  held  in  January  1826  for  a 
partial  renewal  of  the  representative  council.  In  the 


first  ordinary  legislature,  which  met  on  the  1st  of 
February,  a  law  was  passed  for  new  elections  to  fill 
the  council.  But  these  and  other  arbitrary  measures 
of  the  liberal  party  gave  rise  to  such  warm  discus- 
sions in  the  assembly,  that  Barrundia  at  last  ignored 
the  authority  of  the  council  as  then  existing.7  The 

7  Barrundia  induced  seven  of  the  deputies  to  abandon  their  seats,  and  to 
protest  against  resolutions-  enacted  by  the  legislature  after  they  had  quitted 
it.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  242. 


latter  then  denounced  him,  and  called  the  vice-jefe  to 
assume  the  government.  But  through  the  mediation 
of  commissioners  of  the  federal  government,  harmony 
was  restored.  This  harmony  was  not  to  last  long, 
new  complications  arising  from  another  quarter.  I 
have,  in  detailing  federal  affairs  at  this  period,  spoken 
of  the  plans  attributed  to  president  Arce  to  overthrow 
the  liberal  party,  and  the  events  which  culminated 
with  the  deposal  of  Barrundia  from  his  position  as 
jefe  of  the  state.  The  first  resolution  taken  by  the 
legislature  and  representative  council  was  to  remove 
the  capital  to  Quezaltenango.  The  new  jefe,  Flores, 
was  at  the  same  time  empowered  to  organize  a  mili- 
tary force,  raise  funds,  and  adopt  other  proper  meas- 
ures to  uphold  the  state's  sovereignty.8  Flores  had 
advocated  the  removal  of  the  state  capital,  but  stren- 
uously opposed  the  selection  of  Quezaltenango  as  an 
unfit  place  for  the  seat  of  government  of  a  liberal 
state.9  The  assembly  paid  some  heed  to  his  remon- 
strances, and  tarried  a  while  at  San  Martin  Jilo tepee, 
where  it  was  resolved  that  Barrundia  should  resume 
the  reins  of  government;  but  he  declined,  pleading 
ill  health.10  The  assembly  remained  at  that  place  till 
the  29th  of  September,  and  then  concluded  to  repair 
to  Quezaltenango,  considering  Jilotepec  not  quite  safe. 
Flores,  accompanied  by  a  few  deputies,  arrived  at 
Quezaltenango  on  the  8th  of  October,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  a  shower  of  flowers.  He  at  once  set 
himself  to  complete  the  defence  of  the  district,  which 
had  been  already  begun  by  Colonel  Jose  Pierzon,11 
who  had  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  state  sev- 

8  This  step  was  taken  Sept.  6,  1826.  Harare,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  260; 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  53-4.  A  demand  from  the  fed.  gov.  to  muster  out  the 
troops  was  refused  in  round  terms. 

8  He  had  once  been  a  resident  there,  and  knew  it  to  be  the  most  bigoted 
place  in  all  Cent.  Am.  Liberal  ideas  had  not  taken  much  root  there,  and 
fanaticism  ruled. 

10  He  afterward  attempted  to  recover  his  office,  but  the  course  events  had 
taken  impeded  it.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  57-8. 

11 A  Creole  from  Sto  Domingo,  who  had  been  formerly  a  federal  officer;  but 
having  been  arbitrarily  removed  from  the  position,  he  joined  the  state  cause. 


eral  hundred  men.12  Having  reason  to  apprehend  an 
attack  from  the  federal  authority,  Pierzqji  was  or- 
dered to  Patsun  to  watch  the  enemy.  It  was  during 
his  absence  that  the  events  occurred  leading  to  the 
murder  of  Jefe  Flores  by  an  ungovernable  fanatical 
mob,  of  which  a  description  is  given  elsewhere.  Upon 
hearing  of  those  occurrences,  and  of  the  friars  at 
Quezaltenango  having  called  the  Indians  of  the  neigh- 
borhood to  take  up  arms  for  the  common  defence, 
Pierzon  retreated  to  Totonicapan,13  encountering  the 
Quezaltec  rebels  on  the  18th  of  October  near  Salcajd,, 
and  easily  defeated  them.  He  gave  no  quarter.  He 
demanded  the  immediate  surrender  of  all  arms  in 
Quezaltenango,  guaranteeing  the  lives  of  the  inhab- 
itants, otherwise  he  would  destroy  the  place.14  The 
rebel  authorities  had  to  submit,  and  on  the  following 
day  Pierzon  recovered  possession  of  the  place.  Sev- 
eral draconic  ordinances  were  issued  to  keep  in  check 
the  spirit  of  rebellion.15  The  leaders  of  the  riots  had, 
however,  fled,  thus  escaping  the  punishment  they  so 
richly  deserved. 

Juan  Barrundia  now  made  another  effort,  from 
Sol  old, ,  to  resume  his  former  authority,  but  his  pres- 
tige was  lost,  and  most  of  his  friends  had  forsaken  his 
cause.16  Pierzon  abandoned  Quezaltenango  on  the 
25th  of  October,  and  was  pursued,  overtaken,  and  de- 
feated by  the  federals,  under  Brigadier  Cdscaras,  at 

12  Near  Quezaltenango  he  endeavored  to  capture  his  former  command,  now 
under  Manuel  Montufar,  but  the  latter  escaped.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  55-6. 
He  had  been  forewarned  by  some  serviles  of  Quezaltenango  of  the  ambuscade 
prepared  for  him.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  262. 

13  Abandoning  the  plan  he  had  formed  of  attacking  the  federals  under 
Francisco  Cascaras. 

14 He  allowed  four  hours  for  the  surrender:  'si  en  el  te>mino  de  cuatro 
horas,  no  efectuan  Vds  lo  referido,  la  hermosa  ciudad  de  Quezaltenango  desa- 
parccerd. '  Marure,  Eosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  288;  Id.,  Efem.,  18;  Mem. 
Jtev.  Cent.  Am.,  57-8. 

15  Among  them,  one  of  Oct.  19,  1826,  to  punish  attempts  at  propagating 
sedition  among  the  soldiers;  another,  of  Oct.  25th,  to  impose  the  penalty  of 
death  on  all  Guatemalans  taking  up  arms  against  the  state  government.  Gaz. 
de  Hex.,  Dec.  14,  1826;  El  Indicador  de  Guat.,  of  same  year,  no.  106;  Cuat., 
Recop.  Leyes,  i.  248-50. 

16  Afraid  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  federal  troops  then  marching 
toward  Los  Altos,  he  retired  to  Retalhuleu,  where  he  lived  till  1829. 


Malacatan.17  Pierzon,  together  with  his  friends  Saget 
and  Fauc^nnier,  escaped,  and  were  proscribed,  but 
they  managed  to  cross  into  Chiapas.18  But  it  seemed 
that  it  had  been  preordained  that  he  should  perish  at 
the  hands  of  his  foes.  On  his  way  to  San  Salvador 
to  take  part  in  the  war  against  the  federal  govern- 
ment, he  was  taken  prisoner,  brought  to  Guatemala, 
and  shot,  on  the  llth  of  May,  1827,  without  a  trial.19 
Another  body  of  liberal  troops,  under  Cayetano  de 
la  Cerda,  not  being  aware  of  Pierzon's  defeat  at  Ma- 
lacatan, prepared  to  march  from  Los  Altos  to  Guate- 
mala, but  the  soldiers  were  induced  to  rebel,  and  thus 
the  last  armed  force  of  the  state  disappeared.  The 
members  of  the  assembly  and  council  who  were  not 
in  prison  either  secreted  themselves  or  emigrated,  and 
the  state  was  left  without  authorities.  The  federal 
president  assumed  power,  and  replaced  the  jefes  poli- 
ticos  and  military  commanders  with  his  own  creatures. 
He  published,  on  the  31st  of  October,  a  decree  for 
new  elections  of  state  authorities.  The  new  assembly 
met  on  the  last  day  of  the  year,  and  on  the  1st  of 
March,  1827,  Mariano  Aycinena  was  chosen  by  pop- 
ular vote  chief  of  the  state.20  It  is  hardly  necessary 

17  Oct.  28,  1826.     Cascaras'  vainglorious  report  is  in  Guat.,  Gac.  Gob.,  Nov. 
2,  1826,  and  Mex.  Gac.  Gob.,  Dec.  14,  1826;  Marure,  Efem.,  18;  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  59-60. 

18  All  persons  affording  them  aid  were  declared,  on  the  5th  of  March,  guilty 
of  high  treason.  Guat. ,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  250-4.     Decree  reiterated  March  28, 
1827;  Marure,  Efem.,  19. 

19  All  authorities  agree  that  the  execution  was  effected  upon  the  mere  order 
of  Aycinena,  the  then  jefe  of  Guat.,  and  without  legal  formalities.   Arce, 
Mem.,  68;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  70;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  16;  Squier's 
Travels,  ii.  397.     This  last-named  writer  severely  condemns  the  affected  piety 
of  Aycinena,  who  made  confession  before  a  priest  and  took  the  communion 
before  signing  the  death-warrant.     In  1829  the  liberal  party  awarded  extraor- 
dinary honors  to  Pierzon's  memory,  ordering  that  his  name  should  be  placed 
by  the  side  of  Cirilo  Flores,  with  this  inscription,  '  Viva  el  ilustre  Coronel 
Pierzon  en  el  corazon  de  los  buenos  patriotas.'  Marure,  Efem.,  19. 

20 Aycinena  retained  his  position  uninterruptedly  till  the  12th  of  Apr., 
1829,  when  he  was  deposed  by  Morazan.  A  legislative  act  expatriated  him, 
and  he  was  in  exile  till  early  in  1836,  when  he  returned  to  the  bosom  of  his 
family;  but  a  second  legislative  order  compelled  him  to  leave  the  country 
again.  Finally,  an  amnesty  decree  of  July  25,  1838,  restored  him  to  his  coun- 
try in  Sept.  Marure,  Efem.,  18,  61.  Mariano  Cordoba  was  chosen,  in  March 
1827,  vice-jefe,  and  when  he  resigned  the  office,  Manuel  Montiifar  was  called 
to  succeed  him.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  60. 



to  state  that  the  elections  were  wholly  controlled  by 
the  servile  party,  whose  views  were  reflected  in  the 
new  jefe's  policy.  Lest  the  existing  courts  should  not 
deal  to  the  liberals  subjected  to  criminal  prosecution 
such  punishments  as  their  enemies  desired,  a  military 
court,  with  three  voting  members,  was  created,  to  ad- 
judicate verbally  upon  all  causes  for  treason.21  Dur- 
ing the  seven  months  of  its  existence — to  the  29th 
of  October,  1827 — it  sentenced  to  the  death-penalty 
upwards  of  ten  persons,  but  the  sentence  was  carried 
out  in  one  case  only.22 

The  history  of  Guatemala  during  Aycinena's  rule 


was  identical  with  that  of  the  federal  government, 
this  jefe  being  a  supporter  of  President  Arce,  and 
affording  him  all  possible  aid  in  his  warfare  against 
Salvador,  all  of  which  has  been  narrated.  Toward 
the  end  of  1828,  however,  the  successes  of  the  arms 
of  Salvador,  together  with  certain  alleged  false  steps 
of  Aycinena,23  aroused  such  a  spirit  of  discontent 

21  It  was  the  first  of  its  class  in  Cent.  Am.,  but  by  no  means  the  last. 

22  Lieut  Isidro  Velazquez  was  executed  March  30,  1827. 

23  Leniency  toward  the  proscribed  Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas,  whose  death- 
penalty  he  had  commuted  to  exile,  and  prohibition  of  certain  books,  pursuant 
to  decrees  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  were  among  the  chief  causes  -which 
alienated  him  many  of  his  former  supporters.  M<yatfyart  Resena,  Hist.,  i.  236; 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  114.     On  the  6th  of  December,  1828,  he  ordered  such 
books  to  be  burned.  Marure,  Efem. ,  22. 


against  him  and  his  administration,  that  on  the  20th 
of  October  the  assembly  passed  an  act  for  the  renewal 
of  all  the  chief  authorities  of  the  state.24  Soon  after- 
ward the  project  was  entertained  of  detaching  Guate- 
mala from  the  federation.  Neither  of  the  plans  led 
to  the  proposed  results.  The  latter  was  disapproved 
by  the  representative  council,  and  the  former  was 
useless,  as  the  incumbents  were  continued  in  office.25 
This  caused  the  breaking-out  of  a  revolution  at  La  An- 
tigua in  January  1829,26  which,  though  easily  quelled, 
hastened  the  march  of  the  liberal  forces  under  Mora- 
zan  from  San  Salvador  upon  Guatemala.27  After  this 
leader  took  the  city,  on  the  13th  of  April,  1829, 
Aycinena  and  the  other  chief  men  of  his  administra- 
tion being  thrown  into  prison,  Juan  Barrundia  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  government,23  and  the 
authorities  of  La  Antigua  were  transferred  to  Guate- 
mala.29 The  deposed  congress30  of  1826  also  reassem- 
bled on  the  21st  of  April.31  It  must  be  remarked,  in 
connection  with  the  state's  affairs  at  this  time,  that, 
though  nominally  in  the  hands  of  Barrundia  and  the 
assembly,  they  were  virtually  under  Morazan's  con- 
trol. To  meet  his  constant  demands  for  money  to 
support  his  forces,  a  number  of  financial  schemes  were 
devised,  the  property  of  the  serviles  being  almost  ex- 

24  It  purposed  with  this  measure,  which  turned  out  to  be  unavailing,  to 
remove  one  of  the  obstacles  to  the  termination  of  the  war  by  means  of  a  peace- 
ful arrangement. 

25  They  were  reflected,  though  succeeding  events  prevented  the  counting 
of  the  votes.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  115. 

2fiA  revolt  at  Quezaltenango,  Nov.  5, 1828,  had  been  summarily  suppressed. 
Afarure,  Efem.,  22. 

27  The  districts  of  Sacatepequez  and  Escuintla  recognized  the  authorities 
that  were  installed  in  La  Antigua. 

28  His  brother  Jose"  Francisco  having  been  made  acting  president,  he  re- 
signed for  the  second  time  the  office  of  jefe,  urging  obvious  reasons,  but  he 
was  required  by  the  assembly  to  continue  discharging  his  duties  till  the 
election  should  have  been  effected.  Hontufar,  Resefia  Hist.,  i.  167-9. 

29  The  dispersed  representative  council  of  1826  had  been  reorganized  at  La 
Antigua  Feb.  11,  1829,  and  its  senior  member,  Mariano  Zenteno,  recognized 
as  acting  jefe  of  the  state. 

30  This  body  voted  Morazan  a  gold  medal,  and  declared  him  a  beneme"- 
rito.     It  also  decreed  that  his  portrait  should  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  ses- 
sions.    This,  however,  was  a  spark  of  enthusiasm  which  died  out. 

81  Nicolas  Espinosa  presided,  as  he  had  done  at  the  last  sitting  at  San 
Martin  Jilotepec,  Sept.  26,  1826. 


clusively  affected  by  them.  Their  property,  as  well  as 
that  under  control  of  the  church,  was  taxed  severely.82 
Not  satisfied  with  depleting  the  resources  of  the 
enemy,  under  the  decrees  of  June  4th  and  August 
22d,  the  late  officials  were  made  amenable  to  prose- 
cution in  a  summary  manner,  though  finally  a  sort 
of  ironical  amnesty  was  granted  them,  involving  ex- 
patriation, which  was  enforced  on  the  28th  of  August.33 

New  elections  for  state  authorities  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  Pedro  Molina  asjefe,34  and  he  was  inducted 
in  August  1829.  His  subsequent  disagreement  with 
the  temporary  president,  Jose  Francisco  Barrundia, 
the  novel  ideas  he  suggested  for  remodelling  the  fed- 
eration, and  the  intrigues  of  his  opponents,  among 
whom  has  been  named  the  vice-jefe  Rivera  Cabezas, 
brought  on  his  overthrow,  when  he  was  superseded  on 
the  9th  of  March,  1830,  by  said  vice-jefe.85 

During  the  administration  of  Rivera  Cabezas  the 
state  of  Guatemala  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  peace. 
There  was  only  an  encounter  between  the  people  of 
Ilotenango,  now  Quiche,  in  Solola",  and  those  of  Chi- 
quimula  in  Totonicapan,  upon  land  questions.  There 
were  a  few  wounded.  Rivera  Cabezas  arranged  the 
matter  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  towns.  He  also 
accomplished  many  reforms,  ascertained  the  amount 
of  the  state  debt,  and  introduced  a  proper  economy 
in  the  expenditures.36 

22  Cayetano  de  la  Cerda  was  the  administrador  de  recursos,  and  he  acted 
without  restriction.  Mariano  Galvez,  Barrundia's  secretary  of  state,  is 
credited  with  the  invention  of  the  financial  schemes  by  the  author  of  Mem. 
Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  136-7. 

S3Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  131-3,  143-51. 

34  Antonio  Rivera  Cabezas  was  chosen  vice-jefe  in  March  1830.     He  waa 
succeeded  by  Gregorio  Marquez  in  Feb.  1831;  Francisco  X.  Flores  was  conse- 
jero  Aug.  1831. 

35  Molina  was  impeached  on  trivial  and  inconsistent  charges  by  the  legisla- 
tive body.     Twice  tried  and  twice  acquitted;  but  meantime   the  term  for 
which  he  was  chosen  had  expired,  and  new  elections  were  ordered.  Marure, 
Efem.,  61.     Full  details  of  the  trials  in  Hontufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  205-17, 

86  Rivera  Cabezas  wielded  a  powerful  pen,  and  in  a  playful  way  ridiculed 
the  servile  party.  His  Don  Meliton  dialogues  did  it  more  harm  than  Jos6 
del  Valle  with  his  grave  and  erudite  speeches  in  congress.  He  won  himself 
the  bitter  hatred  of  that  party.  The  political  change  of  1839  placed  him  in 
the  hands  of  his  enemies,  and  he  lost  much  of  his  property.  He  left  the 


While  internal  dissensions  were  exciting  the  people 
of  Guatemala,  they  were  forced  to  undergo,  on  the 
23d  of  April,  1830,  the  tribulations  resulting  from  one 
of  the  severest  shocks  of  earthquake  experienced  in 
the  country.37  Nearly  all  the  inhabitants  passed  the 
night  in  the  streets,  public  squares,  or  in  the  open 
fields.  The  assembly  adjourned  the  following  day, 
and  the  state  authorities  removed  to  Jocotenango. 
Fortunately,  no  more  shocks  occurred,  and  the  public 
alarm  gradually  subsided,  the  damage  done  being  less 
than  had  been  supposed.38  The  clergy  made  use  of 
the  earthquakes  to  arouse  the  rabble  against  the 

After  the  removal  of  the  national  seat  of  government 
to  San  Salvador,  Guatemala  found  itself  in  a  great 
measure  freed  from  the  constant  bickerings  between 
the  federal  and  state  authorities.  The  servile  party 
gained  by  it;  but  for  all  that,  the  liberal  spirit  of  the 
federal  administration  was  still  felt.  Pursuant  to  a  de- 
cree of  the  assembly  at  Jocotenango,  elections  for  state 
authorities  were  made,  and  Josd  F.  Barrundia  was  the 
popular  choice  for  jefe,  and  Gregorio  Marquez  for 
vice-jefe.  Barrundia  declined  the  office,  pleading  a 
previous  election  as  senator.  The  assembly  refused 
his  resignation,  and  Barrundia  reiterated  it,  till  his 
wishes  were  granted.40  The  vice-jefe  Marquez  then 

country,  but  family  affairs  necessitated  his  return  some  years  after.  In  his 
last  years  his  intellectual  faculties  declined,  and  the  servilesno  longer  feared 
him,  but  their  hatred  remained,  and  their  insults  and  abuse  hastened  his 
death.  His  portrait  is  also  given.  Montufar,  Rewna  Hist.,  i.  235-7,  246. 

37  The  most  violent  felt  since  1773.  Marure,  Efem.,  26. 

88  Several  buildings  were  damaged,  among  them  the  churches  of  Santa  Te- 
resa, San  Francisco,  and  Recoletos.  Since  the  end  of  March  shocks  had  been 
experienced  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Pacaya  volcano,  several  villages  being  al- 
most entirely  reduced  to  ruins.  Ib. 

39  The  nun  Teresa  called  them  the  effects  of  God's  displeasure  for  the  ban- 
ishment of  the  archbishop  and  friars.   Montufar,  Resena.  Hist.,  i.  225-6. 

40  The  liberals  were  certain  that  with  Morazan  at  the  head  of  the  federal 
government,  and  Barrundia  as  chief  of  Guatemala,  there  would  be  no  dis- 
agreements.    Barrundia  now  made  a  cession  for  the  benefit  of  public  instruc- 
tion of  nearly  $7,000 — due  him  for  salaries  during  the  time  he  acted  as  presi- 
dent.    This  was  a  generous  act  on  the  part  of  a  man  who  had  no  private 
fortune.     He  later  ceded  one  half  of  his  senatorial  pay  for  the  same  purpose. 
Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  273-6. 


assumed  pro  tempore  the  executive  office,  and  retained 
as  his  secretary-general  the  clergyman  of  talent,  An- 
tonio Colom.  New  elections  were  called  for,  to  be 
made  by  the  same  electoral  bodies  which  had  effected 
the  last,  and  Mariano  Galvez  was  chosen  jefe,  assum- 
ing office  in  August  1831. 41  This  chief  of  the  state 
endeavored  to  steer  a  middle  course  in  the  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs,  but  he  was  only  partially  suc- 
cessful.42 Several  important  measures  were  adopted 
to  relieve  the  burdens  of  the  people,  and  to  advance 
their  intellectual  development.43 

Galvez  was  not  content  with  encouraging  science 
and  literature;  he  also  directed  his  efforts  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  arts  and  industries,  and  the  improvement 
of  towns,  public  health,  etc.  Friars  who  had  become 
secularized  were  granted  the  rights  enjoyed  by  other 
citizens,  and  could,  therefore,  bequeath  and  accept 
inheritances.44  At  Galvez'  suggestion,  the  assembly 
passed  the  act  of  February  27,  1834,  to  enable  nuns 
to  abandon  their  convents,  if  they  so  desired,  taking 
the  dowries  they  brought  with  them.  Later,  mar- 
riage was  declared  to  be  a  civil  contract  that  could  be 
dissolved.45  The  measures  affecting  the  clergy  in 
their  privileges  and  revenues,  the  introduction  of  the 

41  Galvez  was  reflected  Feb.  9,  1835,  and  held  the  position  till  Feb.  2, 
1838,  when  he  was  forced  to  resign  it.  During  his  first  term  Simon  Vascon- 
celos  was  vice-jefe,  and  Juan  Ant.  Martinez  consejero;  during  the  second, 
Pedro  J.  Valenzuela,  who  superseded  him;  Mariano  Sanchez  de  Leon  was 
consejero  in  1836,  and  Mariano  Rivera  Paz  in  July  1838.  The  latter  also 
held  the  executive  office.  Salv.,  Gac.,  Oct.  12,  1854;  Marure,  Efem.,  43,  45, 

4'2  Galvez  was  not  in  league  with  the  clergy  or  aristocracy,  on  one  side;  nor 
with  Barrundia  or  Morazan,  on  the  other.  He  wanted  to  form  a  party  of 
which  he  should  be  the  sole  chief.  This  prompted  him  to  oppose  all  parties, 
and  brought  upon  him  many  reproaches. 

43  In  July  1832  tithes  were  abolished.     On  the  16th  of  Sept.  an  academy 
of  sciences,  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  university,  was  established,  and  to  it 
were  attached  the  colegio  de  abogados,  and  the  protomedicato.     This  acad- 
emy was  suppressed  March  6,  1840,  and  the  university  of  old  was  restored. 
Marure,  EJem.,  32.     Among  other  measures  were  the  reduction  of  holidays  to 
seven,  aside  from  Sundays,  and  the  prohibition  of  religious  processions  in  the 
streets  on  working  days.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  307-19,  ii.  76-84. 

44  Even  the  offspring  of  priests  were  to  be  reputed  as  legitimate  in  cases 
of  inheritance,  where  the  father  had  died  intestate.  Id.,  ii.  346-7. 

45  This  blow  at  the  church  was  not  favorably  received  by  the  people,  and 
in  July  1838  the  resolution  was  suspended. 


Livingston  code  with  trial  by  jury,  and  the  coloniza- 
tion by  an  English  company  at  Vera  Paz,  gave  rise 
to  displeasure  among  the  ignorant,  which  the  clergy 
and  the  serviles  did  not  fail  to  fan  into  a  flame  that 
erelong  became  a  conflagration.46  Added  to  this  was 
the  jealousy  engendered  by  San  Salvador  having  been 
made  the  national  capital.47 

The  first  outbreak  occurred  in  March  1837,  when 
the  Indians  of  San  Juan  Ostuncalco  rebelled.  It  was 
at  once  quelled,  but  the  ravages  of  cholera  caused  in 
June  the  uprising  at  Mita.  It  has  been  shown  in  an- 
other place  that  here,  at  this  juncture,  Rafael  Carrera 
made  his  first  appearance  in  the  political  field,  inaugu- 
rating the  war  that  eventually  dissolved  the  republic, 
and  through  its  consequences  brought  Guatemala  to 
the  verge  of  ruin.  On  the  16th  of  June,  1837,  the  as- 
sembly met  in  extra  session,  but  was  unable  to  effect 
any  favorable  change  in  the  situation.  There  were 
two  bitterly  opposing  parties  striving  for  control.  To 
make  matters  worse,  insurrections  broke  out  in  several 
parts,48  ending  with  the  capture  of  the  capital  by 
Carrera  on  the  31st  of  January,  1838,  and  the  re- 
placing of  Galvez  by  Valenzuela  on  the  2d  of  Febru- 
ary. That  same  day  the  departments  of  Los  Altos, 
namely,  Solold,,  Totonicapan,  and  Quezaltenango,  de- 
clared themselves  detached  from  Guatemala  to  consti- 
tute the  sixth  state  of  the  federation,  under  the  name 
of  Los  Altos.49  A  constituent  assembly  was  installed 

46  They  made  the  Indians  believe  that  the  cholera  was  the  effect  of  Galvez 
and  his  friends  having  poisoned  the  springs,  'para  destmir  hombres  que  de- 
testaba  y  poblaciones  que  aborrecia.'  Id.,  ii.  349. 

47  It  was  constantly  brought  forward  that  while  other  states  had  seceded 
from  the  confederation,  Guatemala  alone  had  contributed  to  the  common 
budget,  and  furnished  the  national  executive  arms  and  money  to  wage  war 
against  the  rebellious  states. 

*8  Martial  law  was  proclaimed  Jan.  16,  1838,  in  the  departments  of  Saca- 
tepequez  and  Guatemala.  Two  days  later  La  Antigua  rebelled,  appointing  a 
provisional  government,  and  subsequently  Chiquirnula  and  Salama  followed 
the  movement.  Marure,  Efem.,  42-3;  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  431;  Guat.,  Recop. 
Leyes,  i.  858-9. 

49  The  provisional  government  was  placed  in  charge  of  Marcelo  Molina, 
Jose"  M.  Galvez,  and  Jose"  A.  Aguilar.  The  assembly  of  Guatemala  simply 
referred  the  matter  to  the  federal  congress,  which  recognized  the  new  state. 
Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iii.  9-23;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  43. 



at  Quezaltenango  on  the  25th  of  December,  and 
Marcelo.  Molina  elected  first  jefe  of  the  state.  He 
was  inducted  in  office  on  the  28th.60 

The  constituent  assembly  adopted,  May  26,  1839, 
a  constitution  which  was  democratic  and  representa- 
tive, with  the  Roman  catholic  as  the  religion  of  the 
state.51  Later,  it  passed  instructions  to  guide  the  ex- 
ecutive in  his  relations  with  the  other  states.  They 
were  based  on  equity  and  justice,  and  prompted  by  a 

Los  ALTOS. 

spirit  of  fraternity.52  The  state  concluded  with  Sal- 
vador, on  the  10th  of  August,  a  treaty  defensive  and 
offensive,  but  it  came  to  naught,  for  reasons  that  will 
be  explained. 

60  Marure,  Efem.,  47. 

61  The  state  comprised,  on  the  north,  the  districts  of  Huehuetenango,  Saca- 
pulas,  Malacatan,  Tejutla,  Cuilco,  Jacaltenango,  and  Solola,  together  with 
all  the  territory  between  the  river  Pasion  and  Chiapas,  to  where  it  touched 
the  undefined  boundaries  of  Tabasco  and  Yucatan;  on  the  west,  Ostuncalco 
and  San  Marcos;  on  the  south,  Cuyotenango  and  Mazatenango;  on  the  east, 
Atitlan,  Solola,  Joyabaj,  Quichd;  and  in  the  centre,  Totonicapan  and  Quezal- 
tenango. Montiifar,  Rcse,na  Hist.,  iii.  391-3. 

52 Dated  July  12,  1839.  Id.,  394-7. 


The  jefe,  Molina,  was  an  honest  man  and  an  able 
jurist.  He  loved  Los  Altos,  and  considered  it  a 
necessary  organization  for  the  greater  lustre  of  the 
Central  American  republic;  but  he  had  little  knowl- 
edge of  human  nature,  and  was  easily  deceived.  The 
government  of  Guatemala  pursued  toward  him,  since 
April  13,  1839,  a  machiavelian  policy,  and  led  him 
into  the  fatal  belief  that  it  really  desired  the  prosper- 
ity and  happiness  of  the  new  state,  which  had  become 
the  residence  of  the  liberals  who  had  left  Guatemala, 
fleeing  from  Carrera,53  and  constantly  published  severe 
strictures  against  Carrera  and  the  aristocratic  clique 
which  surrounded  him.  Molina  had  been  persuaded 
that  the  Guatemalan  authorities  were  friendly  toward 
the  state  of  Los  Altos,  though  requiring  that  it  should 
discourage  the  attacks  of  the  exiled  liberals.  How- 
ever, Molina,  abiding  by  the  constitutional  clauses 
declaring  freedom  of  the  press  to  be  inviolable,  an- 
swered that  the  government  of  Guatemala  had  the 
right  of  prosecuting  the  writers  before  the  courts  of 
Los  Altos  for  libel.  This  ill  feeling  was  all  that  Pa- 
von,  the  Guatemalan  machiavelian  minister,  desired 
for  future  hostile  proceedings.  The  opportunity  was 
not  wanting,  and  the  state  of  Los  Altos  was  destroyed 
by  Carrera  on  the  29th  of  January,  1840,  and  rein- 
corporated  with  Guatemala.54  Molina,  though  cred- 
ulous and  vacillating,  at  the  last  moment  showed  him- 
self to  be  possessed  of  a  brave  heart.  He  well  knew 
that  his  administration  had  been  a  just  one,  that  all 
charges  against  his  government,  on  the  part  of 

53  Galvez,  Jose"  F.  and  Juan  Barrundia,  Simon  Vasconcelos,  and  others. 

54  On  the  28th  of  Jan.  a  body  of  Quezaltec  troops,  under  Colonel  Corzo, 
was  defeated  by  the  Guatemalans,  under  Gen.  Monterrosa.     It  had  been  sta- 
tioned in  the  hacienda  of  Bejucal,  with  the  double  object  of  guarding  on  the 
coast  side  the  territory  of  Los  Altos,  and  of  forming  a  combination  with  the 
men  of  Salvador,  who  were  about  to  invade  Guatemala  from  the  river  Paz 
frontier.     The  treatment  of  the  fugitives  by  the  Indians  was  shocking.    Corzo 
and  Lieut-col  Cdrdoba  perished  at  their  hands.     Carrera,  after  defeating,  on 
the  29th  of  Jan.,  the  Quezaltec  troops  that  attempted  to  check  him  on  the 
heights  of  Solola,  entered  Quezaltenango  unresisted,  and  put  an  end  to  that 
state.     Its  towns  were  taken  under  Guatemalan  protection,  on  the  fiction  of 
their  voluntary  annexation,  by  decree  of  Feb.  26,  1840.  Marure,  Efem.,  52; 
Guat,,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  43-50. 


Guatemala,  by  Pavon  and  his  fellow-aristocrats,  were 
false.  He  did  not  forsake  his  post.  Carrera  grossly 
insulted  him,  and  sent  him  as  a  prisoner  to  Guatemala. 
General  Guzman  was  reviled,  forced  to  wear  rags, 
beaten,  and  his  hair  and  beard  pulled  out.  Other 
citizens  were  shamefully  treated,  and  their  homes 

Affairs  in  Guatemala  had  undergone  a  great  change 
since  the  removal  of  Galvez  from  the  position  of  jefe. 
His  successor,  Valenzuela,  was  deposed  July  22,  1838, 
by  a  popular  movement,  and  Mariano  Hivera  Paz 
placed  at  the  head  of  affairs.56  His  first  official  act 
was  one  deserving  of  special  commendation,  as  it  ex- 
hibited a  conciliatory  spirit  which,  unfortunately,  had 
been  a  stranger  in  the  country  during  many  years 
past.  Three  days  after  being  installed,  at  his  special 
suggestion  the  state  assembly  nullified  all  acts  of  pro- 
scription, and  decreed  a  general  amnesty  for  all  per- 
sons implicated  in  political  offences  since  September 

55  It  was  claimed  that  Carrera  could  not  prevent  these  abuses,  which  were 
committed  by  the  very  people  of  Los  Altos  who  rose  against  the  partisans  of 
the  government.     The  fact  is,  they  were  savage  Indians  under  Carrera's  pro- 
tection.    This  chief  returned  in  triumph  to  Guatemala,  and  was  received 
amid  the  plaudits  of  his  clerico-aristocratic  supporters  and  the  rabble.     His 
victorious  army  brought  in  the  rear  the  armament  and  spoils  of  Quezaltenango, 
and  upwards  of  100  prisoners,  among  them  Guzman,  Mariscal,  and  Soto.     The 
first  named  was  wounded,  and  tied  to  a  mule.     The  rabble  made  him  the 
special  object  of  their  scoff.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  439-41. 

56  Deprived  of  the  office  Jan.  30,  1839;  restored  Apr.  13th  of  the  same  year; 
held  it  till  Dec.  13,  1841.     May  14,  1842,  he  assumed  for  the  third  time  the 
executive  office,  with  the  title  of  president  of  the  state.  Gnat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i. 
175;  Marure,  Efem.,  61-2.     Stephens,  who  saw  Rivera  Paz  in  1840,  speaks 
well  of  him,  saying  that  'in  all  the  trying  positions  in  which  he  was  afterward 
placed,    he  exhibited  more  than  ordinary  prudence  and  judgment.'  Cent. 
Am.,  i.  201. 

5TThe  3d  and  last  art.  contained  these  words:  'Un  olvipo  general  sobre 
todos  los  acontecimientos  politicos  desde  el  quince  de  Setiembre  de  mil 
ochocientos  veintiuno  hasta  la  fecha;  y  se  prohiba  rigurosamente  removerlos 
conningun  motive.'  Further  than  this,  Jose  F.  Barrundia  had  moved  that 
the  initiative  should  be  made  urgent,  and  voted  on  without  being  referred  to 
a  committee.  Montufar,  who  gives  full  details  on  this  affair,  blames  Barrun- 
dia for  his  excessive  generosity  and  abnegation,  which,  he  declares,  always 
turned  to  the  prejudice  of  that  statesman  and  his  party.  He  wanted  his  en- 
emies pardoned,  and  to  enjoy  all  personal  guarantees,  but  there  was  no  spirit 
of  reciprocity  on  their  part.  When  the  serviles  assumed  the  reins  of  power, 
they  invariably  abused  and  persecuted  Barrundia.  He  was  not  only  sent  into 
exile,  but  insulted  there,  in  publications  they  would  forward  him.  Besena 
Hist.,  iii.  188-90. 


From  the  moment  Rivera  Paz  was  made  the  pro- 
visional head  of  the  state  government,  reaction  set  in 
and  went  on  with  flying  colors.  Measures  in  conso- 
nance with  the  wishes  of  the  retrogressionists  were 
adopted  one  after  another  as  fast  as  they  could  be 
drawn  up.58  These  decrees  should  have  satisfied  Car- 
rera  and  his  supporters;  but  it  seems  that  they  did 
not;  his  faction  became  more  and  more  recalcitrant. 
He  found  himself  closely  pressed ;  but,  unfortunately, 
General  Guzman  was  persuaded  to  enter  into  arrange- 
ments with  him  at  El  Rinconcito.  This,  however, 
did  not  bring  peace  to  the  state  for  any  length  of 

In  the  latter  part  of  January  1839  Rivera  Paz  was 
deposed  by  Carlos  Salazar,  military  commander  of 
Guatemala,59  but  reinstalled  by  Carrera  on  the  13th 
of  April.60  This  disturbed  condition  lasted  some  time 
longer.  The  state  declared  itself  independent  on  the 
17th  of  April  of  the  same  year,  and  the  only  form  of 
union  maintained  with  the  other  states  was  by  special 
treaties  of  allowance,61  in  which  the  states  mutually 
acknowledged  their  independence  and  sovereignty, 
and  pledged  themselves  to  reconstruct  Central  Amer- 
ica. All  efforts,  however,  to  reestablish  order  were 

68  The  executive  was  authorized  to  support  the  petition  of  the  clergy  in 
order  that  the  diocese  should  have  a  bishop,  and  permitted  that  he  should 
appropriate  a  portion  of  the  public  funds  to  that  end.  No  mention  was  made 
of  the  person  who  was  to  be  bishop.  The  idea  was  to  flatter  the  several 
clergymen  who  were  with  Carrera  hoping  to  earn  a  mitre.  July  25th  the 
people  were  called  to  elect  a  constituent  assembly,  of  not  less  than  fifty  mem- 
bers, to  reform,  add  to,  or  retain  in  whole  or  in  part  the  constitution  of  Guate- 
mala. This  decree  was  supported  by  the  liberals,  who  foolishly  believed  that 
their  party  would  have  the  power  to  reconstitute  the  state.  The  serviles 
hailed  it,  being  sure  of  controlling  the  situation  with  Rivera  Paz  at  the  head  of 
the  government,  and  three  servile  wings  as  his  counsellors.  Reactionary 
deputies  would  be  plentiful  in  the  constitutional  convention.  The  capitation 
tax  was  reduced  to  four  reales.  The  assembly,  now  converted  into  a  law- 
maker by  steam,  on  the  26th  of  July  revoked  the  laws  establishing  civil 
marriage  and  divorce,  freedom  to  bequeath  property,  reduction  of  the  num- 
ber of  holidays,  and  the  further  admission  of  religious  vows.  Id.,  190-2. 

59  He  ruled  2£  months,  at  the  end  of  which  he  had  to  seek  safety  in  flight, 
on  Carrera  occupying  the  capital.  Marure,  Efem.,  48,  62. 

60  The  former  political  order  of  affairs  now  came  to  an  end,  and  a  new  era 
began  under  Carrera's  auspices.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  207. 

61  The  texts  of  the  several  treaties  may  be  seen  in  Convencion,  in  Cent.  Am. 
Comtituciones,  5-25,  28-31;  Quat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  382-95. 


in  vain,  owing  to  the  political  complications  caused  by 
Carrera's  rebellion  in  March  1839.  His  capture  of 
Guatemala  on  the  19th  of  March,  1840,  and  the  end 
of  the  struggle  between  him  and  Morazan,  which  has 
been  narrated,  did  not  materially  change  the  state  of 
affairs ;  at  all  events,  resolutions  subsequently  adopted 
by  the  assembly  had  little  weight.02  The  only  im- 
portant ones  were  the  restoration  of  the  fuero  ecle- 
siastico,63  and  the  creation  of  a  medical  faculty  in  the 
university.  Thus,  after  sixteen  years  of  continual 
strife,  Guatemala  found  herself  again  an  independent 
and  impoverished  state.  Neither  of  the  parties  which 
had  striven  for  supremacy  had  gained  anything.  The 
commonwealth  was  practically  under  the  dictatorship 
of  an  Indian  chieftain,  whose  will  even  those  who  had 
helped  him  to  attain  his  position  dared  not  dispute. 

From  the  moment  that  the  plan  of  a  Central 
American  confederation  was  contemplated,  Honduras 
manifested  her  willingness  to  be  one  of  its  members; 
and  upon  the  federal  constituent  assembly  fixing,  on 
the  5th  of  May,  1824,  the  basis  of  organization  for 
each  separate  state,  a  local  assembly  of  eleven  dep- 
uties was  assigned  to  Honduras.  The  state  con- 
stituent assembly  met  at  the  Mineral  de  Cedros,64  and 
on  the  16th  of  September  Dionisio  Herrera  was 
chosen  jefe  del  estado,  and  Jose  Justo  Milla  vice-jefe. 
In  July  1825,  the  territory  was  divided  into  seven 
departments,65  and  on  the  llth  of  December  the  state 
constitution  was  promulgated.  This  ended  the  labors 
of  the  constituent  bod}^,  which  four  months  later  was 
replaced  by  the  ordinary  legislature,  the  installation 

02  Honors  were  paid  to  Carrera  and  Rivera  Paz.  Their  portraits  were  to 
be  placed  in  the  hall  of  sessions.  Marure,  Efem.,  53.  A  few  days  later  the 
19th  of  March  was  decreed  a  civic  feast-day.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  iii.  348. 

63  Act  of  Nov.  9,  1840.  Id.,  286. 

64  Not  at  Aguanqueteric,  as  the  federal  congress  had  decreed.  Astaburuaga, 
Cent.  Am.,  13;  Marure,  Efem.,  10.     The  last  named,  in  his  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  148,  gives  the  name  as  Leypateric. 

^Comayagua,  Tegucigalpa,  Gracias,  Santa  Barbara,  Olancho,  Yoro,  and 

HIST.  CENT.  AM..  VOL.  III.    11 


of  which  at  Tegucigalpa  was  followed  by  that  of  the 
representative  council  at  Comayagua. 

Honduras  was  not  allowed  to  enjoy  a  long  term  of 
peace.  The  assembly  ordered  new  elections  for  chief 
of  state,  on  the  ground  that  Herrera's  tenure  of  office 
had  been  intended  to  be  merely  provisional;  but  he 
held  to  a  different  opinian,  and  refused  to  surrender 
his  authority.  Matters  were  made  worse  by  the 
enmity  existing  between  Herrera  and  Irias,  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  diocese.66  Anarchy  now  prevailed, 
some  of  the  departments,  especially  Gracias,  refusing 
Herrera  recognition.  This  state  of  things  was  mainly 
instigated  by  the  president  of  the  republic,  Arce,  who 
strove  to  overthrow  the  liberal  party  in  Honduras. 
Under  the  pretence  that  Santa  Rosa,  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Gracias,  out  of  which  the  federal  government 
drew  a  revenue  from  tobacco,  needed  protection,  Arce 
despatched  there  200  men  under  Milla,  the  vice-jefe,67 
who,  after  a  short  encounter  with  Herrera's  force, 
marched  upon  Comayagua,68  arriving  there  early  in 
April  1827.  The  town  had  been  hastily  fortified, 
and  energetically  resisted  thirty-six  days;  but  not 
receiving  timely  reinforcements,  succumbed  on  the 
9th  of  May,  1827.6)  Herrera  was  sent  as  a  prisoner  to 
Guatemala,  and  new  elections  were  ordered  in  Hon- 
duras.70 A  new  legislature  on  the  13th  of  September 
chose  Gerdnimo  Zelaya  jefe,  but  he  was  recognized  as 
such  only  in  Santa  Barbara.  All  liberals  were  dis- 
missed from  office.  Francisco  Morazan,  who  had 

66  Irias  excommunicated  Herrera,  and  the  latter  had  him  arrested.  Both 
had  mr.ny  adherents. 

67 Arce  claims  that  Gracias  had  called  for  the  protection.  Mem.,  64-5; 
Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  61.  The  truth  is,  he  had  no  right  to  exercise  jurisdic- 
tion there,  the  place  not  being  on  the  frontier  nor  on  the  coast.  Morazan, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  6. 

68  Herrera  had  a  force  to  def2at  Milla,  but  refrained  from  using  it,  in  order 
that  Honduras  should  not  be  accused  of  beginning  hostilities  against  the 
national  government.  Id.,  7. 

fc9Marure,  Efem.,  19,  gives  the  10th  as  the  date.  Dunlop,  Cent.  Am.,  169, 
gives  March  10th.  Morazan  attributes  the  surrender  to  the  commander's 
treachery.  Apuntes,  MS.,  8. 

70  Cleto  Bendana  was  made  jefe  provisional  in  Sept.  1827,  Francisco  Mora- 
zan being  consejero  in  Nov.  of  that  year.  Marure,  Efem.,  63. 


been  imprisoned,  notwithstanding  the  safe-conduct 
given  him  after  the  fall  of  Cornayagua,  managed  to 
escape,  and  subsequently  rendered  efficient  aid  to 
defeat  the  federals  at  Trinidad.71  The  government 
installed  by  Milla  disappeared,  Morazan  temporarily 
assuming  the  reins  in  November.  The  further  inter- 
ference of  the  federal  government  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  Honduras  has  been  fully  narrated  else- 
where. The  country  was  not  exempt  from  internal 
troubles  from  the  close  of  182972  to  the  beginning  of 
1833,  requiring  nearly  always  the  final  intervention 
of  the  federal  government  to  bring  them  to  an  end.73: 
Morazan's  ascendency  awakened  in  Honduras  more; 
liberal  ideas  than  had  ever  prevailed  in  the  country, 
as  was  evidenced  in  the  laws  then  enacted.74  During 
the  following  years  Honduras  was  comparatively  tran- 
quil, the  political  agitations  of  the  republic  scarcely 
affecting  her.  There  was  a  local  sedition  in  Decem- 
ber 1836,  and  the  early  part  of  1837,  contributing 
to  render  much  worse  the  financial  condition  of  the 
state,  which  had  been  bad  enough  before.75  The 
friends  of  the  federation  decreased  from  day  to  day. 
Honduras  accepted  the  act  of  the  federal  congress 
authorizing  the  states  to  constitute  themselves  as  they 
liked;  and  in  June  1838  the  legislature  and  executive 
called  for  a  constituent  assembly  to  do  so,  which 
met  at  Comayagua  on  the  7th  of  October.76 

71  See  his  Apuntes,  MS.,  9-10. 

72  There  was  a  sedition  of  the  serviles,  headed  by  Father  Rivas  and  others, 
which  was  concluded  by  a  peaceable  arrangement  with  Morazan.  Mont^(far, 
Resena  Hist.,  i.  191-3,  196. 

73  Martinez  and  Cori,  implicated  in  a  plot  with  negroes  of  Belize  and  Baca- 
lar,  and  others  were  executed  May  25,  1833.  Montufar,  JResena  Hist.,  ii.  132. 

™They  mostly  affected  the  clergy.  Marure,  Efem.,  23-7,  35-6. 

75Resulting  from  various  causes.  A  law  providing  for  a  provisional  currency 
checked  foreign  trade.  In  the  interior  it  was  at  50  per  ct  discount.  A  de- 
cree establishing  a  single  tax  never  could  be  carried  out.  The  abolition  of 
tithes  was  a  measure  which  caused  trouble.  Timid  or  fanatical  rulers  were 
afraid  of  'cuatro  canonigos  viejos  de  Comayagua  que  amenazaban  con  el 
salmo  108  y  las  penas  del  infierno,'  and  fanaticism  soon  brought  about  the 
restoration  of  the  tithes.  Montufar,  Resena  Ilixt.,  iii.  277. 

76  This  was  the  second  constituent  assembly,  and  its  first  president  was 
Jose"  Santiago  Buezo.  The  town  of  Tegucigalpa  demanded  absolute  inde- 
pendence, declaring  itself  seceded  and  under  the  protection  of  Nicaragua  until 


The  declaration  of  independence  was  solemnly  pro- 
mulgated in  a  single  sentence  on  the  26th  of  October, 
1838.77  All  further  efforts  on  the  part  of  Morazan 
•and  his  fellow-federalists  to  restore  the  disrupted  re- 
public proved  unavailing,  as  Ave  have  seen.78  At  the 
•end  of  January  1840,  the  secessionists  were  victorious, 
and  federalism  was  rooted  out. 

I  append  a  list  of  Honduras  rulers  after  Mora- 
zan 's  short  provisional  administration  in  1827-28. 79 

it  should  be  declared.     This  was  the  work  of  the  returned  reactionists.  Id., 

77  'Art.  Unico.  El  estado  de  Honduras  es  libre,  soberano,  6  independiente. ' 
It  was  published  by  the  acting  jefe,  Leon  Alvarado.     The  declaration  being 
deemed  insufficient  by  the  secessionists,  another  act  was  passed  on  the  5th  of 
Nov.,  to  say  that  Honduras  was  independent  of  the  late  federal  government, 
of  the  governments  of  the  other  states  of  Cent.  Am. ,  and  of  any  other  gov- 
ernment or  foreign  power.  Id.,  282;  Marure,  Efem.,  47. 

78  Tegucigalpa  had  been  twice  taken,  and  Comayagua  once,  by  the  federal 
forces.  Id.,  50-1. 

79Ger6nimo  Zelaya,  primer  jefe,  June  1828.  His  authority  was  never 
recognized  outside  of  Santa  Barbara.  His  election  was  finally  declared  null, 
like  all  others  effected  pursuant  to  the  convention  by  the  president  of  the  re- 
public. Diego  Vijil,  vice-jefe,  Apr.  1829.  Juan  Angel  Arias,  consejero,  Dec. 
1829.  Jos6  Santos  del  Valle,  consejero,  July  1830.  Jose"  Ant.  Marquez, 
jefe,  March  1831.  Francisco  Milla,  consejero,  March  1832.  Joaquin  Rivera, 
jefe,  Jan.  1833  to  Dec.  31,  1836.  During  his  term,  owing  to  illness,  the  exec- 
utive was  temporarily  in  charge  of  F.  Ferrera,  the  vice-jefe,  in  Sept.  1833, 
and  of  J.  M.  Bustillo,  consejero,  in  Sept.  1835.  The  latter  was  again  in 
power  as  acting  president  in  Aug.  1839.  Ferrera  again  held  the  executive  in 
Jan.  1841,  with  the  title  of  president  of  the  state.  J.  M.  Martinez,  consejero, 
Jan.  1837.  Justo  Jose"  Herrera,  jefe,  May  1837.  Leon  Alvarado,  consejero, 
Oct.  1838.  Felipe  Medina,  Jose"  Alvarado,  and  Lino  Matute  are  also  men- 
tioned as  having  had  charge  of  the  executive  in  Nov.  1838;  the  last  named 
till  Jan.  1839.  Juan  F.  Molina,  consejero,  Jan.  1839.  Jose"  M.  Guerrero, 
consejero,  May  1839.  Francisco  Zelaya,  cousejero,  Sept.  1839.  Id.,  63; 
Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  133-6,  325-31;  iii.  282-3. 




SALVADOR,  from  the  earliest  days  that  utterance  was 
given  to  the  idea  of  liberty  and  independence  from 
Spain,  was  ready  to  echo  and  champion  it,  and  was 
the  first  to  effect  an  organization  for  self-govern- 
ment.1 The  state  was  divided  into  four  departments, 
San  Salvador,  San  Vicente,  San  Miguel,  and  Sonso- 
nate.2  Under  the  direction  of  the  constituent  assem- 
bly a  state  government  was  organized,  with  Juan 
Vicente  Villacorta  as '  jefe,3  and  Mariano  Prado  as 

1  March  5,  1824,  the  local  constituent  assembly  met,  and  on  the  4th  of 
July,  the  state  constitution,  decreed  on  the  12th  of  June,  was  published,  and 
its  support  sworn  to.  Marure,  Efem.,  10-11. 

2  Sonsonate  had  always  belonged  to  Guatemala,  but  was  annexed  to  Salva- 
dor on  the  return  of  the  auxiliary  force  that  was  despatched  to  the  former 
in  1823  to  quell  Ariza's  revolt,  of  which  I  have  given  an  account.     By  intrigue 
and  force,  the  inhabitants  were  made  to  declare  in  favor  of  Salvador.     The 
region  was  later  attached  to  the  latter,  though  the  change  of  jurisdiction  has 
never  been  formally  acknowledged  by  Guatemala.     Some  time  after  there  was 
a  plan  of  creating,  with  Sonsonate  and  Santa  Ana,  a  separate  state,  but  the 
federal  congress  did  not  sanction  it.  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.,  i.  149. 

3  He  assumed  his  office  Dec.  13,  1824.     During  the  period  of  organization 
the  executive  was  in  charge  of  Juan  Manuel  Rodriguez,  who  bore  the  title  of 
director.  Id..  Efc.m.,  13,  62:  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am..  32. 



vice-jefe.  After  installing  a  superior  court,  the  con- 
stituent assembly  adjourned  sine  die  on  the  23d  of 
November,  1824. 

For  a  long  time  past  there  had  been  differences 
between  Guatemala  and  Salvador  upon  ecclesiastical 
matters.  The  latter  not  only  claimed  an  authorita- 
tive voice  in  the  political  affairs  of  Central  America, 
but  also  to  be  placed  upon  an  independent  footing  as 
regarded  the  ecclesiastical.  Hence  the  anxiety  to 
have  a  bishopric  erected  at  San  Salvador.  This  mat- 
ter assumed  a  threatening  aspect,  and  engaged  the 
attention  of  ecclesiastics  and  statesmen,  as  well  as  the 
public  at  large  in  both  sections  of  the  country.  The 
details  will  be  given  in  a  separate  chapter  treating  of 
the  church  in  Central  America.  It  is  in  order  to 
state  here,  however,  that  the  disputes  about  the 
diocese  of  San  Salvador  had  a  deep  influence  in  the 
country's  politics.  The  contending  parties  had  taken 
up  the  question.  The  liberals  in  both  states  sided 
with  Jose  Matias  Delgado,  who  had  been  appointed 
by  the  Salvador  legislature  the  first  bishop.  The  ser- 
vile element,  on  the  other  hand,  supported  the  arch- 
bishop of  Guatemala.  But  after  a  time  Delgado, 
who  was  not  unmindful  of  his  purposes,  supported 
President  Arce,  thus  forsaking  his  former  friends,  and 
joining  the  servile  party.  A  marked  change  occurred 
soon  after,  however,  the  relations  between  Arce  and 
Delgado  becoming  cold  because  the  latter  suspected 
that  Arce  really  sympathized*  with  the  archbishop. 
The  liberals  failed  not  to  strengthen  that  suspicion,  nor 
to  fan  the  flame.4 

Jefe  Yillacorta,  owing  to  impaired  health,  sur- 
rendered the  government  to  the  vice-jefe,  Mariano 
Prado,5  whose  first  act  was  one  of  opposition  to  the 
national  government,  by  repealing  Arce's  convocation 
of  October  10th  for  a  new  congress,  and  issuing  one 

4  At  this  time  Salvador  became  the  asylum  of  the  liberal  party. 

5  Arce  alleged  that  Molina  and  others  had  induced  Villacorta  to  believe 
he  was  the  only  man  who  could  right  political  wrongs;  but  he  found  he  could 
not  do  this,  and  so  resigned.  Mem.,  CO-1. 


of  his  own,  on  December  G,  1826,  appointing  Ahua- 
chapan,  in  Salvador,  as  the  place  of  assemblage. 
Prado  now  began  the  military  preparations  which 
were  followed  by  a  war  between  Salvador  and  the 
federal  government,  and  which  terminated  with  the 
overthrow  of  the  servile  party  by  Morazan. 

A  liberal  policy  was  for  a  short  time  pursued  in 
Salvador  under  the  rule  of  Jose  M.  Cornejo,  who  had 
become  the  jefe  in  January  1829,6  and  peace  reigned 
during  the  next  three  years.  But  in  1832  it  was 
again  disturbed.  The  government  of  the  state,  be- 
coming dissatisfied  with  its  former  hero,  Morazan, 
attempted  to  secede  from  the  union,  but  was  brought 
under  subjection.7  Cornejo  was  deposed,  and,  together 
with  those  who  aided  him  in  the  rebellion,  was  sent 
to  Guatemala  as  a  prisoner,  to  be  dealt  with  according 
to  law.8  Elections  for  authorities  were  then  held, 
and  Mariano  Prado  was  chosen  jefe,9  and  Joaquin  San 
Martin  y  Ulloa  vice-jefe.  A  period  of  liberalism  now 
commenced,  like  that  of  Guatemala  in  1829.  Several 
liberal  measures  were  adopted,  one  of  which  was  the 
establishment — decreed  August  21,  1832 — of  a  sin- 
gle, very  moderate,  direct  tax.10  This  enactment, 
intended  to  relieve  the  exhausted  treasury,  met  with 
violent  opposition  in  San  Salvador,  and  sedition  broke 
out  on  the  24th  in  several  wards;  but  the  rioters  were 
dispersed.  Prado  issued  a  proclamation  expressing 
his  resolution  to  uphold  the  law  and  maintain  order; 
but  as  the  excitement  continued,  he  ordered  that  the 
supreme  authorities  should  transfer  themselves  to 
the  villa  de  Cojetepeque  on  the  31st.11  On  the  14th 

6  Con  vents  were  abolished  March  1,  1830.     A  college  was  established  in 
July  of  the  following  year;  and  the  state  seemed  to  have  recovered  from  the 
losses  of  the  late  war. 

7  Cornejo  could  not  be  in  accord  with  the  federal  authorities;  he  was  a 
servile,  and  in  league  with  their  enemies.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  334. 

8  The  executive  authority  was  held  for  a  while  by  Morazan  himself.  Ma- 
rure,  Efem.,  30,  62. 

9  To  accept  the  position  he  resigned  the  vice-presidency  of  the  republic. 
Montufar,  Resena  Hint. ,  ii.  6. 

10  Tithes  had  been  suppressed  and  trial  by  jury  introduced. 

11  The  public  archives  and  artillery  were  to  be  also  removed.     The  coman- 
dante-seneral  was  to  remain  behind  with  four  cannons  and  200  muskets. 


of  November  there  was  also  a  seditious  movement  in 
San  Miguel,  which  was  quelled  by  Colonel  Benitez. 
The  vice-jefe,  San  Martin,  was  in  accord  with  the 
revolutionists,  arid  kept  up  a  correspondence  with 
Galvez  in  Guatemala,  who  wanted  Prado  overthrown. 
This  was  known  in  San  Salvador,  and  gave  encourage- 
ment to  the  remnants  of  Cornejo's  party.  The  removal 
of  the  capital  was  not  sufficient.  Another  revolt 
broke  out  at  San  Salvador  early  in  1833,  and  Prado, 
together  with  the  members  of  the  co-legislative  bodies 
and  of  the  superior  court,  had  to  abandon  their  places. 
On  the  13th  of  February  the  state  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  Nicaragua  and  seceded  from  the  union.  The 
vice-jefe,  San  Martin,  who  had  gone  into  hiding  on 
the  9th  of  February  to  save  himself  from  harm,  was 
called  by  the  revolutionists  to  assume  the  executive 
authority.12  In  July  a  revolt  broke  out  among  the 
Indians  of  Santiago  Nonualco.  Headed  by  Anasta- 
sio  Aquino,  they  formed  the  plan  of  exterminating 
the  white  and  colored  population,  and  installing  a  gov- 
ernment of  natives.13  The  utmost  cruelties  character- 
ized this  war  of  races,  whch  was  fortunately  soon 
suppressed.  Most  of  the  ringleaders,  among  them 
Aquino,  were  captured.  The  chief  was  executed  on 
the  24th  of  July,  1833,  at  San  Vicente.14  But  peace 
did  not  follow  the  suppression  of  this  rebellion.  Sal- 
vador, always  jealous  of  Guatemala,  insisted  on  hav- 
ing the  federal  government  removed  from  her  rival's 
territory.  At  last,  in  February  1834,  the  federal 

12  He  had  lost  his  wearing  apparel,  and  in  his  smallclothes,  and  with  a 
travelling  cloak  on,  he  took  charge  of  the  government.  Id.,  20.     He  was 
chosen  by  the  assembly  first  jefe  on  the  1st  of  July,  1833.     In  June  1834  he 
was  removed  from  office  and  expelled.  Marure,  Efem.,  36,  62;  Guat.,  Gaceta, 
Dec.  22,  1854,  7. 

13  Aquino  was  a  perfect  savage,  and  invoked  religion,  as  did  Carrera  some- 
what later.     He  once  entered  San  Vicente  with  the  crown  of  an  image  of  St 
Joseph  on  his  head.     His  mode  of  sentencing  prisoners  to  death  was  expedi- 
tious.    The  victim  was  placed  before  a  group  of  his  men,  who  were  told  he 
was  their  enemy.     '  Shoot  him,'  they  would  say,  and  the  thing  was  done. 
Aquino  was  in  league  with  the  serviles,  but  as  they  could  not  manage  him, 
they  persecuted  their  crowned  ally.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  21. 

u  Crowe,  Gospel,  135,  and  Squier,  Travels,  ii.  420-1,  erroneously  place  it 
in  1832.  • 


authorities  came  to  reside  in  Sorisonate,  and  later,  in 
June,  at  San  Salvador.  It  was  a  great  mistake  to 
expect  harmony.  Before  the  month  was  out  there 
was  a  street  fight  of  several  hours  between  troops  of 
the  two  powers.  The  federals  were  victorious,  and 
the  state's  jefe,  San  Martin,  was  deposed.15  The  ex- 
ecutive authority  was  assumed  first  by  Cdrlos  Sala- 
zar,  commander  of  the  federal  forces,  and  afterward 
by  Gregorio  Salazar,  the  vice-president  of  the  repub- 
lic. Neither  of  them  had  a  legal  title.16  From  this 
time  the  state  remained  wholly  under  the  control  of 
the  federal  government  and  the  liberal  party,  which 
became  still  more  cemented  when  in  1835  the  capi 
tal  was  made  the  federal  district.  In  the  great  strug 
gle  between  Morazan  and  Carrera,  of  which  a  detailed 
account  has  been  given  in  a  former  chapter,  Salvador 
had  to  rely  entirely  on  her  own  resources  when  her 
territory  was  invaded  in  1838  and  1839. 

After  Morazan's  signal  defeat  at  Guatemala,  Salva- 
dor no  longer  was  disposed  to  make  sacrifices;  indeed, 
she  was  too  exhausted  to  raise  a  new  army.  However, 
she  was  by  no  means  willing  to  uphold  the  victorious 
Carrera;  but  being  unable  to  resist,  had  for  a  while 
to  submit  to  the  force  of  circumstances,  and  to  recog- 
nize the  government  placed  over  her.17  But  as  soon 
as  Carrera  went  back  to  Guatemala,  that  government 
was  overthrown  by  the  people,  and  the  jefe,  Jose 

15 The  defeat  of  San  Martin  by  Gen.  Espinosa  was  at  Jiquilisco.  Gnat., 
Boletin  Ofic.,  507-9.  San  Martin  was  now  forsaken  by  Galvez,  the  jefe  of 
Guatemala.  In  his  old  age  he  used  to  complain  of  '  las  inconsecuencias  del 
Doctor  Galvez. '  Monlufar,  Reseila  Hist.,  ii.  27. 

16 The  latter  ruled  only  from  July  to  Oct.,  when  he  was  temporarily  suc- 
ceeded, first  by  the  consejero,  Joaquin  Escolan,  and  then  by  the  vice-jefe, 
Jos6  M.  Silva,  the  same  month.  Nicolas  Espinosa  became  jefe  in  Apr.  1835, 
and  was  driven  away  in  the  following  November,  being  accused  of  promoting 
a  war  of  races,  the  consejero  Francisco  Gomez  being  his  successor  on  the 
13th  of  Nov.  The  next  rulers  were:  Diego  Vijil,  Apr.  1830;  Timoteo  Me- 
nendez,  vice-jefe,  Sept.  1836;  Antonio  J.  Cauas,  consejero,  May  1839.  Ma- 
rure,  Efem.,  (52;  Montufar,  Resefia  Hist.,  ii.  193. 

17  Carrera  contemplated  becoming  the  ruler  of  Central  America,  but  had  to 
abandon  his  plan  on  Nicaragua  and  Honduras  forming  a  league  against  him. 
His  Indians  were  not  so  efficient  when  off  from  their  native  ground.  Squier'z 
Travels,  ii.  441-2. 


Antonio  Canas,  had  to  resign/8  Norberto  Ramirez 
becoming  the  jefe  provisional.19  More  than  any  other 
of  the  Central  American  states,  Salvador  needed  a 
period  of  peace  to  recover  from  the  wounds  inflicted 
in  nearly  twenty  years  of  warfare.  She  had  upheld 
the  principles  of  liberty  and  union  long  after  the  others 
had  given  them  up,  and  now  required  a  prudent  and 
wise  government  to  restore  her  almost  extinct  life  and 

While  the  other  provinces  experienced  but  few  dif- 
ficulties in  organizing  themselves  after  the  separation 
from  Spain  and  Mexico,  Nicaragua  suffered  for  years 
from  intestine  strife.  This  was  not  exactly  a  contest 
between  two  political  parties,  but  rather  between 
towns,  and  between  the  partisans  of  one  leader  and 
another;  in  other  words,  the  results  partly  of  sec- 
tional hatred,  and  partly  of  personal  ambition.  Per- 
secutions for  political  causes  were  of  daily  occurrence.20 
A  junta  gubernativa,  recognized  by  the  general  gov- 
ernment, had  been  installed  at  Leon,21  where  Basilio 
Carrillo  was  the  commander  of  the  forces,  and  claimed 
the  right  to  rule  the  province ;  but  there  was  another 
junta  at  Granada,  where  the  notorious  Cleto  Ordonez 
held  sway  in  accord  with  the  jefe  politico,  Juan  Ar- 
giiello,  which,  of  course,  ignored  the  pretensions  of 
the  Leonese  authorities.  Managua,  though  siding 

18  Sept.  23,  1840.  He  had  ruled  since  Apr.  8th  of  the  same  year.  Scdv., 
Diario  OJic.,  Feb.  14,  1875.  The  revolutionary  movement  of  Sept.  20th  for 
his  removal  was  promoted  by  Francisco  Malespin,  Carre ra's  tool,  and  a  man 
who  wielded  a  fatal  influence  in  Salvador  till  Gen.  Joaquin  E.  Guzman  rid 
the  country  of  him.  Malespin  was  then  acting  for  Carrera,  who  feared  that 
a  revolution  of  the  Calvario  ward  of  San  Salvador  would  upset  Canas,  who 
was  without  influence,  and  could  no  longer  be  useful  to  the  aristocrats  of 
Guat.  Such  a  revolution  would  create  a  liberal  government,  and  might  bring 
back  Morazan.  Canas  was  put  out  of  the  way  that  his  place  might  be  occu- 
pied by  a  servile  tool.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iii.  499. 

13  He  held  the  position  only  to  the  end  of  1840.  His  successors  with  the 
same  title  were  Juan  Lindo,  Jan.  1841;  Pedro  Arce,  Apr.  1841;  Senator  Es- 
coldstico  Marin,  Feb.  1842.  Marure,  Efem.,  62. 

20 'En  la  ulterior  contienda  de  los  partidos  politicos  de  esta  Provincia, 
pues,  no  se  encuentran  mas  que  pasiones;  las  calificaciones  de  realistas,  im- 
perialistas,  6  serviles  solo  Servian  para  autorizar  la  persecution.'  A  yon,  Ap.,  25. 

al  April  17,  1823. 


Vv'ith  Leon,  had  become  the  headquarters  of  the  anti- 
republicans,  with  Bishop  Garcia  at  their  head,  who 
strove  to  rid  the  place  from  Leonese  influence.  Most 
of  the  other  towns  were  in  a  similar  condition;  so  that 
it  may  be  asserted  that  the  whole  province  was  in  a 
state  of  anarchy.  The  junta  gubernativa  of  Leon 
accepted,  on  the  2d  of  July,  1823,  the  decree  of  the 
national  government  of  March  29th,  calling  for  a 
national  congress,  and  declared  Nicaragua  united  with 
the  other  provinces  that  had  formerly  been  the  reino 
de  Guatemala. 

On  the  13th  of  January,  1824,  a  popular  uprising 
in  Leon  caused  the  junta  gubernativa  to  remove  Ba- 
silio  Carrillo  from  his  command,  replacing  him  with 
the  jefe  politico,  Cdrmen  Salazar.22  Early  in  the  same 
year  Justo  Milla  came  with  the  appointment  of  in- 
tendente  from  the  general  government,  and  with  in- 
structions to  pacify  the  country;  but  his  mission  failed.23 
On  the  22d  of  July  Ordonez  had  himself  proclaimed 
comandante  general  by  the  garrison  and  populace. 
Some  of  the  wards  of  Leon  attempted,  on  the  6th  of 
August,  to  overthrow  Ordonez  and  restore  Melendez, 

O  *  ' 

the  successor  of  Milla;  but  they  were  overpowered, 
and  the  city  was  sacked.24  On  the  14th  the  forces  of 
Managua,  under  Colonel  Crisanto  Sacasa,  captured 
portions  of  the  city  of  Granada.  After  twenty  days 
of  incessant  fighting  the  besiegers  retired  in  good 
order.  On  the  other  hand,  a  division  of  Leonese  and 
Granadans  attacked  Managua  on  the  24th  of  August, 
with  the  same  result. 

A  junta  gubernativa  had  been  installed  on  the  9th 
of  the  month  at  El  Yiejo,  in  opposition  to  that  of  the 
capital,25  and  organized  a  force  of  2,000  men,  intended 

22  This  movement  was  the  precursor  of  the  great  calamities  that  were  to 
befall  Nicaragua.  Marure,  Efem.,  9. 

23  The  troops  and  the  mob  in  Leon,  on  the  4th  of  May,  deposed  him,  and 
placed  his  office  in  charge  of  the  alcalde,  Pablo  Melendez,  who  in  his  turn  was 
overthrown  a  few  days  later  by  another  sedition  headed  by  Ordonez. 

24  The  villas  of  Managua  and  Nicaragua  refused  to  recognize  the  revolution- 
ary government  at  the  capital,  and  established  a  junta  gubernativa  at  the 
first-named  town. 

25 It  was  formed  with  the  chief  men  of  the  'partido  de  Managua.' 


to  lay  siege  to  Leon.  The  united  forces  of  El  Viejo> 
and  Managua,  commanded  by  Sacasa  and  the  Colom- 
bian Juan  Jose  Salas,  assaulted  Leon,  captured  the 
suburbs,  and  penetrated  to  the  plazuela  de  San  Juan. 
The  garrison,  composed  of  Leonese  arid  some  Grana- 
dans,  now  found  itself  confined  to  the  chief  plaza  and 
contiguous  blocks.  During  the  siege,  which  lasted 
1 14  days,  there  was  incessant  fighting,  both  besiegers 
and  besieged  exhibiting  bitter  animosity.  Sacasa  was 
mortally  wounded,  and  died  twelve  days  after.  The 
fjo-hting;  often  took  place  inside  of  the  houses,  and  even 

O  O  1^  * 

of  the  churches.  Upwards  of  900  houses  were  either 
demolished  or  burned,  and  the  number  of  dead  and 
wounded  on  both  sides  was  large,  probably  over  900 
killed.  The  contest  ceased  only  on  the  4th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1825,  when  the  besieging  forces  retired.26 

The  villa  de  Managua  laid  down  its  arms  on  the 
22d  of  January,  IP 25,  peaceably  receiving  Manuel 
Jose  Arce,  who  had  entered  Nicaragua  with  an  auxil- 

*  O 

iary  force  from  Salvador,  and  with  instructions  to 
pacify  the  state.  In  consequence  of  his  arrival,  the 
dissensions  were  quieted  for  a  time.27  Arce,  without 
bloodshed,  also  disarmed  the  troops  of  Ordonez  at 
Granada,  and  despatched  him,  together  with  Bishop 
Garcia,  to  Guatemala.  After  having  made  arrange- 
ments for  elections,  the  peace-maker  returned  to  Sal- 
vador, leaving,  however,  a  portion  of  the  force  at 

On  the  10th  of  April,  1825,  preliminary  arrange- 
ments being  completed,  the  first  constituent  assembly 

26  By  order  of  Gen.  Manuel  Jose"  Arce,  who  afterward  entered  Leon.  De- 
tails of  battles  and  actions  during  this  unhappy  period  of  Nicaragua  history 
may  be  found  in  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  151-6;  Id.,  Efem.,  11-12, 
'tZ;  Ayo)i,  Apuntes,  28-36;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  160-2. 

21  In  the  previous  year  Martin  Arzu  had  been  sent  as  a  commissioner  to 
restore  peace  in  Nicaragua.  He  was  ordered  to  use  gentle  means,  but  to  em- 
ploy force  against  parties  opposing  him.  To  support  him,  500  Hondurans 
vrere  stationed  at  Choluteca.  He  arrived  after  the  siege  of  Leon  had  begun, 
and  endeavored  on  the  spot  to  bring  about  an  arrangement  between  the  bel- 
ligerents; but  he  was  treated  disrespectfully  by  the  besiegers,  and  even 
arrested  and  threatened  with  death  by  Salas.  He  afterward  declared  the 
junto  at  El  Viejo  revolutionary,  and  that  its  commands  should  be  disregarded. 
Alter  that  he  conducted  the  defence  of  Leon.  ATarure,  Uoxq.,  i.  157-9. 


of  Nicaragua  met  under  the  presidency  of  Juan  Ma- 
nuel Zamora,  and  ten  days  later  Manuel  Antonio  de 
la  Cerda  was  installed  as  jefe  of  the  state,28  and  Juan 
Argiiello  as  vice-jefe.  Unfortunately  there  were  dis- 
agreements on  the  part  of  Cerda  with  both  the  con- 
stituent assembly  and  Argiiello,  which  delayed  the 
labors  on  the  state  constitution,  so  that  it  was  not 
decreed  till  the  8th  of  April,  1826.29 

The  convention  then  adjourned  sine  die,  and  the  reg- 
ular or  ordinary  assembly  met  on  the  13th  of  August, 
at  Leon,  but  in  the  middle  of  the  following  month 
removed  to  Granada.30  Meantime  the  dissatisfaction 
with  Jefe  Cerda  had  assumed  such  proportions  that 
the  legislative  body  resolved  to  impeach  him.  He 
was,  accordingly,  suspended,  and  Argiiello  placed 
temporarily  in  charge  of  the  executive  authority. 
New  elections  were  also  decreed.31  But  Argiiello  had 
not  fostered  all  these  troubles  merely  to  surrender  the 
government  to  a  new  rnanj  and  by  intrigues  contrived 
to  bring  about,  in  February  1827,  the  dissolution  of 
the  assembly.32 

The  indefatigable  Colonel  Cleto  Ordonez  made, 
with  the  aid  of  troops  of  Leon  and  Senator  Hernandez, 
an  unsuccessful  attempt33  to  seize  the  government, 
declaring  Argiiello  suspended.  An  effort  was  also 
made  by  the  president  on  behalf  of  Cerda,  but  it  was 
defeated  by  Herrera,  the  jefe  of  Honduras.  The 
state  of  war  continued;  Arce  reluctantly  had  removed, 
at  Argliello's  request,  the  few  men  of  Salvador  that 
had  been  stationed  in  Nicaragua  since  1825,34  and 

28  In  the  latter  part  of  1828  he  was  shot,  under  the  sentence  of  a  court- 
martial  convened  by  order  of  the  vice-jefe  Argiiello.  Id.,  Efem.,  63-4. 

29  Its  support  was  sworn  to  on  the  la~t  clay  of  that  month. 

30  The  first  representative  council,  or  senate,  was  inaugurated  at  the  same 
place  on  the  26th  of  Oct.,  1826.  Id.,  18. 

31  Cerda  would  not,  however,  lay  down  his  power,  and  continued  exercising 
it  at  Managua.  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  43. 

32  The  dissolution  was  '  a  consecuencia  de  una  sedicion  promovida  por  el 
Vice-jefe  del  mismo  Estado  Sr  Juan  Argiiello.'  Marure,  Efem.,  18. 

33  On  the  14th  of  Sept.,  1827.     This  was  his  third  or  fourth  effort;  all 
fruitless,  however.   Id.,  20. 

34  He  foretold  at  the  time  that  'muy  luego  veria  el  congreso  arder  otra  vez 
la  tea  de  la  discordia  en  aquel  Estado.'  Arc?,  Mem.,  17. 


thus  the  only  adversary  of  importance  Arguello  had 
was  Cerda.  The  contest  remained  for  a  long  time 
undecided.  Argiiello  took  Granada,  while  Cerda's 
headquarters  were  first  at  Managua,  and,  when  that 
place  seceded,  at  Rivas,  the  ancient  town  of  Nicaragua. 

In  September  1828,  Cerda's  party  had  made  so 
much  headway  that  Argiiello  and  his  followers  had 
vessels  in  readiness  to  effect  their  escape  should  the 
jefe  gain  another  victory.  But  the  priests,  who 
worked  against  the  latter,  inspired  the  disheartened 
Argliellistas  with  renewed  courage,  and  in  another 
encounter  they  were  victorious.  Cerda's  star  now 
waned.  A  revolt  planned  by  two  of  his  officers  was 
quelled,  and  the  leaders  were  shot.35  This  severity, 
and  the  heavy  taxes  he  levied,  increased  his  foes.33 
At  last,  on  the  8th  of  November,  1828,  when  Bivas 
was  almost  without  troops,  one  of  his  officers,  who 
was  a  relative,  named  Francisco  Argiiello,  made  him 
a  prisoner,  and  before  his  troops  could  come  from 
Jinotepe  to  his  rescue,  a  force  of  the  vice-jefe  entered 
Rivas.  A  military  court  was  at  once  organized, 
and  Cerda,  being  subjected  to  its  action,37  was  sen- 
tenced to  death,  and  executed.88 

Argiiello  was  now  free  from  his  strongest  adver- 
sary; but  the  struggle  went  on  as  new  pretenders 
sprang  up,  and  its  effects  in  the  course  of  time  were 
most  disastrous.  It  brought  the  state  to  a  condition 
of  desolation  unequalled  in  Central  America.  Dio- 
nisio  Herrera,  chief  of  Honduras,  undertook,  under 
instructions  of  the  federal  government,  in  1829,  the 
task  of  pacifying  Nicaragua.  He  visited  Leon, 
and  succeeded  in  conciliating  parties  and  restoring 

35  Their  project  involved  the  annexation  of  Nicaragua  to  Colombia.  Los 
Anales,  1872,  54. 

36  He  now  proposed  to  surrender  the  government  to  Argiiello  or  some  one 
else.     His  friends  dissuaded  him,  and  he  was  finally  the  victim  of  treachery. 

37  His  friends  had  obtained  that  the  trial  should  be  at  Granada,  but  the 
mob  at  Rivas  opposed  his  removal  at  the  moment  of  departure.  Id. ,  63. 

^Nov.  29,  1828.  It  is  said  that  the  vice-jefe,  Arguello,  decreed  a  sus- 
pension of  the  sentence;  but  purposely  delayed  the  courier,  so  that  the  re- 
prieve arrived  too  late  at  Rivas.  A  full  biography  of  Uerda,  with  scattered 
historical  items,  is  given  in  Id.,  29-72,  passim. 


order;  and  when  new  elections  took  place  in  May 
1830  he  was  himself  chosen  its  jefe.39  Managua,  the 
last  place  to  hold  out,  was  finally,  without  the  use  of 
force,  prevailed  upon  to  recognize  the  newly  con- 
stituted authorities,  and  in  June  was  already  enjoying 
the  benefits  of  peace.  In  order  to  consolidate  the  peace 
throughout  the  state,  Herrera  made  the  leaders  of 
parties  leave  its  territory.  His  rule  was  a  quiet  one 
for  the  next  two  years,  and  until  Nicaragua  was  called 
upon  by  the  national  government  to  furnish  her  con- 
tingent of  troops  to  suppress  revolutionary  movements 
beyond  her  boundary.40 

The  revolutionary  spirit  showed  itself  again  in  1832. 
On  December  3,  1832,  the  state  assembly  attached 
the  federal  revenue,  and  refused  further  recognition 
of  the  general  government.  A  few  months  later  a 
revolt  broke  out  against  Herrera.  The  movement 
originated  in  Managua,  and  was  seconded  in  Masaya 
and  Matagalpa.  Granada  and  Leon  opposed  it. 
Jefe  Herrera  at  first  was  loath  to  resist  it,  and  laid 
his  resignation  before  the  legislature,  and  it  was  ac- 
cepted on  the  1st  of  March,  1833.  But  that  body, 
under  popular  pressure,  four  days  after  revoked  the 
resolution,  and  recalled  Herrera  to  hold  the  executive 
authority,  with  the  extraordinary  powers  that  had 
been  decreed  him  on  the  8th  of  February  previous.41 

The  insurrection  had  spread  also  in  Metapa,  Cho- 
coyos,  Nandaime,  San  Jorge,  and  throughout  the  de- 
partment of  Nicaragua.  At  the  head  of  the  move- 
ment was  an  ecclesiastic.  Herrera  exhausted  all 

39The  installation  of  the  assembly  was  on  Nov.  1,  1829.  The  elections 
had  been  decreed  by  the  vice-jefe,  Arguello,  and  his  act,  as  well  as  the  elec- 
tions effected  under  it,  were  on  the  23d  of  May,  1830,  declared  to  be  legit- 
imate. Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  80.  Herrera  had  been  inducted  in  office  on  the  12th 
of  May.  Monti' far,  Reseua  Hist,  i.  199-203. 

40 The  services  of  the  Nicaraguans  were  recognized  by  both  the  federal 
president  and  the  state  assembly.  Honors  were  decreed  to  the  survivors,  and 
pensions  to  the  wounded,  and  to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the  dead.  Rocha, 
C6d.  Nic.,  L  214-15. 

41  This  last  action  was  attributed  by  the  revolutionists  to  Herrera's  mach- 
inations and  Morazan's  influence;  but  the  truth  was,  that  the  people  recog- 
nized Herrera's  services  as  the  pacificator,  and  his  good  qualifications  as  a 
ruler.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  31-2. 


peaceful  means,  and  bad  to  employ  force,  and  Mana- 
gua was  taken  on  the  29th  of  June,  1833.42  Nica- 
ragua and  other  places  accepted  the  amnesty  tendered 
them.43  But  it  seemed  almost  impossible  to  maintain 
peace  for  any  length  of  time.  In  May  1834  Granada 
and  Metapa  rebelled,  under  one  Candido  Flores.  The 
rebels  were  successful  for  several  months,  and  took 
possession  of  Managua.  But  on  the  1 3th  of  August 
they  were  defeated;  a  few  days  later  Granada  was 
recovered,  and  four  of  the  ringleaders  were  shot. 

In  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  January,  1835,  there 
was  an  eruption  of  the  volcano  Cosigiiina,44  attended 
by  one  of  the  most  terrific  earthquakes  ever  experi- 
enced in  Central  America,45  The  event  was  a  mem- 

42  A  detailed  account  of  this  revolt  is  given  in  the  Centra  Americano,  89- 
07.  It  is  said  that  a  number  of  medals  were  found  of  tortoise-shell,  gold,  and 
other  metals,  with  the  image  of  Fernando  VII.,  and  bearing  the  inscription 
'Viva  Fernando  VII.  Rey  de  Espafla  y  de  las  Indias,  Ano  de  1828,' which  gave 
rise  to  the  supposition  that  the  revolt  had  been  in  his  interests.  Monk&far, 
Itesena  Hist.,  ii.  ,36-8.  Herrera  issued  a  proclamation  calling  on  the  people  to 
stand  by  the  government.  Marurr,  Efem.,  33-4. 

J3The  assembly,  installed  on  the  21st  of  Aug.,  1833,  at  Leon,  approved  all 
of  Herrera's  acts. 

i4  On  the  southern  coast  of  Nicaragua,  12  leagues  distant  fron  Leon. 

'*  A  dense  yellow  cloud  rose  suddenly,  accompanied  by  a  strong  smell  of 
sulphur  and  a  shower  of  tine  white  dust.  The  alarmed  inhabitants  closed 
their  doors  and  windows,  but  the  dust  could  not  be  kept  out.  Breathing  be- 
came difficult.  This  lasted  nearly  three  days.  On  the  23d,  at  1  A.  M..  a 
loud  detonation,  followed  by  heavy  shocks  of  earthquake,  rain  of  sand,  and 
total  darkness,  rendered  the  terror  of  the  people  complete.  Flocks  of  birds 
fell  dead  to  the  ground,  and  wild  animals  sought  refuge  in  buildings.  The 
frightened  inhabitants  ran  to  their  yards,  or  hurried  to  the  churches  to  im- 
plore divine  mercy.  Forty-three  hours  passed  before  the  earth  became  quieM 
when  a  strong  wind  cleared  the  atmosphere,  enabling  the  people  to  ascertain 
the  damage.  The  ashes  in  the  vicinitv  of  the  volcano  were  several  feet  deep. 
The  river  Chiquito  had  been  wholly  dried  up,  and  two  new  islands  weru 
formed.  A  large  number  of  animals  had  perished,  and  the  living  ones  were  in 
a  state  of  starvation.  Such  had  been  the  force  of  the  convulsion  that  the 
detonations  and  the  rain  of  ashes  had  reached  a  distance  of  hundreds  of 
laagues,  as  far  as  Oajaca,  Jamaica,  and  Bogota  in  Colombia.  Montufar,  Re- 
tt'na  JJist.,  ii.  14.3-50,  in  giving  an  account  of  the  event,  adds  that  the  priests 
called  it  a  punishment  from  heaven  because  tithes  had  been  abolished,  free- 
dom of  conscience  proclaimed,  and  the  decrees  of  1829  and  1830  upheld. 
The  parish  priests  in  several  towns,  during  the  prevailing  darkness,  preached 
from  their  pulpits  that  this  shaking  of  the  earth  was  a  manifestation  of  God's 
wrath  for  the  crimes  of  the  liberals.  Squier,  Trav.,  ii.  110-11,  says  that  the 
superintendent  of  Belize,  on  hearing  the  explosions,  mustered  his  troops, 
thinking  that  a  battle  was  being  fought  somewhere  near  the  coast.  Stephens. 
Cent.  Am.,  ii.  38,  relates  a  similar  incident  of  the  military  commander  of 


orable  one  for  the  Nicaraguans,  and  its  abatement  was 
attributed  to  the  efficacious  intercession  of  their  saints; 
and  in  commemoration  of  it  they  still  have  a  feast  of 
thanksgiving  every  year  on  the  23d  of  January.46 

A  short  period  of  peace  followed.  Puny  are  the 
efforts  of  man  at  killing  each  other  when  heaven  fires 
its  artillery!  The  exhausted  state  seemed  unable  to 
continue  its  suicidal  course.  The  tranquillity  was 
broken,  however,  though  only  for  a  short  time,  in 
1837.47  The  assembly  had,  on  the  21st  of  February, 
1835,  recognized  Jose  Zepeda  and  Jose  Nunez  as  the 
duly  elected  jefe  and  vice-jefe  respectively.  Colonel 
Zepeda  was  a  distinguished  patriot,  who  had  rendered 
important  services  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  His  elec- 
tion was  hailed  with  approval  in  Nicaragua,  and  in 
the  other  states  of  the  union.  He  took  possession  of 
office  April  23,  1835.4S  The  government  experienced 
no  serious  difficulty  during  1836  in  the  administration 
of  public  affairs.  It  was  engaged  in  improving  the 
public  roads,  and  in  other  matters  of  general  utility. 
But  1837  was  inaugurated  with  infamous  crimes,  with 
the  murders  of  the  jefe  Zepeda,  and  of  the  citizens 
Roman  Valladares,  Evaristo  Berrios,  and  Pascual 
Rivas,  which  resulted  from  a  revolt  of  the  garrison  at 
Leon.49  The  movement  was  promptly  suppressed, 
and  the  ringleader,  Braulio  Mendiola,  executed.  The 
vice-jefe,  Nunez,  assumed  rulership,  and  during  his 
administration  a  second  constituent  assembly  was  con- 
vened, and  commenced  its  labors  on  the  31st  of  March, 

46  Accounts  of  the  catastrophe,  differing  more  or  less  in  details,  according 
to  the  various  points  where  it  was  observed,  are  given  in  Marure,  Efem.,  36-7; 
Stephens'  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  35-8;  Squier's  Trav.,  ii.  110-14,  162-3,  with  a  view  of 
the  volcano;    Byam's  Wild  Life,   32-7;   Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,   15-17;  Lond. 
Geog.  Soc.  Journ.,  v.  387-92;  Astaburnaya,  Cent.  Am.,  23;   Wells'  Hond., 
230-1;  Cor.  Atldnt.,  May  9,  1835,  10;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Geog.,  x.  919-20. 

47  Not  in  1836,  as  Dunlop  has  it.  Cent.  Am.,  191-2. 

48  His  minister-general  for  a  time  was  J.  N.  Gonzalez,  and  on  his  resigning, 
Hermenegildo  Zepeda,  one  of  the  first  lawyers  in  the  state,  succeeded.  Mon- 
tufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  ii.  302. 

49 On  the  25th  of  Jan.  Marure,  Efem.,  39,  64;  Montiifar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii. 
306-10,  gives  the  official  documents  describing  the  occurrences. 
HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    12 


1838.50  One  month  later,  on  the  30th  of  April,  the 
state  seceded  from  the  federation,  an  act  which  may 
be  called  a  mere  formality,  inasmuch  as  Nicaragua 
had  not  taken  part,  to  any  notable  degree,  in  the 
affairs  of  the  general  government.  Nominally,  how- 
ever, the  idea  of  a  union  of  the  Central  American 
states  was  upheld,  and  still  expressed  in  the  new  state 
constitution  framed  by  the  assembly  and  confirmed  on 
the  12th  of  November,  1838.51  All  this  was  pure  af- 
fectation, however,  for  Nicaragua  lent  her  hearty  aid 
to  eradicate  the  last  remnants  of  the  federation.  The 
coveted  sovereignty  was  attained  at  last.  Later  events 
will  show  whether  or  not  it  brought  Nicaragua  pros- 
perity. The  present  generation  had  grown  up  midst 
the  noise  of  war,  hearing  the  battle-cry  of  one  or  an- 
other contending  party,  and  it  could  hardly  be  ex- 
pected that  it  could  appreciate  the  blessings  of  peace.52 

Costa  Rica,  owing  to  her  geographical  position,  was 
almost  isolated,  politically,  from  the  rest  of  Central 
America.  It  would  be  wrong,  however,  to  infer  that 
her  participation  in  the  general  affairs  of  the  republic 
had  been  one  of  mere  formality  or  policy  for  her  own 
convenience  or  safety.  Nowhere  had  the  idea  of  a  u  nion 
been  more  warmly  embraced.  Four  months  only  had 
elapsed  after  the  bases  for  the  organization  of  the 
state  had  been  adopted  by  the  national  constituent 
convention,  when  Costa  Rica's  first  assembly  met,53 

60  Father  Solis,  the  president,  and  others  attributed  to  Morazan  and  the 
constitution  of  1824  the  evils  Nicaragua  had  suffered  from,  forgetting  those 
preceding  Morazan  and  the  constitution. 

51  Ratified  by  the  executive  Nov.  17th.  Given  in  full  in  Nic.,  Constit.,  in 
Cent.  Am.,  Constitutions,  1-39.  A  brief  synopsis  in  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  211- 
13.  See  also  Niks'  Reg.,  1839,  Ivi.  49. 

b2  During  Herrera's  term  the  following  held  the  executive  authority  for 
short  periods:  Carlos  Ruiz  y  Bolafios,  Aug.  1831;  Bsnito  Morales,  Feb.  1834; 
Jose"  Nuiiez,  March  1834.  I  find  that  the  government  was  also  provisionally 
in  charge  of  Gregorio  Juarez,  May  1835;  F.  X.  Rubio,  Jan.  1838;  Jose"  Nunez, 
as  jefe,  March  12,  1838;  Evaristo  Rocha,  May  1838;  Joaquin  Cosio,  June 
1838;  Patricio  Rivas,  director,  June  1839;  Joaquin  Cosio,  July  1839;  Hilario 
Ulloa,  Oct.  1839;  Tomas  Valladares,  Nov.  1839.  In  1840  he  became  director 
del  cstado;  Pablo  Buitrago,  director,  Apr.  1841.  Marure,  Efem.,  64. 

53  Sept.  6,  1824.    Molina,  Costa  Rica,  95,  followed  by  Wagner,  Costa  R.t 


and  on  the  21st  of  January,  1825,  decreed  a  state 
constitution.54  In  the  middle  of  April  the  first  ordi- 
nary legislature  began  its  labors,  and  on  the  24th  of 
September  Juan  Mora  was  installed  as  chief  of  the 
state.55  This  was  a  happy  choice;  for  during  his  rule 
Costa  Rica  escaped  the  evils  which  protracted  war- 
fare wrought  in  the  other  states  of  the  union.  Fol- 
lowing the  example  of  Salvador,  a  decree  was  passed 
in  September  creating  a  bishopric  independent  from 
Nicaragua,  and  appointing  Fray  Luis  Garcia  the  first 
bishop;  but  the  decree  became  a  dead  letter. 

The  first  effect  of  Mora's  quiet  rule  was  the  en- 
largement of  Costa  Riean  territory.  Dissatisfied  with 
the  jefe,  Cerda  of  Nicaragua,  the  district  of  Guana- 
caste,  or  Nicoya,  which  formerly  belonged  to  that 
state,  declared  its  separation,  and  asked  to  be  incorpo- 
rated with  Costa  Rica.56  The  arrangement  was  ap- 
proved by  the  federal  congress  on  December  9th,  and 
since  then  Nicoya  formed  one  of  the  five  departments 
of  that  state.67  Nicaragua  protested;  Costa  Rica  re- 
fused to  restore  the  territory,  and  the  matter  remained 
an  open  subject  of  discussion,  but  never  leading  to 

Early  in  1826  an  attempt  was  made59  by  a  Spaniard 
named  Jose  Zamora,  at  Alajuela,  to  overthrow  the 
government.  He  attacked  the  quarters  of  the  garri- 

545,  gives  it  as  May  6th,  which  is  evidently  a  mistake.  Marure,  Efem.,  11, 
has  it  Sept.  6th,  and  that  Agustin  Gutierrez  Lizaurzabal  was  its  first  presi- 

04 Costa  Rica,  Ley  Fundam.  (San  Salv.,  1825),  24  mo,  26  pp.;  Mem.  Rev. 
Cent.  Am.,  32;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  13;  Molina,  Costa  R.,  18.  This 
last-named  author,  on  his  p.  95,  gives  the  date  as  Jan.  22d,  evidently  fol- 
lowing Marure,  Efem. ,  13.  Squier,  Travels,  ii.  388,  makes  it  Jan.  2d. 

55  Mariano  Montealegre  became  the  vice- jefe.    Mora  was  reflected  in  March 
1829,  and  ruled  till  toward  the  end  of  1832.  Marure,  Efem.,  64;  Id.,  Bosq., 
149;  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am.,  32. 

56  Personal  enmity  between  Pedro  Muuoz,  an  influential  man  in  Guana- 
caste,  and  Cerda  was  the  main  reason.  LosAnales,  1872,  54. 

57  The  approval  was  merely  provisional.     The  other  four  are  Cartago,  San 
Jose",  Heredia,  and  Alajuela.  Molina,  Costa  R. ,  5-6. 

58  Nic.  y  Hond.,  Doc.,  101-12;  Ayon,  Consid.  Limites,  20-4;  Frisch,  Mex., 

59  Marure,  Efem.,  16,  and  Bosq.,  i.  232-3,  following  El  Indicador,  1826, 
no.  75,  and  El  Semanario,  1826,  no.  86,  gives  the  date  as  Jan.  29th.     Molina, 
Costa  R.t  96,  places  it  on  the  28th. 


son,  but  after  several  hours'  fighting  was  repulsed, 
with  most  of  his  followers  slain,  wounded,  or  made 
prisoners.  A  few  days  afterward  he  was  captured  arid 
shot.63  During  several  years  this  was  the  only  public 
disturbance.  The  struggle  between  serviles  and.  lib- 
erals in  the  other  states  did  not  affect  Costa  Rica,  which 
prudently  maintained  neutrality.  She  endeavored, 
however,  to  bring  on  peace  between  the  belligerents, 
by  accrediting,  in  1828,  Manuel  Aguilar  as  special 
envoy  to  Guatemala  and  Salvador;  but  his  mission 
proved  fruitless,  chiefly  owing  to  the  success  of  the 
Salvador  arms,  and  the  irreconcilable  feeling  thereby 
engendered.61  It  was  the  unsatisfactory  result  of  this 
effort,  which  in  a  great  measure  prompted  Costa 
Rica,  after  Mora's  reelection  in  1829,  to  secede  from 
the  union  till  the  federal  authority  should  be  reor- 
ganized. When  this  took  place,  the  secession  act  was 
revoked  in  January  1831. 

In  March  1833  the  second  term  of  office  of  Mora 
expired;  and  in  acknowledgment  of  his  beneficent  and 
wise  policy,  the  assembly  decreed  that  his  portrait 
should  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  sessions,  with  a  highly 
complimentary  inscription.62  Costa  Rica  had  made 
great  progress  from  both  the  material  and  intellectual 
points  of  view.  A  number  of  clergymen  endeavored 
to  introduce  a  decree  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  of 
Guatemala  to  burn  certain  so-called  forbidden  books. 
They  failed,  the  result  being  the  importation  of  a  large 

60  He  confessed  to  have  acted  under  a  commission  from  the  court  of  Spain, 
and  as  a  lieut-col  in  its  service.  Seventeen  of  his  partisans  were  sent  out  of 
the  country. 

61 A  detailed  account  of  that  mission  may  be  seen  in  Mem.  Rev.  Cent.  Am., 
112-14;  Molina,  Costa  R.,  96-7. 

62 '  Ocupa  este  lugar  el  ciudadano  Ex-gefe  Juan  Mora,  por  sus  virtudes,  y  le 
ocuparan  sucesivamente,  los  que,  en  el  mismo  destino,  se  hagan  diguos  de  61.' 
Marure,  Efem.,  33.  Mora  was  born  in  San  Jose"  in  1784,  and  had  filled  sev- 
eral important  trusts  before  his  election  to  the  chief  magistracy.  •  After  his 
retirement  he  again  held  other  offices  till  his  exile  in  18C8.  Returning  to  his 
country  in  1842,  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  public  affairs.  In  Nov.  1848  he 
was  declared  a  beneme"rito  de  la  patria,  and  given  a  pension  for  life.  In  May 
1850  he  became  president  of  the  supreme  court.  Honesty  and  integrity  were 
the  prominent  traits  of  his  character,  united  with  ability  and  liberal  ideas, 
but  free  from  exaggerations.  Molina,  Costa  R.,  75-6,  98,  119-21. 


number  of  the  denounced  works.  Jefe  Mora  treated 
the  pious  proposal  with  the  contempt  it  deserved.63 

Mora's  successor  duly  elected  was  Jose  Rafael  Ga- 
llegos,  who  assumed  his  duties  in  April  1833.64  The 
state  at  this  time  was  enjoying  liberty,  and  perfect 
freedom  of  the  press.65  It  was  the  asylum  of  the 
exiles  from  other  Central  and  South  American  states. 
It  was  not.  however,  altogether  exempt  from  the 
spirit  of  localism.  Cartago  had  been  the  capital,  and 
wanted  to  recover  that  position.  San  Jose  felt  as  a 
loss  the  absence  of  the  supreme  authorities.  Here- 
dia  and  Alajuela  would  not  be  less  than  the  other  two 
places.  Guanacaste  was  the  only  one  out  of  the 
question.  Hence  the  resolution  adopted66  that  the 
state  capital  should  alternately  be  at  San  Jose,  Car- 
tago, Heredia,  and  Alajuela.  A  later  law,  of  June 
9th,  prescribed  that  the  residence  of  the  supreme 
authorities  at  each  of  said  places  should  be  for  the 
period  of  four  years.  Gallegos'  rule  was  of  short 
duration.  He  resigned  in  March  1834.67 

Braulio  Carrillo  was  elected  jefe,  and  went  into 
office  in  April  1835.63  In  his  time  several  liberal 

63  Costa  Rica  had  never  been  under  the  sway  of  bishops,  clergymen,  or 
monks.  That  fanaticism  which  has  been  so  baneful  to  other  states  of  Spanish 
America  never  existed  here.  Mont-it  far,  Resena  Hist.,  i.  305. 

61  Guat.,  Boletin Ofic.,  1833,  no.  34,  376;  Costa  If.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  4-5.  Ga- 
llegos was  an  honorable  man  and  father  of  a  family,  as  well  as  a  wealthy 
property  owner.  But  he  was  not  conversant  with  state  affairs,  nor  with  the 
intrigues  of  politicians.  His  chief  aim  was  economy;  he  wished  to  see  the 
public  treasury  full  of  money;  he  cared  less  to  apply  that  money  in  the  devel- 
opment of  the  country. 

63  In  proof  of  which  were  the  newspapers  El  Nolicioso  Universal,  La 
Tertulia,  El  Correo  de  Costa  Rica,  and  the  number  of  sheets  that  were  con- 
stantly issued. 

66  By  the  assembly  and  council,  and  published  by  the  executive,  Apr.  3. 
1834.  Id.,  198-201;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  110-12,  120-1. 

07  Juan  Jose"  Lara  became  jefe  provisorio,  and  in  his  turn  was  succeeded  in 
June  of  the  same  year  by  the  yice-jefe  Agustin  G.  Lizaurzabal,  who  ruled  till 
March  1835,  when,  because  of  ill  health,  he  delivered  the  government  to  Ma- 
nuel Fernandez,  who  had  it  till  the  regularly  elected  jefe  assumed  his  duties. 
Marure,  Efem.,  64;  Molina,  Costa  R.,  99;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  134-5, 

68  He  was  born  in  Cartago  in  1800,  and  studied  in  the  university  of  Leon, 
Nicaragua.  He  had  never  been  out  of  Cent.  Am.,  and  consequently  his  mind 
had  never  had  the  expanding  influence  of  travel.  He  was  accordingly  full  of 
petty  prejudices.  He  could,  however,  appreciate  men  of  merit,  and  avail 
himself  of  their  abilities;  but  if  he  mistrusted  a  man,  he  proved  a  relentless 


innovations  were  made,  in  addition  to  those  intro- 
duced some  time  previously;  namely,  suppression  of 
tithes  and  decrease  of  holidays;69  those  enactments 
aroused  the  clergy,  and  prompted  them  to  fan,  in 
retaliation,  the  flame  of  discord  existing  between  San 
Jose  and  Cartago,  which  culminated  in  an  open  revolt 
on  the  24th  of  September,  1835. 

An  alliance  was  entered  into  by  Cartago  with  Ala- 
juela  and  Heredia,  to  refuse  recognition  to  the  gov- 
ernment, and  to  convoke  a  new  assembly  with  equal 
representative  rights  for  the  different  towns.70  The 
allied  forces  marched  upon  San  Jose,  then  the  seat  of 
government;  but  were  defeated  in  several  encounters, 
and  they  again  submitted.71  The  result  of  this  revolt 
was  the  further  strengthening  of  San  Jose,  to  which 
place  was  conveyed  all  the  armament  of  the  state. 
The  government  was  equally  successful  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  when  an  armed  force  from  Nicaragua,  led  by 
the  Costa  Rican  Manuel  Quijano,  formerly  in  his 
country's  military  service,  Pedro  Abellan,  and  Ma- 
nuel Dengo,  entered  the  department  of  Guanacaste, 
and  marched  upon  its  chief  town,  where  they  expected 
to  find  support;  but  they  only  met  with  disappoint- 
ment. They  were  first  repulsed  by  the  inhabitants, 
and  afterward  routed  by  the  troops.72 

The  peace  thus  restored  was  not  of  long  duration. 
Braulio  Carrillo  was  succeeded  as  jefe  of  the  state73 

foe.  He  rarely  placed  any  trust  in  any  one.  Montdfar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  208; 
Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  206-7;  Molina,  Costa  R.t  68  et  seq.;  Wagner,  Costa 
Rica,  201-3. 

69  Law  of  Apr.  11  and  Aug.  25,  1835;  Costa  R.,  Col  Leyes,  iv.  196-9, 
235-9;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  May  25,  1875. 

70 Government  issued  a  proclamation  against  the  rebels  on  the  6th  of  Oct., 
1835.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  273-80. 

71  The  decisive  action  occurred  on  the  28th  of  Oct.     About  50  persons  per- 
ished.    Details  on  those  troubles  appear  in  Molina,  Costa  R.,  99-100;  Ma- 
rure,  Efem.,  38.     The  authors  of  the  rebellion  were  mulcted  in  sums  ranging 
from  $2,000  down  to  $30.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  208-27,  237-47. 

72  Two  thousand  men  came  upon  the  invaders  at  the  hacienda  of  Santa  Rosa. 
Quijano  escaped  to  Nicaragua.     The  government,  by  a  decree  of  July  2,  1836, 
declared  him  and  others  outlawed,  and  one  of  them  was  executed.  Costa  R., 
Col.  Leyes,  iv.  325-30,  349-58.     Guanacaste,  later  known  as  Liberia,  and 
Nicoya,  for  their  loyalty,  were  rewarded,  the  former  being  made  a  city,  and 
the  latter  a  villa,  Molina,  Cotta  I?.,  100;  Monti/far,  Resena  Hint.,  ii.  230-G. 

73  Carrillo  held  the  executive  office  till  March  1837,  when,  his  term  having 


by  Manuel  Aguilar,  in  April  1837.  A  plot  intended 
to  overthrow  the  government  was  soon  after  detected, 
and  the  authors  were  sent  into  exile.74  But  Carrillo 
had  also  been  disappointed  at  Aguilar's  election,  and 
being  influential  with  the  soldiery,  he  had  but  little 
difficulty  in  getting  together  a  party  with  which,  on 
the  27th  of  May,  1838,  he  deposed  this  official,  send- 
ing him,  together  with  the  vice-jefe,  Juan  Mora,  into 
banishment.75  This  was  the  first  instance  in  Costa 
Hica  when  the  legitimate  government  of  the  state 
was  overthrown  by  force  of  arms.  It  cannot  be  said 
that  the  change  was  altogether  for  the  worse.  Under 
Carrillo's  active  and  energetic  rule  the  country  made 
rapid  progress  in  a  material  point  of  view.76  He  saw 
at  once  the  hopelessness  of  reestablishing  the  Central 
American  confederation,77  or  of  reorganizing  it  so  as 
to  render  it  beneficent  to  the  several  states;  and 
therefore,  instead  of  making  fruitless  efforts  in  that 
direction,  strove  rather  to  isolate  Costa  Rica.  This 
policy  he  impressed  on  the  second  constituent  con- 
vention, which  met  on  the  1st  of  November,  1838,78 

expired,  he  surrendered  it  to  Joaquin  Mora,  a  brother  of  the  former  jefe,  Juan 
Mora,  who  ruled  only  one  month,  and  began  his  administration  by  opposing 
some  of  Carrillo's  measures.  Id.,  312. 

uAguilar  had  political  enemies  who  accused  him  of  friendship  for  Cartago, 
Heredia,  and  Alajuela,  thereby  exposing  San  Jose"  to  new  assaults.  With  this 
pretext  a  plan  was  formed  to  assault  the  barracks  at  San  Jose"  on  the  night  of 
Aug.  26th.  Id.,  318-20. 

75 Carrillo  was  recognized  as  jefe  by  a  special  decree  of  the  assembly  on 
the  2Gth  of  June,  and  remained  at  the  head  of  affairs  till  1842,  when  he  was 
overthrown  in  his  turn.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  241;  Marure,  Efem.,  64; 
Montufar,  Resena  Hist. ,  ii.  322-3.  Miguel  Carranza,  Carrillo's  father-in-law, 
became  vice-jefe.  Stephens,  Cent.  Am.,  i.  359. 

76  He  established  a  reign  of  despotism,  in  which  his  will  was  law,  restrict- 
ing the  press  and  punishing  his  political  opponents  with  expatriation  and 
otherwise,  though  they  were  pardoned  in  1838.  Costa  R.,Col.  Leyes,  iv.  320-1, 
v.  96-100,  193-4.     His  course  made  him  many  enemies,  whom  he  treated  with 
the  utmost  harshness.     His  change  from  a  liberal  ruler  to  an  arbitrary  one 
was  quite  marked.     He  was  known  by  the  sobriquet  of  Sapo  de  Loza.     A 
number  of  charges  against  him  appear  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  561-79. 
During  his  former  administration,  in  1836,  he  restored  the  tithes  and  the  ex- 
cessive number  of  holidays  of  the  church. 

77  The  assembly  had,  in  April  1838,  passed  a  resolution  inviting  the  federal 
congress  to  call  a  national  convention  for  the  exclusive  purpose  of  reforming 
the  federal  institutions.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  v.  196-8. 

78  Carrillo  could  not  rule  with  the  liberal  constitution  of  1825.     To  do  away 
with  this  obstacle  he  used  as  a  pretext  the  decree  of  the  federal  congress  of 
May  30,  1838,  empowering  the  states  to  reconstitute  themselves.     The  assem- 



and  on  the  15th  the  formal  separation  was  declared, 
the  convention  still  manifesting  a  willingness  to  main- 
tain a  sort  of  union  by  means  of  special  treaties.79 

He  also  took  effective  steps  to  pay  off  Costa  Rica's 
share  of  the  foreign  debt,  contracted  by  the  Central 
American  republic.  The  state  was  for  a  long  time 
exempted  from  the  afflictions  and  consequent  injurious 
results  which  visited  the  other  states  during  the  bitter 
last  struggle  in  1840  between  Morazan  and  Carrera 


for  the  existence  of  the  republic.  The  other  states 
were  impoverished  and  brought  to  the  verge  of  ruin, 
whereas  Costa  Rica,  with  comparative  tranquillity, 
was  constantly  marching  forward. 

bly  of  Costa  Rica  accepted  the  decree  on  the  16th  of  July,  1838,  and  Carrillo 
seized  the  opportunity  to  get  rid  of  a  fundamental  law  that  did  not  suit  him. 
It  was  at  his  suggestion  that  the  assembly,  by  decree  of  July  14,  1838,  called 
the  constituent  convention.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  iv.  248-51,  279-84;  Montufar, 
Resena  Hist.,  iii.  266-7. 

79A  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance  was  concluded  July  1,  1839,  with 
Honduras;  another  of  the  same  character  one  month  later  with  Guatemala. 
Both  are  given  in  Convention,  in  Cent.  Am.  Constitutions,  13-14,  23-5. 


The  president,  on  the  21st  of  April,  1840,  decreed 
a  coat  of  arms  and  flag  for  the  state  of  Costa  Rica.80 
This  was  abrogated  by  the  provisional  government 
two  years  later.81 

80  The  coat  of  arms  was  a  star  with  rays,  placed  in  the  centre  of  a  sky-blue 
circle,  and  had  at  the  circumference  the  inscription  'Estado  de  Costa  Rica.' 
The  flag  consisted  of  three  horizontal  stripes,  the  uppermost  and  lowest  white, 
and  the  central  one  sky-blue,  with  the  coat  of  arms  on  the  latter.  The  flag 
of  the  mercantile  marine  was  not  to  have  the  coat  of  arms,  but  instead  of  it, 
in  silver  letters  on  the  centre  stripe,  the  inscription  'Estado  de  Costa  Rica.' 
Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  vi.  316-20. 

81  President  Morazan's  decree  of  April  20,  1842,  restored  the  flag,  arms, 
and  coins  as  before  the  promulgation  of  Carrillo's. 




THE  government  of  Nicaragua,  on  the  13th  of 
September,  1839,  following  the  advice  of  Minister 
Pavon  of  Guatemala,  asked  for  the  mediation  of 
Frederick  Chatfield,  the  British  consul,  in  an  en- 
deavor to  bring  to  an  end  the  existing  dissensions 
with  Salvador.  Chatfield  declined  to  interfere,  on  the 
plea  that  Salvador,  in  a  treaty  with  the  state  of  Los 
Altos,  on  the  10th  of  August,  had  insulted  the  Brit- 
ish crown.1  However,  on  the  27th  of  May,  1840,  he 
sent  to  the  government  of  Nicaragua  an  extract  of  a 

1Articles  8th  and  9th  of  this  treaty  stipulated  that  the  ports  of  both 
states  were  to  be  closed  to  British  trade  until  Great  Britain  should  restore  to 
Central  America  the  island  of  Koatan,  the  seizure  of  which,  together  with 
its  consequences,  is  treated  of  in  another  part  of  this  volume.  Chatfield, 
who  had  been  favoring  the  views  of  Guatemala  against  Los  Altos,  declared 
to  the  latter  that  these  articles  were  offensive  to  his  government.  The  gov- 
ernment of  the  new  state,  being  anxious  to  avert  any  interruption  of  friendly 
relations,  by  its  minister,  Aguilar,  assured  the  consul,  on  the  18th  of  Jan., 
1840,  that  the  objectionable  articles  would  be  rescinded. 



despatch  of  March  2d  from  the  British  foreign  office, 
saying  that  his  sovereign  would  cordially  mediate  be- 
tween the  two  states,  provided  such  mediation  was 
asked  for  by  both,  or  by  all  the  governments  inter- 
ested, in  which  event  he,  Chatfield,  was  authorized  to 
use  his  good  offices.  But  he  was  at  the  same  time 
directed  to  add  that  Great  Britain  was  not  disposed 
to  enter  into  any  engagement  binding  her  to  employ 
armed  forces  in  Central  America.  This  course  was 
not  pleasing  to  Pavon,  but  fully  satisfied  the  execu- 
tive of  Nicaragua.  Chatfield's  mediation  was  never 
called  for. 

Buitrago,  director  of  the  state  of  Nicaragua,  was 
drawn  by  the  force  of  public  opinion  to  give  his  as- 
sent to  the  state  taking  part  in  a  convention  intended 
to  reorganize  the  republic  of  Central  America.2  The 
Nicaraguan  delegates  used  their  best  endeavors  for 
the  accomplishment  of  their  mission;  but  from  the 
beginning  they  found  their  efforts  hindered  by  the 
machiavelism  of  the  aristocrats  of  Guatemala,  and  in 
disgust  left  the  convention  after  filing  a  protest.3 
They  returned  to  it  afterward,  however,  and  on  the 
llth  of  April,  1842,  the  convention  made  a  declara- 
tion in  seven  articles  establishing  a  'gobierno  na- 
cional  provisorio,'  having  at  its  head  a  'supremo 
delegado/  with  a  council  composed  of  one  representa- 
tive chosen  by  each  of  the  respective  state  assem- 
blies.4 Antonio  Jose  Canas  was  appointed  supremo 

2  The  state  assembly  passed  a  decree  to  that  end  April  17,  1841,  and  ap- 
pointed the  deputies  to  represent  it,  the  appointees  being  Francisco  Castellon, 
Gregorio   Juarez,  Benito  Resales,  Ex-jefe  Jos6  Nunez,   and  Hermenegildo 
Zepeda.     The  last  named  was  represented  by  Sebastian  Salinas.     Castellon's 
selection  by  the  assembly  was  a  blow  at  Buitrago,  the  two  being  bitter  oppo- 

3  In  the  protest  they  set  forth  the  machinations  brought  to  bear  to  defeat 
them.     Nicaragua  and  Salvador  had  asked  Guatemala  and  Costa  Rica  to 
enter  the  convention.     Ferrera,  the  executive  of  Honduras,  played  a  double 
game.     He  had  representatives  in  the  convention,  while  he  was  leagued  with 
the   aristocrats  of    Guatemala,   who   spurned    the   idea  of    reorganization. 
Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  144. 

*  Meantime  the  convention  named  the  supreme  delegate  and  the  members 
of  the  council.  The  duties  of  the  executive  officer  were  multifarious,  in- 


delegado.  But  this  great  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
men  imbued  with  a  truly  patriotic  spirit  came  to 
naught,  because  the  assembly  of  Guatemala  indig- 
nantly rejected  the  compact  of  Chinandega,  and  Fer- 
rera  of  Honduras  acted  in  bad  faith.  Costa  Rica 
accepted  it  with  certain  restrictions.5 

A  second  effort  was  made  on  the  27th  of  July  at 
Chiriandega  by  the  delegates  of  Salvador,  Honduras, 
and  Nicaragua,  who  passed  an  act  to  form  a  league 
under  the  name  of  Confederacion  Centro  Americana.6 
Sixteen  of  the  articles  in  the  constitution  conformed 
with  the  instructions  given  by  the  aristocrats  of  Gua- 
temala through  the  state  assembly  to  the  commission- 
ers despatched  to  the  villa  de  Santa  Kosa  on  the  28th 
of  September,  1839;  and  yet,  after  their  adoption  by 
the  convention  of  Chinandega,  these  same  persons 
made  opposition  to  them.  The  fact  was,  that  they 
had  been  all  along  using  deception,  appointing  com- 
missioners to  several  diets,  but  never  intending  that 
a  reorganization  of  Central  American  nationality 
should  be  arrived  at.7 

volving  foreign  and  internal  affairs.  Among  the  foreign  affairs  was  the  ne- 
gotiating of  a  concordat  with  the  pope,  and  of  a  treaty  with  Spain  for  her 
recognition  of  Central  American  independence.  He  was  also  to  procure  the 
reassembling  of  the  American  diet.  Squier's  Trav.,  ii.  444-5;  Montufar,  l!e- 
senallist.,  iv.  147-8;  Reichardt,  Nic.,  73-4;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  14,  1875. 
5Act  of  the  constituent  assembly,  dated  July  20,  1842.  Montufar,  Resena, 
Hist.,  iv.  304-5. 

6  The  act  consisted  of  77  articles,  and  was  an  amplification  of  the  former 
act.     Art.  4  said  that  the  confederate  states  recognized  the  principle  of  non- 
intervention by  one  or  more  states  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  others.     They 
bound  themselves  never  to  resort  to  arms  for  the  settlement  of  disputed 
points,  nor  to  permit  the  annexation  of  towns  of  alien  jurisdiction  without 
the  express  assent  of  their  sovereign.     The  other  states  of  the  late  union 
were  granted  the  privilege  of  joining  the  confederacy  with  equal  rights  and 
representation.     Art.  14  prescribed  that  the  government  was  to  be  exercised 
through  delegates  for  the  general  objects  of  common  benefit  expressly  set 
forth  in  the  instrument.     Art.  15.  The  executive  authority  was  to  be  in  charge 
of  a  supremo  delegado,  with  a  consultive  council  formed  with  one  member 
from  each  state.     Art.  16.    The  judicial  power  was  intrusted  to  a  court  com- 
posed of  members  chosen   by  the  state  legislatures.     The   delegates   who 
subscribed  the  act  were:   J.  Nunez,  G.  Juarez,  Francisco  Castellon,  Pedro 
Zeledon,  and  Sebastian  Salinas  for  Nicaragua;  Manuel  Barberena,  and  Jose" 
M.  Cornejo  for  Salvador;  Manuel  E.  Vazquez,  Monico  Bueso,  and  Jacobo  Rosa 
for  Honduras.  Cent.  Am.,  Paolo  de  Confed.,   1-12;  Files'  Reg.,  Ixiv.  2;  La 
Union,  June  15,  1850;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  266*82;  Pabellon  Nac.> 
Oct.  19,  1844,  27;  Froebel's,  Cent.  Am.,  143. 

7  An  act  was  passed  by  the  constituent  assembly  on  the  28th  of  July,  1841, 


Guatemala  accredited  a  legation  at  Leon,  Ger6nimo 
Carcache  being  the  envoy.  He  tried  to  exculpate 
his  government  for  its  opposition  to  the  compact  of 
Chinandega,  asserting  at  the  same  time  its  firm  re- 
solve to  uphold  the  treaty  concluded  in  October  1842, 
by  Pavon,  Arriaga,  and  Duran,  and  accepted  by 
Costa  Rica  in  May  1843.8  This  opposition,  notwith- 
standing the  organization  of  the  executive  and  coun- 
cil, under  the  compact  of  Chinandega,  was  effected  at 
San  Vicente,  in  Salvador,  on  the  29th  of  March,  1844; 
Fruto  Chamorro,  delegate  from  Nicaragua,  being 
chosen  supremo  delegado,  Juan  Lindo,  delegate  from 
Honduras,  president  of  the  council,  and  Justo  Her- 
rera,  ex-jefe  of  the  same  state,  secretary  of  that  body. 
The  installation  of  the  confederate  government  was 
at  once  communicated  to  the  several  states. 

Honduras,  on  the  27th  of  April,  recognized  and 
accepted  what  had  been  done  at  San  Vicente.  Sal- 
vador and  Nicaragua  expressed  much  satisfaction. 
The  reactionary  government  of  Guatemala  kept  silent, 
and  on  being  pressed  for  an  answer,  returned  a  cold 
and  laconic  one,  to  the  effect  that  the  matter  would 
be  laid  before  the  legislative  body;  that  is  to  say,  the 
assembly  which,  on  the  17th  of  April,  1839,  had  de- 
clared the  Central  American  confederation  dissolved.9 
It  could  not  be  expected  that  such  an  assembly  would 
give  its  assent.  The  committee  to  which  the  subject 
was  referred  made  an  unfavorable  report,  which  the 
assembly  accepted.  Costa  Rica  suggested  amend- 
ments to  the  'pacto  de  Chinandega.710  This  docu- 

purporting  to  have  in  view  a  restoration  of  the  union.  Gnat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i. 

8  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  viii.  28-36.     This  treaty  was  called  by  the  nobles 
'tratado  de  union.'    Carcache  produced  a  note  of  June  17,  1843,  from  Ayci- 
nena  reiterating  his  government's  protest  against  the  expediency  and  practi- 
cability of  establishing  in  Central  America  '  una  forma  de  gobierno  unitario,' 
which  in  its  opinion  would  entail  upon  the  country  still  greater  misfortunes. 
Castellon,  for  the  Nicaragua  executive,  replied  on  the  5th  of  Aug.,  denying 
that  any  offence  had  been  committed  by  entertaining  opinions  favorable  to 
the  late  government.    Monlufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  151-2. 

9  Rivera  Paz'  decree,  in  Guat. ,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  46-8. 

10  Costa  Rica  appointed  delegates  to  the  diet.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes,  viii. 
57-9,  92-8,  188-9.     The  minister  of  Guat.  had  proposed  to  Costa  Rica  a  con- 


ment  never  had  any  practical  value,  for  the  govern- 
ments which  were  parties  thereto  took  no  account  of 
the  duties  it  imposed  on  them.  It  will  be  seen  that 
the  executive  of  Honduras  was  its  covert  enemy,  and 
that  the  government  of  Salvador  openly  infringed  a 
number  of  its  clauses. 

Malespin,  president  of  Salvador,  was  arranging  af- 
fairs for  a  change  in  favor  of  a  theocratic  regime  to 
please  Viteri,  bishop  of  San  Salvador,  when  news 
came  that  the  state  had  been  invaded  at  Atiquizaya 
by  Manuel  Jose  Arce.  The  ex-president  had  with 
him  troops  of  Guatemala,  and  a  supply  of  arms  and 
ammunition  to  put  in  the  hands  of  Malespin's  ene- 
mies. The  question  will  be  asked,  Why  did  the  aris- 
tocrats of  Guatemala  cause  the  invasion  of  Salvador, 
her  executive  being  their  agent  Malespin,  who  was, 
moreover,  under  the  control  of  Bishop  Viteri  ?  This 
is  easily  explained.  Malespin  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
aristocrats,  another  Carrera,  disposed  at  times  to  slip 
out  of  their  hands.  It  was,  therefore,  important  to 
have  him  superseded  by  Arce,  when  affairs  in  the 
state  would  go  on  smoothly  and  to  their  satisfaction. 
In  Arce  ruling  over  Salvador,  they  would  have,  be- 
sides, a  support  against  Carrera.11  But  the  people  of 
Salvador,  albeit  much  dissatisfied  with  Malespin  and 
Viteri,  were  decidedly  opposed  to  Arce  with  aristo- 
cratic surroundings.  His  invasion  of  the  state  only 
served  to  strengthen  Malespin's  power  for  a  time. 
The  president  set  the  whole  state  in  motion  to  meet 
the  emergency.  He  did  even  more :  he  asked  for  the 
assistance  of  the  supremo  delegado  of  the  confeder- 
acy, which  was  promised  him.  Each  state  was  to 
furnish  1,000  men;  but  meanwhile  Salvador  was  to 
place  2,000  men  at  the  disposal  of  the  confederate 

vention  of  commissioners  from  all  the  states,  appointed  in  the  manner  he  sug- 
gested, namely,  all  the  commissioners  were  to  be  of  Guatemala,  and  directed 
by  him  to  review  the  compact  of  Chinandega.  The  proposition  was  rejected. 
The  reports  of  the  committees  in  the  assemblies  of  Guatemala  and  Costa 
Rica  are  given  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  283-97,  380,  407-9. 

11  This  would  save  them  from  such  blows  as  the  lieut-gen.  inflicted  on 
them  at  Pinula  and  Villa  de  Guadalupe,  early  in  1844. 



executive.12  The  general  government  agreed  to  use 
its  utmost  endeavors  to  avert  the  subjugation  of  Sal- 
vador by  Guatemala.  Malespin  was  enjoined,  on  his 
part,  to  confine  his  military  operations  within  the  ter- 
ritory of  his  own  state.  He  easily  got  together  in  a 
few  days  at  San  Salvador  4,000  men,  with  which  force 
he  marched  to  the  front.  One  portion  of  the  van- 
guard, under  Lieutenant-colonel  Pedro  Escalon,  on 
the  5th  of  May,  reached  the  Chingo  Valley  in  pur- 
suit of  Arce,  Aquilino  San  Martin,  and  Guillermo 
Quintanilla,  who  fled  to  their  headquarters  at  Coate- 


peque.  They  were  attacked  there,  and  took  to  flight 
a  second  time,  leaving  a  large  quantity  of  arms  and 
ammunition.  Another  portion  of  the  vanguard  occu- 
pied Chalchuapa,  placing  a  force  and  the  artillery  at 
Santa  Ana.13 

Malespin,  in  disregard  of  the  command  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  supremo  delegado,  marched  trium- 
phantly to  Jutiapa,  in  Guatemala;  in  consequence  of 
which,  the  government  of  Rivera  Paz  assumed  that 

12  They  were  to  be  paid  for  by  the  confederate  states. 

13  These  facts  appear  in  the  official  report  to  the  state  government  on  May 
6,  1844. 


Guatemala  was  in  a  state  of  war,  her  territory  hav- 
ing been  invaded;  and  Carrera  was  called  upon  to  use 
her  forces  against  the  invaders.  A  forced  loan  was 
decreed,  and  a  change  took  place  in  the  cabinet,  Man- 
uel F.  Pavon  assuming  the  portfolios  of  relations, 
government,  and  war.14  Pavon  was  certainly  the 
man  for  the  occasion.15  He  returned  an  answer  to 
a  note  from  the  minister  of  the  supremo  delegado, 
which  Milla,  his  biographer,  has  pronounced  an  able 
and  conclusive  one.  But  it  was  in  reality  a  mass  of 
abuse  against  Salvador  and  Malespin.  He  did  not 
attempt  to  show  that  Arce's  invasion  was  not  the  act 
of  the  Guatemalan  government,  as  he  should  have 
done;  but  claimed  that  the  war  against  Malespin  was 
not  a  consequence  of  Arce's  act,  but  of  the  malice  of 
the  Salvadorenos.16 

The  bad  climate  of  Jutiapa  soon  began  to  decimate 
the  Salvador  army,  reducing  it  to  about  3,000  men. 
Moreover,  the  government  of  Salvador,  then  in 
charge  of  Vice-president  Guzman,  could  not  easily 
procure  means  for  the  support  of  such  a  force.  It 
was  quite  evident  that  the  time  for  upsetting  Car- 
rera had  not  yet  come;  and  Malespin's  defeat  would 
only  bring  greater  outrages  upon  the  people.  Pa- 
tience was  necessary  under  the  circumstances.  It 
was  consequently  decided  to  abandon  Jutiapa  and  re- 
pose" Antonio  Azmitia  became  minister  of  the  treasury,  and  Manuel 
Ubico  under-sec. -gen. 

15  He  could  not  deny  Arce's  invasion  of  Salvador,  but  pretended  that  no 
prominent  man  of  the  govt  or  of  the  aristocratic  party  had  any  knowledge  of 
his  intention  to  invade,  or  of  the  source  from  which  he  obtained  his  supplies. 
Pavon  knew  well  enough,  but  prevarication  was  convenient.  The  fact  is, 
Juan  A.  Alvarado,  Guatemalan  agent  in  San  Salvador,  had  given  his  govern- 
ment timely  information  of  the  intended  invasion.  Arce's  departure  was 
open.  In  order  to  put  an  innocent  appearance  on  the  affair,  the  govt  decreed, 
May  12,  1844,  that  Arce  should  leave  the  city  within  24  hours,  and  the  state 
within  20  days.  In  an  address  to  the  people  on  the  2d  of  June,  Rivera  Paz 
says  that  Salvador  emissaries  had  been  detected  trying  to  rouse  the  people  of 
Los  Altos  to  insurrection,  and  that  the  plan  was  intended  to  avenge  the  de- 
feat of  1840.  This  is  hardly  true;  for  Malespin  had  been  then  on  Carrera's 
side  against  Morazan,  and  his  tool  in  Salvador  ever  since.  The  aristocrats 
had,  when  it  suited  their  purposes,  published  letters  of  liberal  leaders  fall- 
ing in  their  hands;  and  yet  they  never  brought  out  those  said  to  have  been 
taken  Irom  the  emissaries  at  Los  Altos. 

16 The  two  notes  are  given  in  Mvntufar,  Itesena  Hist.,  iv.  531-41. 


cross  the  rio  de  la  Paz,  which  was  effected  on  the 
17th  of  June.17  The  assembly  empowered  the  gov- 
ernment to  negotiate  for  peace,  and  a  convention  was 
entered  into  at  the  hacienda  de  Quezada  on  the 
5th  of  August,  1844,18  under  which  friendly  relations 
were  restored,  and  Guatemala  promised  to  accredit 
a  commissioner  near  the  confederate  government.19 
This  convention  was,  however,  annulled  by  the  Gua- 
temalan commissioners,  because  the  supremo  delegado 
had  refused  to  ratify  it.20  But  the  government  of 
Guatemala  determined  that  it  should  be  held  valid 
by  Malespin's  accepting  it  as  law  for  the  Salvadore- 
nos.  Bishop  Viteri  undertook  to  accomplish  this, 
and  succeeded.21  Malespih  gave  his  assent  to  the 
convention  being  ratified  by  the  supremo  delegado, 
and  made  a  declaration  of  peaceful  intentions  toward 
Guatemala.22  He  refers  to  the  liberals  residing  at 
Leon,  who  had  been  driven  from  Honduras  by  Fer- 
rera,  and  from  Salvador  by  himself ;  and  he  accuses 
them  of  being  the  cause  of  much  trouble,  for  which 
they  should  be  discountenanced  by  honorable  men. 
The  pacto  de  Chinandega,  as  we  have  seen,  had  be- 
come a  dead  letter.  Honduras  and  Salvador  entered, 
on  the  10th  of  July,  1844,  at  San  Salvador,  into  a 
treaty,  which  was  ratified  by  both  governments.23 

17  Col.  Vicente  Cruz,  commanding  the  advance  force  of  Carrera's  army, 
attributed  the  defeat  to  fear,  which  was  not  altogether  devoid  of  truth. 

18  The  commissioners  were:  Jose*  D.  Dieguez,  Luis  Batres,  and  Jose"  JML 
Urruela  for  Guat. ;  Bishop  Viteri  and  Narciso  Monterey  for  the  sup.  del. 

19  Art.  2  stipulated  that  all  property  removed  from  Guat.  to  Salv.  by  th& 
latter's  forces  should  be  restored,  or  its  value  made  good.     This  article  was  a. 
hard  one  for  Malespin,  and  yet  Viteri  accepted  it.     This  arrangement  was- 
completed  in  May  1846.  Id.,  v.  18;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  408-15;  Crowe'» 
Gospel,  159;  La  Abeja,  Oct.   18,  1844;  Defensor  Integ.   Nac.,  Nov.  2,  1844; 
El  Constituc.,  Apr.  23,  1844;  Pabellon  Nac.,  Oct.  19,  29,  1844. 

20  He  insisted  on  certain  amendments,  his  commissionei-s  having  exceeded 
their  instructions,  and  humiliated  Salvador,  which  was  irresponsible  for  the 
movement  on  Jutiapa.     And  yet  Guatemala  declared  the  convention  to  be 

21  The  object  then  in  view  was  to  unite  Malespin  and  Ferrera  for  a  dash 
upon  Nicaragua.     With  the  Guatemalan  commissioners  went  Viteri,  and  he 
had  a  princely  reception. 

22  He  added  that  by  sacrificing  a  great  portion  of  her  rights  Salv.  had 
obtained  peace. 

23  The  commissioners  who  negotiated  it  were:  Cayetano  Bosque  for  Salva- 
dor; Canon  Doroteo  Alvarenga  and  Juan  Lindo  for  Honduras.     The  object  of 

HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    13 


Chamorro's  government  was  notified  by  Ferrera 
that  auxiliary  forces  from  Nicaragua  would  no  longer 
be  allowed  to  traverse  Honduran  territory.2*  Cha- 
morro's  minister,  M.  Aguilar,  remonstrated  against  a 
measure  which  would  prevent  the  arrival  of  friendly 
troops  to  defend  the  confederacy,  whereof  Honduras 
was  a  component  part.25  Chamorro,  using  his  lawful 
authority,  ordered  J.  Trinidad  Munoz,  who  com- 
manded the  Honduras  force  of  operations,  not  to 
obstruct  the  passage  of  the  Nicaraguan  troops.  Munoz 
disobeyed  the  order;  and  upon  the  Nicaraguans  ar- 
riving at  Choluteca,  on  the  17th  of  August,  he  re- 
quired them  to  leave  the  territory  of  Honduras 
forthwith;  which  not  being  done,  he  assailed  and  con- 
quered them  on  the  19th,  after  a  three  hours'  fight.26 
This  action  had  a  great  influence  on  the  fate  of  Cen- 
tral America;  for  it  satisfied  the  aristocrats  of  Guate- 
mala that  the  supremo  delegado  had  no  means  for 
-enforcing  his  authority  or  for  carrying  out  his  plans. 
It  was  virtually  a  declaration  of  war  between  Hon- 
duras and  Nicaragua.  Malespin  was  likewise  em- 
boldened by  it  to  assail  Nicaragua.  The  latter  must 
then  move  with  the  utmost  activity  against  Ferrera, 
before  Malespin,  now  at  peace  with  Guatemala,  could 
come  to  his  aid.  But  difficulties  that  could  not  be 
overcome  were  in  the  way;  and  it  was  only  on  the 
23d  of  October  that  upwards  of  1,000  Nicaraguans 
-appeared  before  Nacaome,  which  they  assaulted  the 
next  day,  and  after  two  hours  of  hard  fighting,  were 

the  arrangement  was  evidently  a  league  against  Nicaragua,  though  it  cannot 
be  said  to  have  been  against  the  party  called  *  coquimbos, '  for  generals 
Saget  and  Espinosa  were  now  serving  with  Malespin.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist., 
iv.  567-8,  581-2. 

24  The  confederate  executive  had  ordered  a  force  of  Nicaragiienses  to  come 
into  Salvador  through  the  department  of  Choluteca,  Lieut-col  Aguado  being 
charged  with  their  transportation. 

25  The  troops  could  not  come  by  sea,  the  port  of  La  Union  being  then 
blockaded  by  a  British  frigate.  Copy  of  Aguilar's  note,  dated  Aug.  11,  1844, 
in  Id.,  569-71. 

26  Munoz'  report  sets  the  enemy's  loss  at  156  killed,  besides  many  prison- 
ers, and  over  200  muskets,  etc. 

27  The  place  was  defended  by  upwards  of  700  men  under  Juan  Morales. 


Trinidad  Cabanas  and  Gerardo  Barrios,  two  of 
Morazan's  officers,  made,  on  the  5th  of  September, 
1844,  an  attempt  at  San  Miguel  to  overthrow  Males- 
pin  without  bloodshed;  but  having  failed,  they  went 
off  to  Nicaragua  by  way  of  La  Union.  Malespin's 
minister,  Jose  Antonio  Jimenez,  then  demanded  of 
the  Nicaraguan  government  that  Cabanas  and  Bar- 
rios should  be  either  expelled  or  surrendered  to  Sal- 
vador for  punishment.  The  demand  was  rejected. 
The  two  officers  were  by  no  means  discouraged.  They 
persevered  in  their  efforts,  which,  more  than  any- 
thing else,  finally  brought  about  the  tyrant's  over- 
throw. By  virtue  of  a  special  decree,  Malespin  took, 
on  the  25th  of  October,  personal  command  of  the 
state  forces,  placing  the  executive  office  in  charge  of 
the  vice-president,  Joaquin  Eufracio  Guzman,  who 
on  the  same  day  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
duties,  giving  Malespin  unlimited  powers  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  state.  Such  authorization  did  not  justify 
Malespin's  carrying  the  war  into  Nicaragua.28  This 
state,  after  the  defeat  of  its  troops  at  Nacaome,  had 
removed  them  from  Honduran  territory,  and  sued 
for  peace.  And  yet  Malespin,  in  violation  of  the 
laws  of  Salvador,  made  preparations  for  an  offensive 
war  against  Nicaragua. 

It  will  be  well,  before  relating  the  events  of  this 
campaign,  to  cast  an  eye  upon  the  present  lamentable 
condition  of  the  four  states  thus  bent  upon  each  other's 
destruction.  Guatemala  was  ruled  by  the  aristocrats 
with  a  rod  of  iron.  Her  financial  affairs  were  com- 
pletely disorganized.  In  Salvador  Malespin  had  no 
other  rule  of  conduct  than  his  own  will  and  Bishop 
Viteri's  evil  counsels.  He  believed  himself  surrounded 
by  enemies,  and  indeed  he  was.29  Honduras  was  in  a 

28  Guzman  could  not  grant  such  authority,  as  it  was  of  the  exclusive 
province  of  the  state  congress.  It  was,  besides,  unnecessary,  as  neither  Sal- 
vador nor  Honduras  was  invaded. 

29  For  his  own  security,  in  his  absence,  he  placed  his  brother,  Calixto 
Malespin,  as  comandante  general,  near  Vice-president  Guzman.  This  man 
used  to  open  Guzman's  correspondence,  and  deliver  him  only  such  despatches 


disturbed  state,  and  the  victim  of  Ferrera's  despotism. 
Nicaragua  was  in  anything  but  a  satisfactory  situa- 
tion. The  men  who  with  their  superior  talents, 
statesmanship,  and  influence  might  have  carried  the 
ship  of  state  safely  through  the  coming  storm,  Fran- 
cisco Castellon  and  Maximo  Jerez,  were  in  Europe 
working  to  undo  the  evils  wrought  against  Central 
America  by  Pavon  and  Chatfield.  The  director  of 
the  state,  Manuel  Perez,30  lacked  the  prestige  that 
the  occasion  required.  Casto  Fonseca,  the  com- 
mander of  the  forces,  had  been  given  the  rank  of 
'gran  mariscal.'31 

The  pacto  de  Chinandega  had  ceased  to  exist. 
Owing  to  hostile  acts  of  Malespin,  Chamorro  had  to 
seek  safety  in  flight.  Ferrera  treated  Chamorro 
with  contumely,  and  shamefully  abused  him  in  a 
report  to  the  chambers  of  Honduras,  in  January 
1846.32  Malespin  and  his  army  against  Nicaragua 
entered  Honduras,  and  at  Nacaome  made  an  address 
to  the  president  and  army  of  Honduras.33  The  two 
allied  presidents  had  a  conference  at  Sauce  on  the 
7th  of  November,  and  agreed  that  Malespin  should 
be  recognized  as  the  general-in-chief  of  their  forces. 
At  Choluteca  proposals  for  peace  came  from  Leon; 
and  on  the  21st  of  the  same  month  the  treaty  of 
Zatoca34  was  concluded,  which  was  disgraceful  to  the 

as  he  thought  expedient.  See  circular  of  Jimenez,  Guzman's  minister,  to 
governors  of  departments,  of  Feb.  12,  1845,  in  Id.,  717-18. 

30  He  was  the  constitutional  chief.  Avon,  Apuntes,  4;  b'emanario  Nic.,  Apr. 
24,  1873. 

31 A  pompous  title,  which  rendered  him  ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  many, 
while  it  excited  jealousy  on  the  part  of  others.  Squier's  Trav.,  ii.  449. 
Fonseca  is  represented  as  a  drunkard,  ignorant,  and  the  most  brutal  tyrant 
Nicaragua  ever  had.  Life  and  property  were  subject  to  his  nod.  Dunlop's 
Cent.  Am.,  224-5;  Wells'  Hond.,  494. 

32  It  should  be  known  that  Chamorro  had  not  been  a  Morazanista,  or  even 
a  liberal.  He  was  the  chief  of  the  conservative  party  in  Nic.  On  March  29, 
1845,  his  term  having  expired,  and  there  being  no  legal  successor,  he  decreed 
that  the  office  of  supremo  delegado  ceased  to  exist,  and  communicated  the 
fact  to  the  governments  of  the  several  states.  Montiifar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  122. 

S3Oct.  31,  1844.  The  object  of  the  war,  he  said,  was  to  avenge  the  insult 
inflicted  by  Nic.  on  Hond.,  and  it  was  to  be  waged  till  a  lasting  peace  could 
be  secured. 

S4  Here  the  invaders  were  joined  by  Gen.  Manuel  Quijano  and  64  dragoons 
who  had  deserted  from  Leon. 


Nicaraguan  negotiators.35  A  secret  clause  was  also 
agreed  to,  binding  Nicaragua,  among  other  things,  to 
retire  her  troops  from  Chinandega  to  Chichigalpa. 
But  the  authorities  and  people  of  Leon  preferred 
death  with  honor  to  submission  to  such  degrading 
demands.  The  treaty  and  secret  clause  were  indig- 
nantly rejected.  Perez,  the  director,  surrendered  the 
executive  office  to  Senator  Emiliano  Madrid. 

In  the  night  of  November  21st  the  allied  forces 
encamped  in  the  barranca  de  San  Antonio.36  On  the 
26th,  at  8  in  the  evening,  they  were  in  front  of  Leon, 
and  threw  bombs  into  the  city.  The  next  morning 
at  3  o'clock  Malespin,  being  drunk,  ordered  an  assault, 
which  resulted  disastrously  for  the  invaders;  for  at 
sunrise  he  found  his  camp  strewn  with  corpses.37 
The  attack  was,  however,  continued  that  day  till  4 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  allies  found  them- 
selves short  of  ammunition,  and  with  many  of  their 
chief  officers  killed  or  wounded.  Discord  now  broke 
out  among  them,  and  the  Hondurans  wanted  to 
abandon  the  campaign;  but  J.  Trinidad  Munoz,  act- 
ing for  Malespin,  quieted  them,  and  the  struggle  went 
on.  That  night  Munoz  erected  intrenchments,  and 
at  break  of  day  on  the  28th  the  allies  were  in  con- 
dition to  act  vigorously.38 

Commissioners  came  out  to  the  allied  headquarters, 

35  The  commissioners  were  Hermenegildo  Zepeda  and  Geronimo  Carcache. 
Malespin  himself  acted  for  Salv.  and  Hond.  Art.  1  required  Nic.  to  pay 
Salv.  and  Hond.  all  the  expenses  of  the  present  war,  and  to  Salv.  those  in- 
curred in  the  war  of  April  last  against  Guat.,  because  Nic.  had  failed  to 
furnish  her  contingent  of  troops.  This  last  payment  was  waived  by  Salv.  in 
art.  6.  Art.  2  calls  for  the  surrender  by  Nic.  of  all  arms  within  her  territory 
belonging  to  the  allies.  Art.  3  made  it  the  duty  of  Nic.  to  deliver  to  the 
allied  forces  the  'facciosos'  Joaquiu  Rivera,  Maximo  Orellana,  Miguel 
Alvarez,  Trinidad  Cabanas,  Gerardo  Barrios,  Diego  and  Ramon  Vijil,  if  found 
in  the  state,  and  if  they  were  out  of  it,  not  to  allow  them  to  reside  therein 
without  the  consent  of  the  allied  governments.  Art.  7  throws  upon  Nic.  the 
expense  of  supporting  the  allied  troops  from  the  date  of  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty  till  they  should  have  reached  their  quarters  in  their  respective  states. 
Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  592-4. 

3GGuardiola  became  intoxicated  and  abused  the  deserters;  whereupon  half 
of  them  abandoned  the  allied  camp,  and  he  was  placed  under  arrest. 

37  Among  the  slain  was  Cruz  Guardiola,  a  brother  of  the  general. 

38  It  will  be  well  to  record  here  that  Munoz,  to   whom  Leon  owed  her 
present  tribulation,  was  a  Nicaraguan  by  birth. 


and  on  the  1st  of  December  a  treaty  was  negotiated,39 
to  which  no  ratification  was  given  in  the  city,  and  the 
war  continued.  Meanwhile  there  was  much  agitation 
in  Salvador,  with  occasional  revolutionary  attempts, 
which  becoming  known  at  Leon,  emboldened  the 
authorities  and  citizens  to  keep  up  the  fight,  not- 
withstanding theother  departments  had  turned  against 

Jose  Francisco  Montenegro  and  Juan  Ruiz  were 


39  The  negotiators  for  Nic.  were  Canon  Desiderio  Cortes  and  Anselmo 
Alarcon;    for  Salv.  and  Hond.,  Gen.  Nicolas  Espinosa  and  J.  T.  Munoz. 
Under  this  capitulation  the  terms  agreed  to  in  the  former  one  at  Zatoca  were 
to  be  enforced  as  regarded  payment  of  war  expenses  and  surrender  of  arms. 
Nic.  bound  herself  to  expel  from  the  state  Casto  Fonseca,  Cabanas,  Rivera, 
Orellana,  Barrios,  Alvarez,  Diego,  Ramon  and  Jose  Antonio  Vijil,  Domingo 
Asturias,  Jos6  Antonio  Milla,  and  Jos6  Antonio  Ruiz;  and  furthermore,  to 
deliver  to  Malespin  some  Salvadorans  who  revolted  against  him  at  San 
Miguel  on  the  5th  of  Sept.,  1844. 

40  Granada  took  Malespin's  side,  and  was  followed  by  Rivas  and  other 
places.     It  seemed  as  if  all  the  actas  had  been  written  by  the  same  hand. 
Montufar,  Eesena  Hist.,  iv.  600,  635-6. 

SIEGE  OF  LEON.  199 

the  commissioners  of  Rivas  and  Granada,  near  Males- 
pin.  Their  mission  brought  about  the  creation  of  a 
new  government,  which  had  no  recognition  in  Leon. 
Senator  Silvestre  Selva  lent  himself  to  be  made  by 
Malespin  and  his  allies  director  supremo  of  Nicaragua, 
under  the  stipulation  of  ratifying  the  convention  of 
December  1st,  adding  the  name  of  Pio  Castellon  to 
the  list  of  the  proscribed.41 

Several  partial  actions  took  place  in  other  parts  of 
the  department  of  Leon,  which  turned  out  favorably 
for  the  invaders.42  But  Malespin  was  furious  at  his 
failure  thus  far  to  capture  Leon.  The  firing  of  his 
guns  was  incessant.  He  made  a  final  effort,  throwing 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  force  upon  the  works  of 
Sutiaba,  which  were  in  charge  of  Gerardo  Barrios; 
and  after  some  hours'  hard  fighting  was  repulsed, 
leaving  the  field  covered  with  his  killed  and  wounded. 
But  there  was  no  unity  of  action  in  the  city  at  this 
time.  Some  officers  believed  that  Casto  Fonseca, 
though  brave,  was  not  competent  to  make  a  proper 
defence;  and  one  of  them,  named  Jose  M.  Valle,  alias 
El  Chelon,  suggested  that  he  should  turn  over  the 
command  to  Cabanas.  Fonseca  looked  upon  the  sug- 
gestion as  an  insult,  and  in  consequence  Valle  retired, 
and  Cabanas  became  an  object  of  suspicion  to  Fon- 
seca. The  siege  with  its  horrors  continued.  The 
fatal  spirit  of  localism  that  maintained  discord  be- 
tween the  several  towns,  specially  between  Granada 
and  Leon,  was  now  as  ever,  and  till  the  transfer  of 
the  capital  from  Leon  to  Managua,  a  great  misfortune 

41  The  most  humiliating  part  of  this  arrangement  was  the  3d   clause, 
wherein  the  eastern  and  southern  departments  recognize  Malespin  as  'pro- 
tector de  los  Nicaragiienses,'  and  general-in-chief  of  the  united  armies,  in- 
cluding one  organized  by  those  departments,  till  the  end  of  the  war.  Id.,  iv. 
600-2;  Nic.,  Registro  Ojic.,  12,  14,  55-6,  65,  69,  110-15;  Sandoval,  Rev.  Poltt., 
9,  15-18. 

42  Several  officers  were  shot,  among  them  a  number  taken  by  Saget,  on 
the  vessel  Carolina.     Malespin  issued  stringent  orders  against  rendering  aid 
to  the  besieged.     An  official  report  from  Nagarote  of  Jan.  23d,  to  the  coman- 
dante  at  Managua,  speaks  of  a  defeat  of  troops  of  the  govt  at  Leon,  with  the 
loss  of  200  killed,  300  wounded,  and  many  prisoners,  together  with  3  pieces 
of  cannon  and  other  arms,  etc.  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  4. 


for  the  whole  country.     The  besiegers  made  the  most 
of  it.43 

A  vessel  arrived  at  this  time  at  Realejo  with  arms 
for  the  besieged,  of  which  Malespin  got  information 
from  the  Englishman  Manning,  and  through  Selva's 
agent  he  obtained  possession  of  1,000  muskets,  200 
rifles,  200  barrels  of  powder,  200  quintals  of  lead,  and 
12,000  flints.  With  this  supply  the  operations  against 
Leon  were  pushed  with  still  greater  vigor,  and  the 
city  succumbed  to  an  assault  by  Guardiola  on  the 
24th  of  January,  1845.  Malespin  now  gave  full  sway 
to  his  bloody  instincts,  by  shooting  a  number  of 
prominent  citizens  and  surrendering  the  town  to  the 
soldiery  for  plunder.44  The  outrages  committed  defy 


While  Malespin  was  engaged  in  the  Nicaragua 
campaign,  the  state  of  Salvador  was  preparing  to 
throw  off  the  yoke,  and  his  brother  Calixto  was  issuing 
arbitrary  orders  without  the  knowledge  or  assent  of 
Vice-president  Guzman.  At  last,  at  midnight  be- 
tween the  30th  and  31st  of  December,  1844,  the  gar- 
rison at  San  Salvador  was  surprised  by  a  party  of 
armed  men  from  the  Calvario,  and  captured,  together 
with  the  arms  in  the  barracks.46  After  that  the  re- 

43  It  is  related  that  Pedro  Zeledon,  a  Costa  Rican  residing  in  Chichigalpa, 
Nic.,  wrote  Munoz,  depicting  the  horrors  of  the  war  and  the  need  of  peace. 
Malespin  made  Munoz  invite  Zeledon  to  a  conference,  and  when  he  had  him 
in  his  power,  demanded  a  ransom  of  $1,000,  but  did  not  get  anything,  and 
Zeledon  obtained  his  liberty. 

4*  The  only  house  exempted  from  plunder  \vas  Manning's.  Many  houses 
were  razed  to  the  ground,  or  burned  purposely. 

45  On  the  first  day  the  acting  director,  Emiliano  Madrid,  Crescencio  Navas, 
cols  Francisco  Lacayo  and  Balnmceda,  Capt.  Valle,  Jose"  M.  Oseguera,  and 
Father  Crespin  were  shot.  Crespin's  offence  was  to  have  begged  the  infa- 
mous Manuel  Quijano,  at  the  door  of  the  hospital  for  the  wounded,  to  spare 
them.  Canon  Cort6s  was  put  to  death  afterward.  Casto  Fonseca,  captured 
on  the  coast,  was  tried  by  court-martial  and  shot.  An  eye-witness  declared 
that  24  persons  were  executed  by  Malespin  in  Leon.  Montitfar,  Resena  Hist., 
iv.,  table  no.  5,  636;  Sandoval,  Eevista  Pcllt.,  7-15;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  227, 
230-H;  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  4-6,  14;  Crowe's  Gospel,  159-61;  Niks'  Key., 
Ixviii.  103.  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  77,  speaks  of  Malespin's 
acts. of  horrible  cruelty,  adding  that  according  to  the  newspapers  of  Guat. 
Malespin  had  caused  to  be  assassinated  over  1,000  persons. 

40 Eighty-five  prisoners  were  released  from  the  jail,  many  of  whom  h"d 
been  confined  there  for  alleged  political  offenses. 


volt  went  on  gaining  large  proportions;  but  the  rebels 
were  defeated  in  the  plain  of  Jucuapa,  Cojutepeque, 
on  the  4th  of  January,  1845. 

The  liberal  chiefs  Cabanas  and  Barrios,  who  es- 
caped from  Nicaragua,  reached  La  Union.  Barrios,47 
with  the  view  of  rousing  the  Salvadorans,  spread  the 
report  that  Malespin  had  succumbed  at  Leon.  Ca- 
banas, a  truthful  man,  disliked  the  scheme,  but  finally 
allowed  his  companion  to  pursue  his  plan  without 
contradiction.  They  both  entered  San  Miguel  on 
the  28th  of  January,  1845,  and  loudly  congratulated 
his  friends  and  acquaintances  on  Malespin's  defeat. 
The  whole  department  was  soon  in  commotion,  and 
letters  poured  upon  Guzman  to  sound  the  cry  for  lib- 
erty. Calixto  Malespin  continued  his  arbitrary  acts, 
and  Guzman  concluded  to  oust  him  from  his  com- 
mand, without  bloodshed  if  possible.  In  this  he  was 
successful  on  the  2d  of  February;43  the  barracks 
were  soon  surrendered  to  him,  the  troops  following 
his  lead.  The  capital  seconded  the  movement,  and 
was  soon  followed  by  the  other  departments.49  The 
government  sent  a  circular  to  the  other  states  an- 
nouncing the  change  effected,  and  it  was  recognized 
by  all  but  Honduras.50 

The  chambers  of  Salvador  assembled  ori  the  15th, 
before  which  Guzman  made  an  energetic  speech,  and 
Malespin  was  not  only  dethroned,  but  his  election  to 
the  presidency  was  declared  null.51  However,  there 

*7  He  was  a  son-in-law  of  Vice-president  Guzman.  They  differed  in  politics, 
but  Barrios  fully  believed  that  Guzman  was  the  person  to  overthrow  Males- 
pin,  and  must  be  aided  with  some  bold  stroke. 

48  Ho  called  a  large  number  of  his  friends  to  his  house  and  armed  them 
with  pistols— he  had  not  a  single  musket  at  his  command.     He  then  called 
the  comandante  general,  and  the  mayor  de  plaza,  Antonino  Ardvalo,  and 
made  prisoners  of  them  without  resistance.     The  two  escaped  afterward,  but 
Malespin  was  recaptured,  with  a  wound. 

49  Actaof  the  capital  on  Feb.  2,  1845.  Montitfar,  Rcsena  Hist.,  iv.  719-24; 
Monit.  Constit.  Indep.,  May  2,  1845;  La  Minerva,  May  22,  1845. 

50 Costa  II.  had  heard  of  it  by  a  vessel  from  Acajutla,  and  sent  her  recog- 
nition before  the  circular  reached  her.  The  govt  of  Nic.,  created  by  Malcs- 

On  the  ground  of  unconstitutionality,  he  being  in  command  of  the  state 


was  much  to  do  yet  to  uproot  him  from  Central 
American  politics,  as  he  had  the  support  of  Honduras. 
In  an  encounter  at  Quelepa  Cabanas  was  defeated, 
which  gave  the  reactionists  courage  to  approach  San 
Vicente;  but  public  opinion  was  now  so  clearly  pro- 
nounced against  Malespin  that  Bishop  Viteri  turned 
against  him,  and  began  his  efforts  to  win  over  to  the 
clerico- oligarchic  party  the  new  president,  Joaquin 
Eufracio  Guzman.52  He  at  once  issued  a  decree  of 
excommunication  against  Ex-president  Malespin.63 
But  the  government  of  Honduras  being  bent  on  sup- 
orting  Malespin  at  all  hazards,  Guardiola  landed  at 
a  Union  with  an  armed  force,  and  occupied  San 
Miguel;  notwithstanding  which  act  Guzman  did  not 
declare  war  against  Honduras.  Attributing  it  to 
ignorance  of  the  true  state  of  affairs  in  Salvador,  he 
sent  a  second  note,  which,  like  the  first,  remained  un- 
answered. Malespin  continued — with  the  assent  of 
Honduras,  and  without  that  of  Nicaragua,  which  had 
assumed  neutrality  in  the  contest — calling  himself 
general-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  Salvador,  Honduras, 
and  Nicaragua,  and  declared  Guzman,  the  Salva- 

forces  at  the  time  the  election  took  place.  Circular  Feb.  24,  1845,  in  Id., 
725;  El  Salvador  Regenerado,  no.  2. 

62  Guzman  was  a  Costa  Rican  by  birth,  but  had  lived  many  years  in  San 
Miguel,  Salv.  He  entertained  liberal  ideas  from  his  earliest  political  life. 
His  military  service,  under  Morazan,  began  soon  after  the  battle  of  Gualcho, 
and  he  was  present  as  a  captain  in  the  actions  of  San  Miguel  and  Las  Char- 
cas.  He  accompanied  that  leader  to  Guat.  In  the  invasion  of  Cent.  Am. 
from  Mex.  by  Arce  in  1832,  Guzman  did  gallant  service  at  Jocoro,  and  en- 
tered San  Salvador  with  Morazan.  Again  during  San  Martin's  rebellion  he 
served  under  his  chief  as  a  lieut-col.  The  chambers  of  Salvador,  on  the  19th 
of  May,  1845,  declared  Guzman  a  '  beneme'rito  cle  la  patria,'  and  awarded 
him  a  gold  medal,  at  the  same  time  promoting  him  to  general  of  division. 
MonttiJ'ar,  JResena  Hist.,  iv.  693-4;  Sulv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  May  21,  1875.  Dun- 
lop,  Gent.  Am.,  116,  says  of  him:  He  was  'more  remarkable  for  cunning  than 
honor  or  courage.  His  manners  are  gentlemanly;  he  has  no  mixture  of  col- 
ored blood,  and  is  rather  good-looking,  though  he  appears  to  possess  but  little 
talent  or  education.'  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  Dunlop  misrepresented 
Guzman's  character,  for  Guzman  proved  himself  a  good  and  pure  ruler,  and 
his  name  is  revered  in  the  state  and  throughout  Cent.  Am.  by  all  lovers  of 
freedom  and  enlightenment. 

53  On  the  23d  of  Feb.,  1845,  grounded  on  the  execution  of  priests  at  Leon. 
The  decree  forbids  the  faithful  of  the  diocese  to  have  any  intercourse,  verbal 
or  written,  with  Malespin,  or  to  uphold  or  defend  him  in  any  manner. 
Full  text  in  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iv.  679-81;  Bustamantc,  Mem.  Hist. 
Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  78. 


cloran  chambers,  and  the  inhabitants  of  upwards  of 
100  towns  which  had  set  him  aside,  guilty  of  treason. 

Guzman  was  now  menaced  from  several  quarters; 
namely,  from  Malespin's  partisans  in  San  Salvador, 
the  military  at  Comayagua,  J.  Trinidad  Munoz,  who 
wanted  to  destroy  the  liberals  that  had  escaped  from 
Leon,  and  lastly,  Rafael  Carrera,  who,  though  at 
times  inclined  to  wheedle  the  liberals,  generally  had 
his  claws  ready  to  tear  them  to  pieces.  Guzman 
found  the  panther  more  untractable  than  the  other 
wild  beasts.  It  was  therefore  necessary  to  place  in 
Guatemala  experienced  tamers;  but  he  was  unsuc- 
cessful in  this.  His  commissioners,  though  they 
managed  by  fawning  to  approach  Carrera,  met  with 
poor  success  in  their  mission.5* 

Guzman  marched  against  Belloso  at  San  Vicente 
and  defeated  him.  He  next  went  to  San  Miguel, 
which  he  entered  amidst  the  plaudits  of  the  people.56 
Malespin  entered  with  him  into  a  convention  at  Jocoro, 
binding  himself  to  surrender  all  national  property  of 
Salvador  and  to  leave  the  country.  But  the  author- 
ities of  Honduras  disapproved  the  arrangement,  and 
it  fell  to  the  ground;56  the  war  continued,  till  on  the 
18th  of  April  a  treaty  of  peace  and  friendship  w as- 
concluded  at  Chinameca,  to  which  the  minister  of 
Salvador,  Duenas,  added  another  clause,  requiring 
that  both  Salvador  and  Honduras  should  disband 
their  troops  immediately  after  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty.57  Honduras  failed  to  ratify  it,  and  proposed 

54  They  were  Cayetano  A.  Molina  and  Juan  Antonio  Alvarado.  They 
asked  not  merely  for  Carrera's  neutrality,  but  for  his  active  aid,  and  were  re- 
ferred to  the  ministers,  by  whom  they  were  dealt  with  as  children.  The 
ministers  pretended  that  their  request  could  not  be  acceded  to  without  an 
express  sanction  of  the  legislature,  which  was  not  then  in  session  for  lack  of 
a  quorum.  The  plea  was  a  ridiculous  one,  when  we  consider  that  Carrera 
had  never  before  consulted  the  wishes  of  the  assembly  to  act  his  own  will. 

65  Malespin  had  been  acting  there  as  president,  under  Hond.  support;  but 
on  Guzman's  approach  his  troops  disbanded,  and  he  fled. 

66  In  March  1845  the  president  of  Hond.  took  Malespin  and  his  companions 
under  the  protection  of  his  govt.  Nic.,  Registro  Ojic.,  53-4. 

57  The  commissioners  of  Hond.  were  Sebastian  Salinas  and  Leonardo  Ro- 
mero; those  of  Salv.,  Jose*  Felix  Quiroz  and  Nicolds  Angulo.  The  treaty  was 
ratified  by  Salv.,  but  rejected  by  the  other  contracting  party.  Text  of  the 
treaty  and  Duenas'  additional  clause,  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  726-32. 


that  new  conferences  should  be  held  at  Gualcinse, 
and  at  the  same  time  despatched  900  men  upon  that 
place  under  Malespin.  Armed  parties  from  Honduras 
invaded  Salvador;  and,  indeed,  Ferrera  was  using  all 
possible  means  to  exasperate  the  latter  state  into  com- 
mitting acts  of  hostility  against  the  former,  so  that 
Carrera  might  have  an  opportunity  to  take  a  hand  in 
the  game. 

The  chambers  of  Salvador  assembled  at  this  time, 
and  Minister  Duenas  reported  a  treaty  of  peace,  amity, 
and  alliance  with  Guatemala,58  He  seemed  to  expect 
aid  from  that  side  of  the  river  Paz.59  Nicaragua  had 
extended  a  friendly  reception  to  two  Salvador  com- 
missioners.60 The  chambers  gave  Guzman  ample 
powers  for  the  defence  of  the  state.  This  did  not 
include  authority  to  invade  any  other  state,  unless  as 
a  retaliatory  measure.  A  resort  to  this  was  finally  re- 
solved upon,  and  a  Salvadoran  army  under  Cabanas 
marched  the  24th  of  May  upon  Comayagua,  meeting 
with  defeat  there  on  the  2d  of  June,  and  again  at 
Sensenti  on  the  10th  of  the  same  month.61  The  Hon- 

58  Concluded  by  Cayetano  A.  Molina  and  Juan  A.  Alvarado  for  Salv. ,  and 
Alejandro  Marure  and  Jose"  M.  de  Urruela  for  Guat.,  April  4,  1845;  approved 
by  the  constituent  congress  of  Guat.  on  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  and  pub- 
lished by  Acting  President  Duran  the  next  day.  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  415- 
19;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  July  8,  1853;  Manit.  Constit.  Ind.,  May  21,  1845;  La  Mi- 
nerva, May  22,  1845. 

69  Duefias  was  then  considered  a  liberal,  though  he  was  a  Dominican  friar 
when  the  convents  were  closed  in  1839,  for  which  reason  the  government  of 
Guat.  would  not  trust  him.  It  was  deceiving  him.  He  was,  however,  the 
one  most  likely  to  succeed  in  keeping  Carrera  from  aiding  Hond.  in  the  pres- 
ent emergency.  Hond.  had  sent  Felipe  Jauregui  and  Pablo  Orellana  to  Guat. 
The  former  was  Ferrera's  mentor,  and  in  the  councils  of  Pa  von,  Aycinena, 
and  Batres.  At  first  he  was  alarmed  at  the  liberalism  of  the  constituent  con- 
gress, which  had  voted  assistance  to  Salv.  But  he  received  assurances  that 
no  aid  would  be  sent  except  to  quell  revolts  in  the  interior;  and,  moreover, 
that  the  foes  of  Hond.  would  be  stricken  from  the  Salvador  administration. 
Jauregui  now  understood  the  game,  and  wrote  his  government  that  the  vote 
or  aid  by  congress  practically  amounted  to  nothing.  A  note  containing  these 
assurances  was  published  in  Comayagua.  Guat.  concluded  a  treaty  of  friend- 
ship and  alliance  with  Hond.  on  the  19th  of  July,  1845.  Guat..  Recop.  Leyes, 
i.  419-23. 

60  Dr  Aguilar  and  Father  Monterey.  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  61-2,  123-34. 
Gen.  Muiioz,  who  so  efficiently  aided  Malespin  at  Leon,  was  now  the  com. 
gen.  and  most  prominent  man  in  Nic. 

61  Ferrera  claimed  another  victory  on  the  7th  at  Santa  Rosa,  but  it  was 
unfounded.  Id.,  83,  88;  Monitor  Constit.  Ind.,  May  21, 1845j  Crowe's  Gospel, 



durenos  inhumanly  put  to  death  all  the  wounded 
Salvadorefios  left  at  Comayagtia  arid  Santa  Rosa. 
Ferrera,  now  flushed  with  victory,  thought  that  he 
could  dictate  terms  to  Salvador.62  It  was  a  mistake 
on  his  part,  for  the  people  of  Salvador  rose  en  masse 
to  repair  the  disasters  of  Comayagua  and  Sensenti. 

Guardiola  committed  many  acts  of  vandalism  in 
La  Union,  in  consequence  of  which  Minister  Dueiias, 
on  the  25th  of  July,  addressed  a  circular  to  the  agents 
of  foreign  nations  protesting  against  the  seizure  of 


foreign  goods  in  the  government's  warehouse  at  that 
port.     Cabanas,   after    the   disasters   before   related, 

63  He  demanded  on  the  llth  of  July,  as  compensation  for  alleged  damages 
to  Hond.  by  the  invasion  of  Cabanos  and  Cordero,  that  Salv.  should  cede  to 
Hond.  all  the  arms  and  other  war  material  deposited  in  the  latter  state  by 
Malespin,  and  pay,  besides,  $100,000  in  specie,  to  be  collected  by  Hond.  in 
instalments  at  the  port  of  La  Union,  which,  until  the  payments  should  be 
completed,  was  to  be  held  by  Hond. ;  or,  in  lieu  of  that  sum,  cede  to  the  lat- 
ter the  department  of  San  Miguel,  or  that  portion  of  the  department  of 
Cuscatlan  lying  outside  of  the  territory  enclosed  by  the  Lempa  on  the  south 
and  south-west.  He  also  required  the  exile  from  Cent.  Am.  of  a  number  of 
persons.  This  note  was  published  in  Guat.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  no.  15,  Aug.  28,  18-15. 
In  July  a  project  was  entertained  of  a  confederation  of  Hond.  with  Nic., 
Guat.,  and  Salv.  Nic.,Registro  Ofic.,  93-5,  102-8,  118-21,  136-8. 


arrived  at  San  Miguel  with  scarcely  fifty  men,  and 
endeavored  to  collect  his  scattered  forces;  but  his 
efforts  were  unavailing,  and  Guardiola  inarched  into 
the  city — which  had  been  abandoned  by  nearly  all 
the  inhabitants — and  gave  it  up  to  be  plundered  by 
his  soldiers.63 

All  that  part  of  Salvador  on  the  Lempa  and  the 
district  of  Chalatenango  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  who  acted  as  the  master  of  a  conquered 
country.  One  of  the  commanders  was  the  notorious 
Manuel  Quijano.  The  Salvadorenos  attacked  him 
and  were  defeated.  The  Hondurans  now  felt  certain 
that  they  could  capture  San  Salvador.  But  on  the 
15th  of  August  Guardiola  with  900  men  attacked  the 
Salvadorenos  at  the  hacienda  del  Obrajuelo  and  was 
routed,  losing  two  thirds  of  his  force  and  most  of  his 
war  material.64  He  evacuated  San  Miguel  at  mid- 
night. The  authorities  of  Honduras  soon  after  pub- 
lished a  suspension  of  hostilities  in  order  to  negotiate 
a  peace.65  An  armistice  was  afterward  signed  at 
Sumpul.66  Munoz  of  Nicaragua,  for  motives  of  his 
own,  exerted  himself  to  bring  about  peace  between 
Honduras  and  Salvador,  to  which  end  he  despatched 
Sebastian  Escobar  as  commissioner  to  the  two 
belligerents.  Sensenti  was  finally  fixed  upon  as  the 
place  for  holding  the  conferences,  and  a  treaty  of 
peace,  amity,  and  alliance  was  concluded  on  the  27th 
of  November,  1845,  under  which  Malespin  and  Es- 
pinosa  were  forbidden  to  set  foot  in  Salvador  without 
leave  of  her  government.67 

63  One  house  containing  British  property  was  spared.     The  houses  of  two 
French  merchants,  whose  nation's  flag  was  flying  over  them,  were  plundered. 
Dunlop'a  Cent.  Am.,  239. 

64  In  his  report  he  tried  to  cover  up  this  serious  disaster.     But  the  fact 
was,  that  he  escaped  with  only  about  300  men,  leaving  on  the  field  upward 
of  300  muskets,  and  a  large  number  of  slain,  wounded,  and  prisoners. 
Montufar,  Resena,  Hist.,  iv.  700-1. 

65Houd.  troops  entered  Salv.  after  that  and  were  defeated.  Guardiola 
with  350  men  attacked  Carballo,  who  had  only  39,  and  murdered  them.  It  is 
said  that  this  act  was  commended  by  Ferrera  in  his  report  to  the  chambers  of 

66  Guzman  then  returned  to  Hond.  a  number  of  prisoners  who  had  been 
represented  by  his  enemies  as  murdered. 

67  So  long  as  they  remained  in  Hond.  the  latter  was  to  compel  them  to 


The  government  of  Guatemala,  with  a  view  of  not 
too  openly  going  counter  to  public  opinion  in  the 
states  desiring  to  see  a  national  government  established, 
inserted  in  the  treaty  concluded  with.  Salvador  on  the 
4th  of  April,  1845,  a  clause  apparently  intended  to 
promote  that  end.63  And  yet  it  was  at  the  same  time 
considering  the  expediency  of  declaring  the  entire 
independence  of  Guatemala,  and  gathering  material 
which  was  made  public  in  a  manifesto  in  March  1847. 
Indeed,  she  had  no  desire  to  carry  out  the  stipulations, 
though  she  named  Joaquin  Duran  and  Doctor  Mari- 
ano Padilla  her  commissioners.69  Pretexts  were  not 
wanting,  and  new  commissioners  appointed,  namely, 
Marure  and  Rodriguez,  both  of  whom  favored  Guate- 
mala's absolute  independence.  The  result  was  the 
abandonment  of  the  plan  of  reorganization  as  entirely 
impracticable.70  The  declaration  of  independence  was 
made  in  the  decree  of  March  21,  1847.71  Carrera, 
the  president,  in  a  manifesto,  set  forth  the  causes  that 

live  at  a  great  distance  from  the  Salv.  frontier.  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist. ,  i v. 
736-8;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  239-43;  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  152,  172,  221-2;  El 
Tiempo,  March  12,  1846. 

68  Each  of  the  contracting  parties  was  to  appoint  two  commissioners  to 
meet  at  Sonsonate  on  the  30th  of  Aug.,  and  was  to  urge  upon  the  other  three 
states  a  consideration  of  the  lamentable  state  the  republic  was  in,  suggesting 
how  best  to  do  away  with  such  a  condition  of  affairs;  and  proposing  therefor 
the  convocation  and  assembling  of  a  constituent  power,  or  such  other  measure 
as  it  might  deem  conducive  to  the  desired  end.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist. ,  v. 

69  Duran  well  understood  the  policy  of  his  government.     Padilla  did  not, 
and  volunteered  to  represent  in  San  Salvador  the  ardent  wishes  of  Guat.  for 
the  restoration  of  the  union.     He  did  so  in  a  patriotic  speech  that  gave  him 
a  good  name  in  Salv.  and  a  bad  one  in  Guat.,  where  the  Gaceta  rebuked  him. 

70 '  Un  delirio  de  imaginaciones  enfermas,'  it  was  pronounced  to  be.  Dele- 
gates from  Costa  R.,  Salv.,  and  Guat.  were  at  Sonsonate  on  the  17th  of  Feb., 
1846,  and  fixed  the  15th  to  the  20th  of  April  for  conferences,  but  they  did 
not  take  place.  On  the  15th  of  June  Costa  R.,  Hond.,  and  Salv.  only  were 
represented.  Nic.  and  Costa  R.  signified  their  willingness  to  meet  the  other 
states  at  any  place  they  might  select,  Hond.  having  suggested  Nacaome,  as 
Sonsonate  was  no  longer  deemed  safe.  The  whole  plan  failed  at  last  because 
of  the  action  of  Guat.  Much  interesting  information  on  the  subject  and 
official  correspondence  appear  in  Guat.,  Gac.  OJt,c.,no.  26;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Leyes, 
ix.  51-3',  58,  203-4,212-14,345-6;  x.  115-17,  123-4;  Nic.,  Reg.  Ofic.,  236-350, 
passim;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  316-18,  334-5;  FroebeVs  Cent.  Am.,  143; 
Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  253-4;  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixix.  34. 

71  Signed  by  Raf£   ' 
minister  of  relations. 
nian,  S.  F.,  Nov.  24,  1847,  ii.  3. 


had  prompted  such  a  measure,  which  he  called  one  of 
regeneration,  and  asked  the  people  to  greet  it  with 
the  same  enthusiasm  that  was  shown  in  1821,  when 
the  cry  for  separation  from  Spain  was  raised.72 

The  secessionists  pronounced  it  an  able  effort;  but 
it  caused  a  disagreeable  impression  in  the  states,  and 
in  none  more  so  than  in  Salvador.  It  wounded  pub- 
lic sentiment.  Carrera  had  no  legal  right  to  take 
such  a  step.  The  constituent  assembly  had  placed 
him  in  charge  of  the  executive,  but  had  not  made  him 
a  legislator.  For  all  that,  the  separation  from  the 
rest  of  Central  America  became  an  accomplished  fact, 
and  Carrera  was  declared  a  hero,  the  founder  of  the 
republic,  and  coin  was  struck  with  his  bust  on  it.73 
This  act  was  ratified  on  the  14th  of  September,  1848, 
by  the  constituent  assembly  of  Guatemala,  when 
Carrera  was  no  longer  in  power. 

Lindo  was  ruling  in  Honduras  and  Guerrero  in 
Nicaragua,  but  these  two  states  were  in  accord  with 
Salvador,  from  fear  of  British  pretensions,  on  the  neces- 
sity of  a  Central  American  union.  They  constituted, 
early  in  1848,  the  diet  of  Nacaome,  which  urgently 
invited  Guatemala  and  Costa  Rica  to  join  it;  but 
the  former  peremptorily  declined,  alleging  that  the 
decree  of  March  21st  precluded  her  taking  any  step 
backward.  Costa  Rica  sent  deputies  to  Nacaome.74 

72  The  document  bore  Carrera  'a  name,  but  it  was  no  production  of  his  own 
mind.  The  authorship  was  attributed  to  Alejandro  Marure;  that  is  to  say, 
he  drew  it  up  from  the  materials  that  had  been  collecting  for  years.  La 
Herista,  the  organ  of  the  Sociedad  Econ6mica,  declared  it  the  offspring  of 
long  meditation,  and  indeed  it  was,  for  the  aristocrats  of  Guat.  had  been 
planning  it  since  1828.  The  full  text  is  given  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v. 

73 Manuel  Pineda  de  Mont,  compiler  of  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  453,  claims, 
however,  that  Guat.  was  the  last  of  the  five  states  to  set  aside  the  federal 
govt,  the  last  to  secede,  the  last  to  continue  bearing  the  general  burdens  of 
the  system,  especially  the  pecuniary  ones  to  sustain  even  the  semblance  of 
authority;  and  that  she  only  adopted  the  resolution  of  March  21,  1847,  after 
exhausting  every  effort,  and  losing  all  hope  of  seeing  her  wishes  realized. 
The  reader  will  judge  between  his  statements  and  the  facts  as  they  have  been 
fairly  given  by  me. 

74Joaquin  Bernardo  Calvo  and  Juan  Antonio  Alvarado.  The  ruler  of 
Costa  Rica,  Dr  Castro,  was,  however,  of  the  opinion  that  the  five  Central 
American  states  would  be  better  off  as  separate  nations.  Montufar,  Resenci 
flist.,  v.  266-7;  Nacaome,  Dictdmen,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  no.  5;  FroebeVs 
Cent.  Am.,  143. 


The  celebrated  Ecuatorian  general,  Juan  Jose  Flores, 
arrived  in  Costa  Rica  in  July  1848,  and  was  received 
with  much  consideration,  which  flattered  his  vanity. 
He  wanted  the  aid  of  Costa  Rica  for  his  own  plans, 
and  got  himself  into  the  good  graces  of  President 
Castro.  The  dissolution  of  the  Colombian  republic 
had  enabled  him  to  become  the  ruler  of  Ecuador ;  and 
being  of  the  same  way  of  thinking  as  Pavon  and  his 
fellow-secessionists  of  Guatemala,  he  counselled  a 
complete  separation  of  the  states  of  Central  America. 
Several  influential  men  of  Costa  Rica  favored  the 
policy  of  a  wholly  independent  government  for  their 

Congress,  on  the  30th  of  August,  1848,  consum- 
mated the  work  of  final  separation,  with  a  decree  de- 
claring that  the  title  'Estado  de  Costa  Rica'  was  not 
in  consonance  with  the  22d  article  of  the  constitu- 
tion, which  established  the  principle  of  Costa  Rica's 
sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independence;  that  with 
this  understanding,  and  as  a  free,  sovereign,  and  in- 
dependent nation,  other  powers  had  treated  with  her 
on  a  footing  of  equality.  It  was  therefore  resolved, 
carrying  out  the  wishes  of  the  municipal  districts, 
that  the  term  'repiiblica'  be  substituted  for  that  of 
'estado.'76  President  Castro  sanctioned  its  promul- 
gation on  the  31st. 

Notwithstanding  so  many  difficulties,  the  friends  of 
union  never  resigned  the  hope  of  accomplishing  their 
purpose.  In  November  1849  commissioners  of  Hon- 
duras, Salvador,  and  Nicaragua  assembled  at  Leon, 
and  on  the  8th  agreed  upon  a  basis  of  union  of  the 
three  states,  the  terms  of  which  were  subsequently 
promulgated;77  and  it  was  left  optional  with  Guate- 

75  Among  them  was  the  deputy  Nazario  Toledo,  an  intimate  friend  of  the 
president.     Felipe  Molina  was  another,  and  his  opinions  are  clearly  defined 
in  his  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  108-9. 

76  The  decree  bears  the  signatures  of  Juan  Rafael  Reyes,  vice-president, 
and  Nazario  Toledo  and  Santiago  Fernandez,  deputies  and  secretaries  of  con- 
gress. Costa  JR.,  Col.  Leyes,  x.  336-8;  Montufar,  Resefta  Hist.,  v.  526-7. 

77  The  arrangement  looked  to  a  consolidation  for  the  purpose  of  conduct- 
ing foreign  relations,  and  to  an  early  union  on  the  plan  of  a  federation.  Cent. 

HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    U 


mala  and  Costa  Rica  to  join  it  or  not.  The  remnants 
of  the  aristocratic  element,  with  the  support  of  Brit- 
ish officials,78  opposed  the  union,  and  in  order  to  de- 
feat it,  promoted  revolutions  in  Nicaragua  and  Hon- 
duras. The  compact  went  into  effect,  however,  on 
the  9th  of  January,  1851,  when  the  national  repre- 
sentatives assembled  in  Chinandega,  Jose  F.  Barrun- 
dia,  representative  from  Salvador,  being  chosen  their 

The  national  constituent  congress  was  installed  at 
Tegucigalpa  on  the  9th  of  October,  1852,  and  began 
its  labors  on  the  following  day.80 

Trinidad  Cabanas  was  on  the  13th  elected  jefe  su- 
premo of  the  federation,  but  he  declined  the  honor, 
being  desirous  of  disarming  opposition  to  the  new 
organization  on  the  part  of  his  political  opponents. 
His  resignation  was  accepted  on  the  26th,  and  Fran- 
cisco Castellon  chosen  on  the  28th.81  An  organic  law 
was  enacted  on  the  13th  of  October,  and  communicated 
to  the  government  of  the  federation.82  The  supreme 

Am.  Miscel.  Doc.,  46;  Costa  JR.,  Gac.  Gob.,  March  2,  Apr.  20,  1850;  Hond., 
Gac.  Ofic.,  Aug.  31,  1850;  El  Siglo,  Apr.  22,  1851;  Nic.,  Corr.  1st.,  Dec.  16, 
1849,  March  21,  Oct.  3,  1850;  La  Union,  Jan.  1,  15,  1850;  Guat.,  Gac.,  Nov. 
30,  1849;  Salv.,  Gac.,  Dec.  7,  1849. 

78  Consul-gen.  Chatfield  was  officially  advised  of  the  new  organization  on 
the  21st  Jan.,  1851,  and  ignored  Sec.  Buitrago's  note.  On  being  reminded  of 
it,  May  22d,  he  returned  an  insulting  reply  July  13th,  refusing  his  recogni- 
tion, when  the  government  decreed,  on  the  24th  of  July,  to  cancel  his  exe- 
quatur as  consul-gen,  in  the  states  belonging  to  the  confederation,  and  to 
inform  his  govt  of  the  cause.  Cent.  Am.  Docs,  1-6.  The  British  officials 
also  resorted  to  other  means  to  defeat  what  they  called  Am.  policy.  Squier's 
Cent.  Am.,  ii.  135;  El  Universal,  Feb.  19,  March  26,  1850;  Salv.,  Gac.,  Dec. 
21,  1849;  Dem.  Rev.,  Nov.  1850,  452. 

79 Guat.  and  Costa  R.  had  refused  to  join.  Salv.  Gac.,  March  8,  22,  1850, 
Oct.  12,  1854;  Nic.,  Corr.  1st.,  Jan.  16,  30, 1851. 

80  The  act  of  installation  was  accompanied  with  religious  and  civic  cere- 
monies, the  govt  of  Hond.,  at  whose  head  was  Trinidad  Cabanas,  heartily 
joining  them.     Congratulatory  messages  came  from  all  friends  of  the  union. 
El  Siglo,  S.  Salv.,  Oct.  29,  30,  Nov.  1,  4,  10,  14,  16,  19,  1852;  Hond.,  Gac. 
Ofa.,  Oct.  30,  Nov.  15,  1852;  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Revol.  Nic.,  17;  ElPorvenir, 
nos.  6,  7. 

81  The  assembly  also  elected  a  vice-jefe  and  four  substitute  councillors  to 
fill  the  executive  chair,  in  the  event  of  the  jefe  or  members  of  ths  executive 
council  dying  or  becoming  disabled. 

82  It  set  forth  the  duties  of  the  jefe  supremo  and  councillors,  the  indepen- 
dence between  the  federal  and  state  authorities,  the  rights  of  citizens,  respon- 
sibilities of  public  officials,  and  organization  of  the  federal  judiciary.  Hond., 
Gac.  Ofic.,  Nov.  30,  1852. 


executive  authority,  on  the  20th  of  November,  1852, 
was  held  by  Pedro  Molina,  vice-jefe,  four  senators, 
and  two  acting  ministers  of  state.  The  federation 
thus  organized  was  not  destined  to  be  long  lived. 
Upon  the  allegation  that  the  congress  had  created 
a  dictatorship,  and  referred  the  organic  statute  to 
the  people  instead  of  the  legislatures  of  the  states, 
the  assemblies  of  Salvador  and  Nicaragua  set  aside 
the  federation,  and  declared  themselves  independent 
states.83  Nicaragua  may  have  receded  from  that  act; 
but  whether  it  was  so  or  not,  the  union  between  Hon- 
duras and  Nicaragua  was  dissolved  by  the  war  which 
broke  out  in  February  1863  between  Salvador  and 
Guatemala,  Honduras  joining  one  of  those  states,  and 
Nicaragua  the  other.  Further  efforts  have  been 
made  from  time  to  time — 1871-76,  and  even  as 
late  as  1885 — to  accomplish  the  union  of  the  states 
under  one  government;  but  obstacles  have  been  in 
the  way,  the  chief  doubtlessly  being  the  personal  am- 
bition or  jealousy  of  rulers,  and  the  project  still  re- 
mains as  a  possible  event  to  come  about  in  a  few 
years,  as  it  is  believed  to  be  much  desired  by  the 
majority  of  Central  Americans.84 

83  Salv.  on  the  21st  of  March,  and  Nic.  on  the  30th  of  April.     The  con- 
gress, acting  too  precipitately,  overstepped  the  bounds  of  its  powers.  Perez, 
Mem.  Hist.  Revol.  Nic.,  17-18. 

84  More  details  on  the  confederation  scheme  are  contained  in  Astdburuaga, 
Cent.  Am.,  110-16;  El  National,  Nov.  27,  Dec.  25, 1858;  Nic.,  BoL  Ofic.,  July 
30,  1869;  Id.,  Gac.,  March  2,  9,  1872;  Id.,  Seman.  Nicar.,  Nov.  21,  Dec.  12, 
1872,  Feb.  6,  Oct.   16,   1873;  Los  Anales,  Dec.  1,  1872;  Mex.,  Diario  Ofic., 
Nov.  2,  1871;   U.  8.  Gov.  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  42d  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  i.,  pt  1, 
680-3;  Costa  K.,  Inf.  Rel.,  1876,  12-14;  Salv.  Gac.,  Ofic.,  June  10,  July  6, 
Aug.  19,  Oct.  26,  27,  1876;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  March  17,  Oct.  5,  13,  1875, 
Jan.  27,  30,  Feb.  2-6, 1876;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  March  2,  1876;  Caicedo, 
Lot.  Am.,  60-2;  Cent.  Am.,  Contest  al  Voto,  1-23;  Chamorro,  Cuestwn  Na- 
tional, 1-7;  Harper's  Monthly  Mag.  xvii.  691. 

Further  authorities  for  the  preceding  chapters  are:  Montufar,  tiesena  Hist., 
vols  i  -iv  passim;  Id.,  Discurso,  1-12;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  i.  1-72,  96-100, 
164-79  185-6  197-202,  207,  217-73,  382-95,  453-5,  461-75,  592-600,  858-9, 
877-8-'ii  83-260,  632-7;  iii.  286,  338-48;  Id.,  Bolet.  Ofic.,  1831,  no.  2;  1832, 
nos.  17,  20;  1833,  no.  34;  1834,  nos.  34,  56,  July  15,  Oct.  15;  1836,  no.  84; 
1837  no  10-  1838,  no.  53;  Fernando  VII.,  Documents,  264-76,  281-5,  292- 
311,  337^49;  Id.,  Decretos,  4-10,  15-26,  33-73,  105-10,  120-34,  149-82,  194- 
201,  220-3,  243-81;  Ay  on,  Consid.  Limites,  20-4.  Id.,  Apuntes,  passim;  Asta- 
luruaqa,  C.  Amer.,  12-32,  79-80;  Arce,  Mem.,  passim;  Reicliardt,  NIC.,  76-9; 
Id  Cent  Am  37-44,  114-17,  133-4,  139-45,  208-11;  Pirns  Gate  of  the  Pac., 
38/56,  58-61;  Gac.  Imp.  Hex.,  i.  162-3,  445-8,  477-9,  489-91,  503-5;  ii.  554- 
61,  635  657-9,  677-9,  735,  747-52;  Gac.  de  Mtx.,  1823,  no.  3,  11-12,  1826, 


July  4,  Sept.   16,  Oct.  31,  Dec.  14;  1826,  Jan.  25,  March  1,  31,  April  26; 

4-5,  9-12;  Id.,  Costa  It.  y  N.  Granada,  9-10,  16-29;  Id.,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  pas- 
sim; Integ.  Cent.  Am.,  Dec.  11,  1849;  El  Rol,  Oct.  13,  1854;  Zebadua,  Manif., 
1^.0-  Juan-os,  Guat.,  ii.  103-4;  Id.,  Stat.  and  Com.  Hist.  Gnat.,  74;  Squier's 
Guat.,  581-2;  Id.,  States  C.  A.,  360-1,  414-16,  466,  482,  493,  575-88,  627-8, 
641-3,  663;  Id.,  Travels  C.  Am.,  ii.,  passim;  Id.,  Comp.  Hist.  C.  A.,  18-191; 
Wells'  Honduras,  116,  120,  230-1,  472-83;  Jordan's  Dangers  to  Foreigners, 
50-2;  Ciievas,  Porv.  Mix.,  252-7;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Relac.,  1884,  2-34,  and  docs. 
1  and  2;  Annals  Brit.  Legis.,  i.  60;  ii.  192,  365;  Hernandez  y  Ddvalos,  Col.  Doc., 
ii.  81-2,  130-1;  Herrera,  Discurso,  1-12;  Suarez  y  Navarro,  Hist.  Mej.,  386, 
407-14;  Sur  America,  Sobre  las  Perturbaciones  de  Guat.,  1-52;  Lafond,  Voy. 
autour  du  Monde,  i.  367,  373-8;  Laferriere,  De  Paris  CL  Guat.,  58-64,  256-8; 
Puydt  et  Binckum,  Colonisation,  116-24;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  ii.  305;  Urrueta, 
Inglaterra,  7-12;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  ix.  9-10;  Aznero  Plata,  Informe,  1-19; 
Espir.  Publ,  Dec.  13,  20,  1828;  Jan.  18,  Feb.  14,  1829;  Wapptius,  Mex.  und 
C.  Amer.,  258-64,  271-4,  360-3;  TroUope's  W.  Ind.,  335;  Dunns  Guatemala, 
13-29,  150-1,  167-88,  205;  Atleta,  149-50,  199-200,  477;  Guat.,  Mem.  conte- 
nant  au  Apercu,  4,  126,  146-58;  Id.,  Memoria,  1837,  12-22;  Robertsons  Hist. 
Am.,  ii.  1138-9;  El  Progreso,  April  11,  18,  25,  1850;  Tribune  Almanac,  1851, 
36;  HoUnski,  La  Calif ornie,  305-31;  Huston's  Journey  in  Hond.,  11;  Niles* 
Register,  xxii.  65;  xxiii.  406;  xxvii.  355;  xxviii.  37,  114-15,  304;  xxix.  39, 
192,  382;  xxx.  439-40;  xxxi.  160,  172-6;  xxxii.  80,  201,  232,  282,  375;  xxxiii. 
38;  xxxiv.  8,  36,  123;  xxxv.  41,  155,  349;  xxxvi.  321;  xxxviii.  369,  395;  xliii. 
268;  xlv.  210;  liv.  289;  Ivi.  49,  210,  243,  385;  Ivii.  34,  280;  lix.  191;  Emi- 
grado  Observ.,  1828,  5-24,  122,  in  Ocios  de  Espana;  Pineda,  Descnp.  Geog.,  14- 
16;  Byams  Wild  Life,  32-7;  Nouv.  Annales  Voy.,  xcii.  59-60,  75-7;  c.  51-60, 
64-6;  Young  sMosq.  Shore,  15-21,  26-33,  42-3,  53-89,  106-14,  122-38,  156,  166; 
Overland  Monthly,  xiv.  159-67;  Larrainzar,  Soconusco,  80,  132,  168, 178;  Reper- 
torio  Americano,  i.  273-89;  Eastern  Coast  C.  Am.,  8-25;  Strangeways*  Mosq., 
4-5,  59-68,  119-33,  144-8,  237-338;  Dunlap's  Cent.  Am.,  passim;  Henderson's 
Account  of  £r.  Hond.,  28-105,  165-211;  DOrbigny,  Voy.  deux  Amenques,  398- 
406;  Pim  and  Seemann's  Dottings,  314;  Nuevo  Viajero  Univ.,  iii.  609-10;  Lar- 
enaudiere,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  295-308;  Poinsett's  Notes  on  Mex.,  app.  64;  Andersons 
Commerce,  iv.  449;  Dunbar's  Mex.  Papers,  234-5;  Regil,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
iii.  239,  315;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc.,  iv.  221-35;  Boletin  Ofic.  (Mex.},  no.  14,  2; 
Diputados,  Lista  de;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  iv.  807-8;  Suarez,  Informe,  182;  Dice. 
Univ.  Hist.  Geog.,  x.  919-20,  971;  Findlay's  Directory,  i.  223,  240;  Peralta, 
Repub.  de  Costa  Rica,  4-8;  Polynesian,  iv.  166;  North  Am.  Rev.,  xiv.  420-46; 
xxvi.  136-8,  143-5;  Osborne's  Guide  to  W.  Ind.,  234,  261-2;  Wagner,  Costa 
Rica,  201-3,  231,  543-51,  568;  Crowe's  Gospel  in  C.  Am.,  115-51,  200-22;  Los 


April  17,  24,  1873;  Hassel,  Mex.  and  Guat.,  316-19;  Boddam's  Across  Cent. 
Am.,  66;  Bolet.  Extraord.  Guat.,  Oct.  16,  1832;  July  30,  1833;  Farol,  102-5; 
Von  Tempskyt  Mitla,  337-43;  Fajardo,  Informe  al  Min.  Relac.,  2-3,  14-15; 
Haelfkens  Reize  naar  Guat.,  ii.  76-97;  Id.,  Central  Amerika,  1-468;  Stephens' 
Travels  C.  Am.,  i.  11-22,  195-200,  211,  225-50,  304-7,  359;  ii.  37-8,  51-90, 
107-17,  205-9;  Thompsons  Guat.,  2,  136,  140,  160,  163,  167,  185-6,  252-8,  415, 
422-3,  509-10;  Lastarria,  La  America,  250-2;  Ortigosa,  Sermon,  p.  24;  Diaz, 
MisceL,  no.  1,  p.  1;  Costa  Rica,  Ley  Fundamental  Rcformada  (Alajuela,  1835), 
1-48;  Id.,  Ley  Fundamental  de  Costa  R.  (San  Salvador,  1825),  1-26;  Amer.  Re- 
view, Nov.  1850,  446-55;  Stout's  NIC.,  147-9,  168-75,  258-9,  358-62;  Bolet.  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  2da  ep.,  iii.  100-6;  iv.  712-15;  Mex.,  Actas  Congr.  Const.,  iv.  2; 
Id.,  Col.  Dec.  sob.  Congr.,  p.  219;  Mesa  y  Leompart,  Hist.  Amer.,  ii.  360-72; 
Martins  Hist.  W.  Ind.,  i.  163-70;  Lond.  Geog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  v.  387-92;  vi.  128, 
135;  viii.  317-27;  xi.  82-8;  Lynch,  Relacion  Puntual,  1757,  MS.,  4-19;  Otras 
Reflex,  sobre  Rejorma  en  Cent.  Am.,  1-21;  Pan.,  Docs.  Ofic.,  in  Pan.,  Col.  Doc., 


MSS.,  no.  31,  pp.  62,  66-70;  Pinart  Coll.-,  S.  Amer.  and  Guat.,  i.  221-3; 
Liceaga,  Adic.  y  Rectific.,  613;  Malte-Brun,  Precis  Geog.  Univ.,  vi.  468;  Mac- 
gregor's  Prog.  America,  i.  744-7;  Gordon's  Digest  Laws  U.  S.,  328-35;  Lunario 
de  Centro-Amer.;  El  Siglo,  Jan.  10,  May  16,  1851;  June  5,  1852;  Guat.  Com. 
and  Agric.  Co.,  133-7;  Macpherson's  Annals  of  Com.,  iii.  548;  iv.  159,  179;  El 
Observadorde  la  Repiib.  Mex.,  July  4, 1827;  Guat.,  Los  Nobles,  1-11;  Blasquez, 
Opinion  sobre  los  Chamelcos,  in  Doc.  Originates  Chiapas,  4-5;  Diario  Mex.,  xi. 
279-80;  xii.  477-80;  Amer.  Annual  Reg.,  1825-6,  40-9;  Id.,  1826-7,  171-82; 
West  Indies,  Description,  49-50;  Torrente,  Revol.  Hisp.-Am.,  i.  115;  Revue 
Amerlcaine,  i.  398-408;  Oposicion  (La.},  June  15,  1835;  Democ.  Review,  v.  609- 
10;  xxx.  547;  Pabellon  Nac.,  Nov.  21,  1844;  Nic.,  Reg.  Ofic.,  9-13,  59--60; 
Los  Altos,  Manif.  Documentado,  1-28;  Amer.  Cent.,  Reclam.  de  Interv.,  7-10; 
Lesur,  Annuaire  Hist.  Univ.,  1827,  577-8;  Cor.  Fed.  Mex.,  Nov.  9,  11,  27, 
Dec.  14,  18,  1826;  1827,  passim;  Feb.  13,  March  31,  June  14,  July  18,  Sept. 

I,  9,  14,  18,  21-2,  Oct.  28;  Amerique  Cent.,  Cie  Beige,  pt  ii.  30-2,  115-29,  160-1; 
Guat.,  Decretos,i.  nos.  1,  4,  20,  25,  31,  32,  39,  41,  134;  Morelet,  Voy.  dans 
I' Amer.   Cent.,  ii.  291;  Montgomery's  Narrative  Jour,  to  Guat.,  33-54,  142-9; 
Modern  Traveller,  Mex.  and  Guat.,  ii.  194-5,  317;  Nic.  y  Hond.,  Docs.,  1-11, 
35;  Sandoval,  Revista  Polit.,  3-7;  San  Juan,  Ocupacion,  28-43;  Alaman,  Hist. 
Mej.,  50,  291-2;  v.  57,  478,  614,  ap.  pp.  46-65,  104;  Id.,  Mem.  Presentada  d 
las  Cdmaras,  9;  Bidwell's  Panama,  347;  Hond.,  Gac.  Ofic.,  Feb.  20,  June  30, 
1853;  C.  Rica,  Gac.  Gob.,  Jan.  26,  1850;  Gac.  Nic.,  April  1,  June  17,  1865; 
July  20,  1867;  Santangelo,  Congr.  Panama,  73-5;  Saravla,  Bosq.  Polit.  Estad., 
17-18;  El  Semanal  Nicaragilense,  i.  44;  Baily's  Cent.  Am.,  81-2;  Mex.  Finan., 
April  18,  1885,  pp.  40-2;  Mex.  y  Guat.,  Guest.  Limites,  52-3;  Nic.,  Nueva  Dis- 
cusion,  6;  Gac.  Salv.,  Oct.  12,  1854;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb. -May  1875,  pas- 
sim; March  2,  28,  Sept.  9,  1876;  Sept.  20,  1878;  June  20,  Sept.  5,  1879;  Mex., 
Mem.  Guerra,  1833,  p.  8;  Id.,  Mem.  Relac.,  1823,  pp.  11-12;  1827,  p.  11;  1829, 
p.  2;  1832,  pp.  2-3;  1833,  pp.  1-2,  1835,  pp.  3-4;  1838,  p.  9;  1839,  pp.  2-3; 
1839,  MS.,  pp.  12-13;  1840,  p.  2;  1841,  in  Diario  Gob.  Mex.,  Jan.  24,  1841, 
p.  1;  Mex.,  Mem.,  ii.,  docs.  1,  5,  8;  Id.,  Mem.  Min.  Relac.,  i.,  docs.  2,  4,  5,  9, 

II,  12,  13;  Nic.,  Memoria,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamphl.,  iii.,  no.   1,  4-28;  Payne's 
Hist.  Europ.  Colonies,  324-32;  Quart.  Review,  xxviii.  157-61;  Gac.  de  Guat., 
Oct.  7,  1853;  May  5,  Dec.  22,  1854;  Costa  Rica,  Bolet.  Ofic.,  Jan.  13,  24,  27, 
Feb.  3,  7,  14,  17,  28,  March  14,  17,  1855;  Mill's  Mex.,  205-19;  Aim.,  Ruiz 
Calend.  Salv.,  1873,  66-71;  Id.,  Guat.  Guia,  1853,  13-14;  Id.,  Hond,,  1829,  5, 
18-37,  56-64,  90-5,  124-7,  133-48;  Cabildo,  Informe  que  el  Cabildo,  1-75;  Can- 
celada,  Tel.  Mex.,  104-11;  Chatfield's  Letter  to  Lord  Palmerston,  Dec.  13,  1847; 
Id.,  Letter  to  Guat.  Govt,  Dec.  10,  1847,  in  Mosq.,  Correspond,  respecting  Mosq. 
Terr.,  170-2;  La  Nacion,  Sept.  8,  1856;  Mosq.  Kuste  und  Texas,  29-30;  Conk- 
ling's  Guide,  335-6;  National  Calendar,  18;  Conder's  Mex.  and  Guat.,  195-7; 
Centro-Am6r.,  La  Situacion,  1-17;  Cande,  Golfe  de  Hond.,  5-9;  Centro-Amer., 
Informe  sobre   la  Constit.,  p.  73,  and  p.  30;   Id.,    Convencion,  1-32;   Centro- 
Americano,  passim;  C6rtes,  Actas  Publ,  ii.,  April  23,  1814,  p.  320;  Castellon, 
Docs.  Relat.,  36,  104;  El  Nacional,  June  19,  26,  July  5,  31,  Aug.  14,  Sept.  25, 
Dec.  11,  1858;  Jan.  22,   1859;  Sept.  8,   1860;  Mosqueto  Indian,  in  Churchill's 
Coll.,  vi.  300-11;  Bericht  Mosquitolandes,  5-7,  12,  23,  28,  31-43,  220-7;  Cor. 
Atldntico,  May  9,  1835;  Benton's  Thirty  Years'   View,  65-9;  Id.,  Debates  in 
Cong.,  vii.  383-4;  viii.  737,  746;  ix.  769;  x.  746;  xi.  767;  Mosaico  Mex.,  ii.  232, 
342,  344,  462;  Nadonalklad  Espaiiola;  Mosquito  Docs.,  nos.  77-229;  Nic.,  Bolet. 
Ofic.,  Sept.  6,  1862;  Id.,  Constit.,  1838,  1-39;  Id.,  Docs.  Dip.  Hist.,  18-22;  Id., 
Cor.  1st.,  July  1,  1849;  Oct.  3,  1850;  Id.,  De  Orden  del  Director;  Munoz,  De~ 
fensa  Llaves  San  Pedro;  Obispa  de  CM.,  153-64,  451-54;  C6rtes,  Diario,  1811, 
viii.  33;  1813,  xix.  404;  1821,  ext.  i.,  Sept.  22,  p.  7;  ext.  iv.,  Nov.  18,  pp. 
12-13;  1835-6,  ii.  227;  La  Union,  Dec.  1,  1849;  Jan.  1,   1850;  La  Union  de 
Nic.,  Jan.  5,  1861;  El  Universal,  April  18,  1850;  April  16,  1853;   Voy.,  New 
Univ.  Col.}  ii.  374-8;    Verdaderas  Razones,  1-13;    Viagera  Univ.,  xxvii.  174-7, 
189-91;    Vera  Paz,  Colonisation  de,  4;  El  Veracruzano  Libre,   June  13,  1828; 
Valois,   Mexique,    154-9,   209-27,   316-19;  Cent.  Am.  Papers,   i.-v.,   passim; 
Papeles  Varios,  xix.  pt  18;  cxxi.  pt  i. ;  cxxiv.  pt  9;  cxlix.  pt  7;  clx.  pt  19; 
clxvii.  pt  5;  ccxxvi.  pt  10;  United  Service  Jour.,  1833,  pt  ii.  456;  U.  S.  Govt 


Docs.,  Commercial  Rel.,  1866,  567-8;  1868,  302,  728-9;  Id.,  Cong.  Globe,  1838- 
9,  91;  Id.,  Cong.  Debates,  1825-6,  i.  1303-5;  1831-2,  i.  767-74;  Id.,  Amer. 
State  Pap.,  For.  ReL,  v.  774-82;  Id.,  19th  cong.,  2d  sess.,  U.  S.  Acts,  pp.  8- 
31;  Sen.  Doc.  1,  vol.  i.,  pp.  149-70;  Id.,  26th  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  2, 
p.  6;  Id.,  30th  cong.  2d  sess.,  H.  Com.  Kept,  145,  pp.  383-5;  Filisola,  Mem. 
Guerra  Tex.,  ii.  88-9;  Id.,  A  la  Junta  Soberana  de  Guat.,  1-8;  Gazeta  de  Guat., 
vi.  21,  177-84,  443;  ix.  757;  xi.  4-7,  91-2,  120-4;  xiii.  353,  369-76;  xiv.  1- 
16,  82,  265;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  i.  326-7;  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la 
Patria,  MS.,  4;  Id.,  Hist.  IturUde,  160-1,  176;  Id.,  Cuadro  Hist.,  MS.,  vii. 
108-19;  viii.  177-9;  Porvenir  de  Nk.,  Oct.  22,  29,  1871;  July  20,  1873;  Perez, 
Hem.  Camp.  National,  82,  154;  Id.,  Biog.  Sacasa,  3-5;  Frisch,  Staaten  von 
Mex.,  55-62,  73-8;  Kewens  Nic.  and  Walker,  MS.,  27-36,  39-60,  64-85;  Costa 
Rica,  Col.  Leyes,  iii.  43-5,  101-18,  129-31,  144-67,  169-88,  280-2,  297-8,  304-6; 
iv.-v.,  passim;  vi.  41-3,  276-86,  304-5,  319-20;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  71-5,  137, 
350-2;  Romero,  Bosq.  Hist.,  42-5,  66-233,  395-417,  639-795;  Pineda  de  Mont., 
in  Guat.,  Recop.  Leyes,  iii.  347-8;  Cent.  Am.,  Mem.  Hist.  Revol.,  passim;  Mem. 
Hist.  Centfo-Am.,  1-72;  Marure,  Bosq.  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  passim;  Id.,  Efem. 
Hechos  Notables,  passim. 




CARRILLO,  believing  himself  clothed  with  unlimited 
authority,  on  the  8th  of  March,  1841,  issued  what  he 
called  a  'leyde  garantias,'  giving  himself  a  life  tenure 
of  office  and  inviolability.1  The  supreme  government 
was  made  to  consist  of  the  executive,  and  two  cham- 
bers, named  respectively  'consultiva'  and  'judicial/ 
whose  members  were  to  be  chosen  by  electoral  col- 
leges.2 Intending  to  celebrate  with  eclat  the  inaugu- 
ration of  the  cdmara  consultiva,  Carrillo  recalled  from 
exile  Juan  Mora  and  four  others.3  The  consultiva, 
following  Carrillo's  wishes,  elected  Manual  Antonio 

1  Molina,  who  denies  that  Carrillo  was  disposed  to  be  tyrannical,  but  on 
the  contrary  anxious  for  the  good  of  his  country,  adding  that  he  was  '  severo 
y  sencillo  en  su  conducta,  y  que  paliaba  su  arbitrariedad  con  el  ejercicio  de 
las  virtudes  mas  relevantes  en  un  mandatario, '  confesses  that  on  the  present 
occasion  this  great  man  committed  a  grave  error.  Bosq.  Costa  JR.,  103;  Costa 
fi.  Dec.  de  garan.  y  bases,  24  mo.;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  viii.   15-36,  41-2;  Salv.t 
Diario  Ofic.,  May  25,  1875. 

2  The  former  was  constituted  with  as  many  members  as  there  were  de- 
partments, namely,  four.     The  latter  was  composed  of  a  president,  two  rela- 
tores  fiscales,  and  four  justices. 

3  He  insulted  them,  however,  by  providing  that  they  should  be  under  the 
surveillance  of  the  authorities.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  vii.  42. 



Bonilla  segundo  jefe.4  The  enemies  of  the  present 
ruler  were  numerous,  and  increasing.  They  called 
Morazan  to  their  aid,  through  General  Bermudez  of 

Morazan  sailed  from  Chiriqui  in  Panama,  and  after 
visiting  several  places  in  Central  America  landed 
with  about  500  men  at  Caldera5  on  the  7th  of  April, 
1842.  With  him  were  generals  Saget,  Cabanas,  Sa- 
ravia,  and  Bascon.6  Carrillo  heard  of  the  invasion 
in  the  evening  of  the  8th,  and  at  once  assumed  per- 
sonal command  of  the  troops  to  operate  against  the 
enemy,  turning  over  the  executive  office  to  Bonilla, 
the  vice-jefe,7  and  providing  other  measures  for  an 
active  campaign.  Nearly  1,000  men  under  Colonel 
Vicente  Villasenor  composed  the  expedition,  among 
whose  captains  and  lieutenants  were  some  of  the 
wealthiest  persons  in  the  country.8  Morazan  had 
issued  a  manifesto  assuring  the  Costa  Bicans  that  his 
policy  would  be  one  of  order,  union,  and  progress,  to 
accomplish  which  Braulio  Carrillo  must  be  ousted 
from  power.  As  the  government  forces  approached 
the  invaders,  Villasenor  made  known  its  contents  to 
his  command,  and  asked  whether  they  were  for  fight- 
ing or  for  a  peaceable  arrangement.  Both  officers  and 
men  almost  unanimously9  favored  the  latter,  and  a 
convention  was  concluded  at  Jocote  on  the  llth  of 
April,  by  virtue  of  which  the  two  forces  fraternized, 

*  He  was  married  to  a  niece  of  Carrillo.  Bonilla  was  faithful  to  him  in 
life,  and  to  his  memory  after  death. 

5  According  to  Col  Bernardo  Rivera  Cabezas.     Barrundia  makes  the  force 
only  300.     He  had  at  first  landed  at  La  Union,  in  Salvador,  with  22  officers 
of  all  ranks,  and  marched  upon  San  Miguel,  where  he  recruited  200  men,  and 
then  returned  to  La  Union.     He  next  visited  Acajutla  and  Sonsonate,  where 
he  ascertained  the  state  of  public  affairs  in  Salvador  and  Guatemala,  after 
holding  some  correspondence  with  the  chiefs  of  the  former  state  and  Nica- 
ragua.    The  latter  answered  very  offensively.    Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iv. 
47-55,   145.     Entertaining  a  favorable  idea  of   the  invitation   sent  him   by 
the  Costa  Ricans,  he  sailed  for  the  isle  of  Martin  Perez,  in  the  gulf  of  Fonseca, 
where  he  finally  organized  his  expedition  and  embarked  it  on  the  vessels 
Cruzador,  Asuncion  Granadina,  Josef  a,  Isabel  II. ,  and  Cosmopolita. 

6  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  55-6;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  14,  1875. 

7  Costa  R.,  Col  Ley.,  vii.  248-50. 

8  Among  them  were  Vicente  Aguilar,  Francisco  and  Mariano  Montealegre, 
and  Rafael  Barroeta. 

alfc  is  understood  that  Rafael  Barroeta  was  the  sole  exception. 


becoming  one  army.  It  was  further  agreed  that  a 
constituent  assembly  should  be  called  to  reoganize 
the  state,  the  government  meanwhile  remaining  in 
charge  of  Morazan,  or  in  his  absence  in  that  of  Vicente 
Villasenor.10  This  convention  was  accepted  on  the 
next  day  at  San  Jose  by  Carrillo,  with  a  few  additions 
which  did  in  no  wise  vitiate  it,  and  Morazan  afterward 
ratified  the  whole  at  Heredia.11  He  was  enthusiasti- 
cally welcomed  at  Alajuela  and  Heredia,  and  with  an 
augmented  force  marched  on  San  Jose,  which  he 
entered  without  hindrance.  As  jefe  supremo  pro- 
visorio  he  made  Jose  Miguel  Saravia  his  sole  minister 
of  state,  and  issued  a  proclamation  embodying  com- 
plete forgetfulness  of  all  past  political  offences,  and 
tendering  an  asylum  in  Costa  Rica  to  all  persons,  of 
whatever  party,  suffering  persecution  in  the  other 
states.12  He  next  appointed  a  committee  to  revise 
the  laws  enacted  by  Carrillo,  with  the  view  of  repeal- 
ing such  as  were  deemed  unwise  or  arbitrary,  and  a 
number  of  them  were  accordingly  annulled,  the  pre- 
posterous one  of  March  8,  1841,  not  being,  of  course, 
excepted.  The  state  constitution  of  January  21,  1825, 
was  revived,  and  the  people  were  called  upon  to  elect 
a  constituent  assembly,  which  was  to  meet  at  San 
Jose  on  the  10th  of  July.13  This  body,  composed  of 
thirteen  members,  one  of  whom  was  the  distinguished 
ex-jefe  Juan  Mora,  was  installed  on  the  appointed 

10  Carrillo  was  to  leave  the  country  with  a  full  pledge  of  safety  to  his  fam- 
ily and  property.     The  convention  was  signed  by  Morazan,  Villasenor,  gen- 
erals Saget,  Saravia,  and  Rascon,  5  colonels,  and  the  other  assenting  officers 
of  all  ranks,  including  5  Texiguas. 

11  Carrillo  'left  the  state  from  Puntarenas.     Bonilla  was  also  guaranteed 
security.  Montitfar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  615-19;  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixii.,  275.     Both 
Carrillo  and  Aguilar  died  out  of  Costa  R. ;  the  former  was  killed,  and  his 
murderer  executed.     Funeral  honors  were  paid  in  Costa  R.  to  Aguilar,  Aug. 
25,  1846.   Costa  R.,  Col  Ley.,  ix.  289-90.     The  remains  of  both  ex-chiefs  were 
brought  home  by  Presid.  Castro's  decree  of  Nov.  5,  1848.     Id.,  x.  365-8;  El 
Salvador  Reyenerado,  June  4,  1842. 

12  Dated  April  14,  1842.  Id.,  vii.  250-1. 

13  A  general  order  was  given  to  prevent  any  interference  with  the  elections 
on  the  part  of  the  troops.     Copies  of  Morazan 's  decrees  to  undo  the  evils  of 
his  predecessor,  and  to  prepare  for  the  reorganization  of  the  state  on  liberal 
principles,  are  furnished  in  Id.,  236-342,  passim;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii. 


day  under  the  presidency  of  Jose  F.  Peralta,  deputy 
for  Cartago,  and  on  the  15th  of  July  unanimously 
elected  Morazan  provisional  jefe  of  the  state.14 

The  great  political  change  thus  effected  in  Costa 
Rica  greatly  alarmed  the  reactionists;  and  specially 
those  of  Guatemala,  who  lost  no  time  in  adopting 
measures  to  destroy  Morazan.  This  chief,  on  the 
other  hand,  took  steps  toward  the  reorganization  of 
Central  America,  equipping  troops  therefor.  Some  of 
his  measures  were  deemed  too  severe,  giving  rise  to 
rebellion  in  some  localities.  There  were  intimate  rela- 
tions between  Carrera  of  Guatemala  and  General 
Antonio  Pinto  of  Costa  Rica,  as  well  as  between  the 
serviles  of  both  states,  who,  together  with  the  clergy, 
worked  to  promote  a  revolt.  An  attempt  in  Guana- 
caste  by  Colonel  Manuel  A.  Molina  failed,  and  caused 
his  arrest,  trial,  and  execution  at  Puntarenas.15  Colo- 
nel Molina  was  a  son  of  Pedro  Molina,  the  noted 
champion  of  free  principles,  and  however  legal  his 
execution  may  have  been,  it  was  certainly  impolitic. 
His  sentence  might  have  been  commuted,  thus  avert- 
ing the  disruption  which  at  once  broke  out  in  the 
liberal  ranks.16 

Saget  was  at  Puntarenas  attending  to  the  embarka- 

14  Again  on  the  30th  of  Aug.  it  authorized  the  continuation  of  his  govern- 
ment till  a  new  constitution  should  be  framed.     The  same  day  it  reaffirmed 
Morazan  ?s  extraordinary  powers,  and  on  the  2d  of  Sept.  adjourned  to  reassem- 
ble April  1,  1843.     Among  the  most  noted  acts  of  this  convention  were  the 
following:  A  vote  of  thanks  and  other  honors  to  Morazan  and  Villasenor,  the 
latter  being  awarded  a  gold  medal  with  an  honorable  inscription.     Morazan 
was  given  the  title  of  Libertador  de  Costa  Rica;  and  on  his  refusing  to  pub- 
lish the  decree,  the  assembly  specially  requested  him  to  do  so.     The  army 
that  brought  about  the  change  was  honored  with  the  name  of  Division  Liber- 
tadora  de  Costa  Rica.     The  assembly  also  made  a  formal  declaration  on  the 
20th  of  July,  in  favor  of  a  federal  republic.  Costa  R.,  Col  Ley.,  vii.  342-51, 
379-82,  403. 

15  It  was  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  military  code.     His  brother  Fe- 
lipe, in  relating  the  occurrence,  says  that  a  disappointment  in  love,  and  his 
removal  from  the  comandancia  of  the  department,  preyed  upon  his  mind,  *  le 
sobrevino  una  fiebre,  perdio  la  razon,  y  se  hizo  criminal. '     But  he  subsequently 
declared  his  loyalty  to  Morazan,  and  while  lying  on  a  bed  of  sickness  was 
arrested.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  104. 

16  Molina  did  not  hear  of  his  son's  fate  till  after  the  15th  of  Sept.    Greatly 
agitated,  and  shedding  tears  for  Morazan's  end,  his  son-in-law,  Irungaray, 
told  him  not  to  bewail  the  fate  of  Morazan,  for  he  had  spilled  the  blood  of 
Manuel  Angel.     These  words  so  shocked  the  aged  patriot  that  he  fell  sense- 
less to  the  ground. 


tion  of  45  officers,  200  men,  2,000  or  3,000  muskets, 
and  about  1,300  pounds  of  powder  and  lead.  At  Ala- 
juela  were  300  recruits  of  that  department  and  100  of 
Cartago,  all  commanded  by  Florentin  Alfaro.  This 
officer  was  won  over  by  Morazan's  enemies,  and  revolt- 
ing on  the  llth  of  September  marched  upon  San  Jose, 
where  the  people  followed  his  example.  The  revolu- 
tionists then  called  General  Pinto  to  the  command.17 
Morazan's  body-guard  of  forty  Salvadorans  thrice  re- 
pulsed the  assailants,  but  finally  had  to  retreat  to  the 
chief  barracks.18  The  jefe,  together  with  Cordero,  Ca- 
banas, and  Sara  via,  and  80  men  sustained  another  ter- 
rible onslaught  on  the  1 2th.  The  besiegers  were  con- 
stantly on  the  increase  till  they  numbered  5,000,  and 
the  besieged  on  the  decrease  by  death  and  desertion.19 
Chaplain  Jose  Antonio  Castro  came  to  propose  a 
capitulation  based  on  Morazan's  abandonment  of  the 
country,  and  a  pledge  of  security  to  his  supporters. 
Believing  that  his  loyalty  and  military  honor  were  at 
stake,  Morazan  declined  the  propositions.20  Pinto's 
secretary,  Vicente  Herrera,  was  very  virulent,  de- 
manding Morazan's  blood;  and  the  chaplain  reported 
that  the  jefe  wanted  war,  refusing  to  recognize  any 
authority  on  the  part  of  his  adversaries  to  give  pledges, 
which  enraged  their  commander  and  his  secretary  all 
the  more.21  The  fight  continued,  and  blood  flowed 

17  He  was  a  Portuguese  who  came  to  Costa  Rica  while  still  young.     In  his 
early  years  he  had  been  in  the  naval  service,  and  acquired  some  skill  as  an 
artilleryman.     He  married  into  a  respectable  family  of  San  Jose,  and  had 
numerous  descendants.    By  the  cultivation  of  coffee  he  made  himself  wealthy, 
and  this  together  with  his  connection  with  the  Carrillo  family  enabled  him  to 
attain  the  position  of  comandante  general,  and  to  link  his  name  with  some 
important  events.     At  his  house  the  worst  enemies  of  Morazan  had  always 
been  welcomed.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  647-8. 

18  There  were  two  barracks  in  San  Jose;  one  his  guard  occupied;  in  the 
other  were  150  men  from  Cartago  who  had  no  ammunition.  ElSiglo,  Aug.  16, 

19  Morazan  tried  to  save  his  wife;  but  in  traversing  the  street  to  reach  the 
house  of  the  Escalantes,  amidst  the  deadly  fire,  she  was  taken  by  the  enemy 
and  conveyed  to  the  house  of  Father  Blanco,  a  brother  of  Luz  Blanco,  one  of 
Morazan's  mortal  foes. 

2(}  He  would  have  met  with  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  security  for  Saravia, 
who  was  much  esteemed  by  all.  But  the  case  was  different  with  others, 
especially  Villasenor,  against  whom  much  animosity  was  felt. 

21  Herrera  was  a  student  when  he  gained  this  unenviable  notoriety.     He 


freely.22  Mayorga,  comandante  at  Cartago,  rebelled, 
and  Morazan's  situation  had  become  a  desperate  one 
on  the  13th.  No  reinforcements  could  reach  him,  and 
provisions  were  exhausted.  Juan  Mora  and  Chaplain 
Castro  endeavored  to  bring  about  an  arrangement, 
but  the  terms  offered,  being  oppressive,  were  rejected. 
The  firing  was  resumed  between  one  and  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  the  14th.  Morazan  and  his  hand- 
ful of  supporters,  worn  out  by  fatigue,  hunger,  and 
wounds,  made  their  way  through  the  besiegers  and 
reached  Cartago,23  Cabanas  covering  the  retreat  with 
30  men.  Mayorga's  wife,  who  disapproved  her  hus- 
band's disloyalty,  sent  them  word  of  their  danger. 
But  it  came  too  late.  Morazan  and  the  rest  were 
surrounded  and  captured.  Young  Francisco  Morazan 
and  Saravia,  arriving  a  little  later,  were  also  secured. 
Deception  toward  Cabanas  was  used,24  and  treachery 
toward  Morazan,  who  was  promised  his  life. 

Early  the  next  morning,  an  officer  named  Dario 
Orozco  came  to  inform  Morazan  and  his  companions 
that  they  were  to  be  put  in  irons,  by  demand  of  the 
troops.  Saravia  rose  and  seized  a  pistol  to  blow  his 
brains  out ;  but  Morazan  prevented  the  suicide,  though 
only  for  a  few  moments.  He  then  walked  a  while 
smoking,  and  finally  submitted  to  have  the  shackles 
put  on  his  feet,  and  just  as  it  was  being  done  he  had 
a  horrible  convulsion  which  ended  in  death.  It  is 

afterward  went  to  Guatemala  to  complete  his  studies,  and  was  well  treated 
and  much  aided  by  Juan  Jose  Aycinena  and  Manuel  F.  Pavon;  and  he  be- 
came their  most  humble  henchman.  Returning  to  Costa  Rica  as  a  lawyer,  he 
was  appointed  after  a  while  a  justice  of  the  supreme  court.  On  many  occa- 
sions he  proved  himself  unprincipled,  treacherous,  and  contemptible. 

22  Over  100  killed  and  200  wounded. 

23  He  had  wanted  to  go  to  Tarcoles,  expecting  to  find  Saget  there,  but 
was  dissuaded  by  Villasenor  and  others. 

24  The  Spaniard  Espinach,  a  reactionist  of  some  standing  who  acted  as  a 
commissioner  of  the  revolutionists,  fearing  that  Morazan's  popularity  in  Car- 
tago might  bring  on  a  counter-movement,  and  in  order  to  avert  it,  asked 
Morazan  to  instruct  Cabanas  to  lay  down  his  arms,  and  to  command  Saget  to 
deliver  those  he  had  in  Puntarenas.     He  assured  Morazan  his  life  was  in  no 
peril.     His  next  step  was  to  meet  Cabanas  at  Chomogo,  telling  him  Morazan 
was  leaving  the  state  by  the  Matina  road  with  sufficient  money,  and  advising 
him  to  disband  his  men.     Cabanas  was  deceived,  and  went  alone  to  Matina, 
where  he  was  taken  prisoner. 


said  that  he  had  swallowed  poison.  The  shackles 
were  riveted  on  a  corpse!25  Villasenor  stabbed  him- 
self with  a  dagger,  and  fell  to  the  ground  covered  with 
blood,  unfortunately  for  him,  not  dead.  Morazan  was 
shackled.  The  prisoners  were  at  once  taken  to  San 
Jose.  Morazan,  though  wounded,  rode  on  horseback, 
and  Villasenor  was  carried  in  a  hammock;  but  on 
arriving  at  the  Cuesta  de  las  Moras,  Captain  Benavi- 
des,  a  Peruvian  who  commanded  their  guard,  made 
them  walk,  to  the  court-house.  Morazan  on  the  way 
conversed  with  Pardo  and  Vijil,  and  remembering 
that  it  was  the  15th  of  September,  remarked  to  Vijil, 
"  How  solemnly  we  are  keeping  the  anniversary  of  in- 
dependence ! "  The  other  prisoners  were  confined  in 
the  building  called  Los  Almacenes,  and  Morazan  was 
left  with  Villasenor  as  his  sole  companion. 

Moderate  men  strongly  urged  a  strict  observance  of 
law,  aside  from  prejudice  or  passion;26  but  their  voice 
was  drowned  in  the  uproar  of  the  enemies  of  Mora- 
zan,27 clamoring  for  his  death  without  form  of  trial, 
regardless  of  the  requirements  of  the  constitution  of 
1825,  and  of  the  fact  that  he  was  the  legitimate  chief 

^Marure,  Efem.t  56.  Saravia  was  a  son  of  Miguel  Gonzalez  Saravia,  the 
governor  of  Nicaragua,  who  attached  that  province  to  Iturbide's  empire,  and 
a  grandson  of  General  Saravia,  president  and  captain-general  of  Guatemala, 
who  had  been  appointed  viceroy  of  Mexico,  and  was  shot  by  Morelos  in  Oajaca. 
Young  Saravia  s  mother,  Concepcion  Najera  y  Batres,  was  of  the  leaders  of 
Guatemalan  society,  for  which  reason  the  aristocratic  party  expected  much 
from  him.  But  after  completing  his  education,  with  evidences  of  extraordi- 
nary talents,  he  often  gave  expression  to.  the  most  liberal  ideas.  Before  being 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1834  he  had  served  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  the 
senate,  and  later  as  a  chief  of  bureau  in  the  department  of  foreign  affairs. 
He  afterward  held  a  judicial  appointment,  being  at  all  times  noted  for  ability 
and  eloquence,  as  well  as  for  his  writings  in  El  Semanario,  which  attracted 
the  attention  of  Morazan,  who  made  him  auditor  de  guerra  of  the  federal 
army.  From  that  time  Saravia  followed  Morazan 's  fortunes,  taking  part  in 
several  actions  of  war,  and  thus  attaining  the  rank  of  general.  He  was  also 
this  leader's  aide-de-camp,  private  secretary,  and  minister-general,  both  in 
Salvador  and  Costa  Rica.  A  portrait  of  the  young  general  gives  him  quite  a 
distinguished  air. 

26  Among  them  were  Mariano  Montealegre,  Juan  de  los  Santos  Madriz, 
and  Jose  M.  Castro. 

27  The  most  virulent  were  Luz  Blanco  and  Herrera.     They  even  worked 
upon  the  feelings  of  Pinto's  family,  and  it  is  said  that  his  daughter  Petronila 
imagined  that  she  saw  her  father  sent  to  the  scaffold  by  Morazan,  and  fell  in 
a  convulsion. 


of  the  state.28  But  nothing  availed  to  save  his  life. 
Pinto,  like  his  prototype  Pontius  Pilate,  after  a  slight 
hesitation,  signed  the  order  of  execution  of  both  Mora- 
zan  and  Villasenor,  to  be  carried  out  within  three 
hours.  Morazan  then  summoned  his  son  Francisco, 
and  dictated  to  him  his  last  will  and  testament;  some 
of  its  clauses  are  epitomized  below.29  After  placing 
in  charge  of  Montealegre  a  handkerchief  and  a  few 
other  objects  for  his  wife,  so  soon  to  become  a  widow, 
he  walked  with  dignity  and  a  firm  step  to  the  place 
of  execution.  Villasenor,  who  was  nearly  dead  from 
his  wound,  was  carried  in  a  chair.  On  arriving  at 
the  fatal  spot  Morazan  embraced  Villasenor,  saying, 
"My  dear  friend,  posterity  will  do  us  justice." '  Bar- 
rundia  thus  describes  the  last  moments  of  the  ex- 
president:  He  gave  the  order  to  prepare  arms,  saw 
that  a  good  aim  was  taken,  then  gave  the  command 
to  fire,  and  fell  to  the  ground.  Still  raising  his  bleed- 
ing head,  he  cried  out:  "I  am  yet  alive;"  when  a  sec- 
ond volley  despatched  him.  Thus  on  the  15th  of 
September,  the  anniversary  of  Central  American  in- 
dependence, just  as  the  sun  was  sinking  in  the  west, 
the  soul  of  the  noble  patriot  returned  to  the  region 
whence  it  came.30 

28  Morazan  had  demanded  a  trial.     He  also  desired  to  address  a  circular 
to  the  governments  of  the  states,  but  it  was  not  permitted  him. 

29  He  declared  that  he  had  expended  the  whole  of  his  own  and  his  wife's 
estate,  besides  $18,000  due  to  Gen.  Bermudez,  in  endowing  Costa  Rica  with 
a  government  of  laws.     This  was  his  sole  offence,  for  which  he  had  been  con- 
demned to  lose  his  life,  which  was  further  aggravated  by  a  broken  pledge, 
for  he  had  been  assured  by  Espinach  that  his  life  would  be  spared.     The 
forces  he  had  organized  were  originally  intended  to  defend  Guanacaste  against 
an  expected  attack  from  Nicaragua.     Subsequently  a  number  of  volunteers 
were  detached  for  the  pacification  of  the  republic.     He  reiterated  his  love  for 
Central  America,  urging  upon  the  youth  of  the  land  to  imitate  his  example, 
and  fight  to  redeem  her.     He  finally  disclaimed  any  enmity  or  rancor  toward 
his  murderers,  forgiving  them  and  wishing  them  every  possible  happiness. 
In  that  instrument,  says  Barrundia,  '  se  ve  diafana  el  alma,  noble,  tranquila, 
y  generosa  del  heroe  que  descendia  a  la  tumba.' 

30  The  remains  lay  in  Costa  Rica  till,  under  a  decree  of  Pres.  Castro,  Nov. 
6,  1848,  they  were  exhumed  on  the  27th,  and  after  paying  honors  on  the  4th 
of  Dec.,  were  surrendered,  according  to  Morazan 's  wishes,  to  Salvador,  by 
whose  authorities  they  were  received  with  high  military  and  civic  honors. 
Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  368-9.     Carrera  afterward  treated  them  with  indig- 
nity. Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iii.  656;   iv.  219-20,  250-3;  v.  650-2,  665-6; 
Testam,ya.  Cent.  Am.  Pap.,  No.  2.     Further  particulars  on  Morazan's  rule  in 
Costa  Rica,  and  on  his  death  and  interment,  may  be  found  in  JVzc.,  Correo  1st., 


Morazan's  death  caused  much  satisfaction  to  the 
ruling  powers  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras.31  In 
Guatemala  it  was  an  occasion  for  rejoicing,  with  high 
mass  and  other  religious  ceremonies.32  The  time 
came,  however,  when  Morazan's  greatness  was  recog- 
nized in  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  when  the  servile 
element  no  longer  had  a  voice  in  public  affairs.33 
Relations  had  been  suspended  by  the  Guatemalan 
government  with  that  of  Costa  Rica,  while  the  latter 
recognized  Morazan  as  its  chief.34  Treaties  of  union 
and  mutual  defence  had  been  made  by  the  states  of 
Guatemala,  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  and  Honduras  against 
Costa  Rica  on  the  7th  and  16th  of  October.35  After 
Morazan's  downfall  an  attempt  was  made  to  prevail  on 

May  1,  1849;  Niks'  Reg.,  Ixiii.,  19,  176;  Me.,  Registro  Ofic.,  No.  2,  7;  Squier's 
Trav.,  ii.  444-9;  Wappcitis,  Hex.  und  Cent.  Am.,  361;  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am., 
142;  El  Prorjreso,  Oct.  3,  1850;  Crowe's  Gospel,  152-3;  Wagner,  Costa  R., 
203-5;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  217-22;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  73-4;  Wells  Hond.,  484- 
93;  Salv.,  Dlario  Ofic.,  Feb.  14,  1875;  Robert  Glascow  Dunlop,  Travels  in  Cen- 
tral America;  London,  1847,  8°,  358  pp.  and  map,  is  a  work  purporting  to  be 
a  journal  of  nearly  three  years'  residence  in  Central  America,  and  giving  a 
sketch  of  the  history  of  the  republic,  together  with  an  account  of  the  phys- 
ical peculiarities,  agriculture,  commerce,  and  state  of  society.  Much  of  the 
information  therein  is  correct;  but  on  historical  and  social  topics  the  author, 
who  was  a  Scotchman,  displayed  narrow-mindedness,  and  a  judgment  warped 
by  British  prejudices. 

31  In  the  latter — his  native  state — his  last  will  was  published  in  the  official 
journal  in  the  column  of  varieties  with  offensive  remarks.     These  notes,  and 
indeed  the  whole  conduct  of  the  authorities,  were  disgraceful.  El  Redactor, 
Ofic.  de  Hond.,  Sept.  15,  1843. 

32  The  priest  Juan  Jose  Aycinena,  who  was  the  minister  of  state,  hated 
Morazan  with  a  deadly  hatred  from  the  day  that  his  brother  was  defeated  at 
San  Antonio.     This  animosity  became   more   intensified,   if  possible,   upon 
Morazan  contemptuously  rejecting  the  dictatorship  that  was  tendered  him. 
Morazan  said  in  his  last  will  that  his  death  was  an  assassination,  as  he  had 
not  been  allowed  any  form  of  trial.     But  the  worthy  padre  and  his  accomplice 
in  iniquity,  Carrera,  attributed  the  crime  to  heaven,  and  made  Rivera  Paz, 
chief  of  state,  accuse  providence  of  aiding  Vicente  Herrera  and  Luz  Blanco  in 
its  perpetration. 

33  Honors  were  paid  to  his  memory  in  the  city  of  Guatemala  in  1876;  a 
statue  was  erected  to  him  by  Honduras  in  1883.  La  Regeneration,  July  10, 
1876;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1884,  2-3,  and  doc.  1,  2. 

34  Every  abusive  epithet  was  applied  to  him  in  the  official  press;  tyrant, 
bandit,  monster,  were  among  the  mildest.     The  aim  was  to  make  him  appear 
in  the  eyes  of  the  ignorant  as  the  only  obstacle  to  peace  and  reorganization; 
and  the  masses  believed  that  he  was  the  author  of  all  the  evils  under  the  sun. 
Gac.  de  Guat.,  Oct.  28,  1842. 

35  The  subscribing  commissioners  were  Manuel  F.  Pavon,  for  Guatemala; 
Pedro  Nolasco  Arriaga,  for  Honduras;  and  Joaquin  Duran,  for  the  other  two 
states.     Inasmuch  as  Arriaga  and  Duran  were  Aycinena's  and  Pavon's  hum- 
ble satellites,  the  treaties  might  just  as  well  have  been  signed  Pavon,  Pavon, 
Pavon.  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  129-33;  Guat.,  Recop.  Leg.,  i.  395-408 


the  new  government  to  subscribe  to  these  treaties,  but 
it  failed.36 

On  the  23d  of  September  the  civil  and  other  authori- 
ties at  San  Jose  passed  acts  setting  aside  the  su- 
preme powers  that  had  ruled  the  state  since  its  occupa- 
tion by  Morazan,  and  proclaiming  J.  M.  Alfaro  as  jefe 
provisorio,  with  Antonio  Pinto  as  comandante  gen- 
eral.37 These  acts  were  subsequently  confirmed  by  the 
people  of  the  state.38  Among  Alfaro's  first  measures 
were  to  forbid  the  return  of  political  exiles,  including 
Carrillo;  to  check  attempts  at  rebellion;  to  invite 
Morazan's  soldiers  to  return  to  their  homes;39  to  re- 
store confiscated  property;  to  establish  an  official 
journal;  and  to  raise  a  forced  loan.40  Disregarding 
the  remonstrances  of  Guatemala,  the  government,  of 
which  Josd  Maria  Castro  was  now  minister-general, 
by  its  decree  of  the  5th  of  April,  1843,  called  upon  the 
people  to  send  deputies  to  a  constituent  assembly. 
This  body  was  installed  on  the  1st  of  June,  and  soon 
after  adopted  the  groundwork  upon  which  was  to  be 
erected  the  fundamental  law  of  the  state.41  The  as- 

36  It  is  asserted  that  the  Guatemalan  government  said  that  Costa  Rica 
should  appoint  as  her  commissioner  a  resident  of  Guatemala.     But  Jose  M. 
Castro,  the  young  Costa  Rican  minister,  thought  differently. 

37  They  had  led  the  revolt  on  the  llth  and  the  following  days.  Molina, 
Bosq.  Costa  R.,  105. 

38  So  says  Marure,  now  a  confirmed  '  conservador, '  adding,  '  y  celebrados 
con  entusiasmo  en  toda  la  republica.'  Efem.y  56. 

39  The  expeditionary  force  of  300  to  500  under  Saget,  on  hearing  of  the 
trouble   at   San   Jose,   went   on   board  their   ships  at    Puntarenas,  thence 
menacing  the  government.     Subsequently  arrangements  were  made  for  the 
surrender  of  the  arms  and  disbandment  of  the  men,  but  owing  to  misunder- 
standing were  not  carried  out,  and  the  expedition  departed  for  La  Libertad  in 
Salv.  on  the  Coquimbo.     Costa  R.  afterward  claimed  the  armament  and  ship, 
but  Salv.  invariably  refused  to  return  them,  on  the  plea  that  they  belonged 
to  Morazan's  family,  'como  ganadas  en  ley  de  guerra  por  aquel  caudillo.' 
Much  indignation  was  felt  in  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  and  somewhat  less  in 
Nicaragua,  against  Salvador,  because  the  latter,  notwithstanding  the  treaties 
of  1840  and  1842,  and  the  protest  to  the  contrary,  had  allowed  Saget,  Cabanas, 
Barrios,  and  their  companions,  to  reside  in  the  state  under  the  protection  of 
its  laws.     The  first  two  named  governments  saw  that  for  all  they  had  ma- 
noeuvred to  make  of  the  executive  of  Salvador  a  mere  submissive  agent  of  the 
aristocracy,   he  had  now  emancipated  himself  from  its  control.  Montufar, 
ResenaHist.,  iv.  4-5,  115-33;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  105-6. 

M  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  vii.  404-16. 

41  Art.  3  stated  that  the  idea  was  not  yet  entertained,  which  later  was 
formed,  of  declaring  the  state  to  be  a  sovereign  and  independent  republic. 
Art.  5  resolved  the  question  of  boundaries  with  Colombia  and  Nicaragua  upon 


sembly  likewise  enacted  a  law  declaratory  of  the  rights 
of  man;  and  another  on  freedom  of  the  press  under 
certain  limitations.  Among  the  other  acts  worthy 
of  mention  passed  by  this  body  were  the  following: 
The  jefe,  Alfaro,  was  to  hold  his  office  till  the  promul- 
gation of  the  constitution  and  the  election  of  his  suc- 
cessor under  it.  All  his  acts  were  approved,  and  a 
vote  of  thanks  was  awarded  him.  A  similar  vote 
was  given  to  General  Pinto.  Francisco  M.  Orea- 
muno  was  chosen  segundo  jefe,  and  a  short  time 
afterward  he  was  called  to  fill  the  executive  chair, 
upon  leave  of  absence  being  given  to  Alfaro.42  The 
assembly  adjourned  on  the  22d  of  September,  to  meet 
again  on  the  13th  of  November.  The  constitutional 
bases,  nicknamed  by  the  conservatives  "de  los  tri- 
bunos,"  did  not  meet  the  approval  of  the  government. 
The  assembly  then  adopted  a  constitution,  which 
made  provision  for  two  chambers,  the  executive  au- 
thority being  exercised  by  a  jefe,  as  formerly,  and  all 
the  functionaries  constituting  the  supreme  powers 
being  chosen  by  the  whole  people.  The  promulga- 
tion of  the  new"  fundamental  law  was  made  on  the 
llth  of  April,  1844,43  and  all  officers  were  required 
to  take  an  oath  to  support  it.  Pinto,  the  comandante 
general,  refused  to  do  so  without  first  consulting 
Alfaro  and  others.  He  tried  to  make  an  armed 
opposition,  but  did  not  succeed,  and  was  dismissed^, 
Colonel  Jose  Maria  Quiroz  superseding  him.44 

The  publication  of  the  new  fundamental  law  was; 

the  principles  sustained  by  Costa  Rica.  Arts.  4  and  10  established  a  fourth 
power  under  the  name  of  Conservador,  composed  of  no  less  than  three  coun- 
cillors chosen  by  the  people.  Art.  9  places  the  legislative  authority  in  an 
assembly  of  not  less  than  15  members.  It  does  not  establish  two  chambers. 
Art.  1 1  says  that  the  executive  office  is  to  be  exercised  by  a  tribune,  out  of 
four  to  be  chosen  by  the  electors.  Art.  13  was  condemned  by  the  fanatics, 
though  it  merely  allows  religious  toleration.  The  Gaceta  de  Guat.  exclaimed, 
'  Ya  volvemos  a  las  andadas.'  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  383,  391-3,  417-18; 
Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  106. 

42  All  these  acts,  dated  respectively  June  7-8,  Sept.  13,  19,  1843,  appear  in 
Costa  R.,  Col  Ley.,  viii.  45-50,  63-7. 

43  By  the  second  jefe,  Oreamuno,  then  in  charge  of  the  executive. 

44  The  govt  was  supported  by  the  people  and  troops.     Quiroz  was  promoted 
to  gen.  of  brigade.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  106;  El  Mentor  Costaricense  gave 
an  extensive  account  of  the  affair. 

HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    15 


celebrated  with  feasts  for  three  days.  But  the  fact  of 
Pinto's  dismissal  from  the  command  of  the  forces 
caused  serious  divisions  in  families,45  which  has  been  felt 
ever  since  in  the  political  events  of  the  country.  The 
two  chambers  decreed  by  the  constituent  assembly 
complicated  the  political  machinery,  and  the  enemies 
of  the  new  constitution  exaggerated  its  defects.  The 
necessity  of  a  senate  in  Costa  Rica  was  not  clear,  for 
the  composition  of  the  house  of  deputies  was  such 
that  it  required  impulsion  rather  than  checks.  There- 
fore, what  would  be  the  mission  of  the  senate?46 

Alfaro  reassumed  the  duties  of  the  executive  office 
on  the  28th  of  June,  on  which  date  Castro  resigned 
his  position  of  secretary -general,47  to  take  a  seat  in  the 
chamber  of  deputies,  which  was  installed  on  the  3d 
of  July.  The  first  duty  of  this  body  was  to  count  the 
votes  for  senators;  but  the  returns  were  coming 
in  very  slowly,  so  that  the  senate  did  not  assemble 
till  the  12th  of  November.48  Both  houses  then  on 
the  15th  declared  Francisco  Maria  Oreamuno  duly 
elected  jefe  of  the  state.  He  took  possession  of  the 
office  with  reluctance.49  The  spirit  of  localism  which 
caused  so  much  trouble  in  1835  was  still  rampant,  and 
Oreamuno  found  himself  confronted  by  it.  What- 
ever measure  was  proposed  in  favor  of  any  one  local- 
ity was  certain  to  displease  the  others.  Rather  than 
-contend  with  such  difficulties,  he  tendered,  on  the 
,26th  of  November,  his  resignation,  which  was  not 
accepted;  but  he  was  resolved  to  retire,  and  one  day, 
being  more  than  usually  disgusted,  he  abandoned  his 

45  Pinto  was  an  uncle -in -law  of  Castro,  secretary-general,  who  under  the 
circumstances  surrounding  the  govt  could  not  restore  him  to  his  office. 

46 To  give  an  idea  of  the  situation:  Cartage's  deputies  were  three  clergy- 
men, Peralta,  Campo,  and  Carazo.  Heredia  also  sent  the  priest  Flores.  If 
the  senators  must  be  still  more  grave  and  circumspect,  where  could  they  be 
procured?  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  173. 

47  His  successor  was  Juan  Mora. 

48  Costa  R.,  Col  L.,  viii.  352-3,  384-5. 

49  He  was  a  native  of  Cartago;  a  man  of  elegant  manners,  cultured  without 
affectation,  well  informed  on  general  subjects,  and  a  highly  respected  citizen. 
Though  not  a  member  of  the  bar,  he  knew  enough  of  law  to  successfully  oppose 
the  lawyers  who  constantly  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  existing  in  the 
old  Spanish  laws. 


post  and  went  off  to  his  home  in  Cartago.50  His  suc- 
cessor was  Rafael  Moya,  then  president  of  the  sen- 
ate,51 who  exerted  himself  to  do  away  with  localism,  and 
to  promote  harmony  between  the  several  sections;  but 
his  senatorial  term  expiring  on  the  30th  of  April, 

1845,  he  could  no  longer  continue  holding  the  execu- 
tive authority,  and  the  chamber  of  deputies  called  to 
assume  its  duties  Senator  Jose  Rafael  Gallegos,52  who 
was  made  chief  of  the  state  at  the  expiration  of  Juan 
Moran's  second  term.     He  took  the  chair  on  the  1st 
of  May.     An    ominous    cloud   could   already  be   de- 
cried   away   in   the    horizon.     The    new  constitution 
had  thus  early  become   an  object  of  abuse,  even  by 
the  men  who  had  enthusiastically  proclaimed  it,  and 
acrimoniously  censured  Pinto  for  refusing  it  recogni- 

During  the  elections  a  bloodless  revolt  of  four  regi- 
ments simultaneously  occurred,  on  the  7th  of  June, 

1846,  at  San  Jose,   Cartago,  Heredia,  and  Alajuela, 
to  overthrow  the  organic  law.     The  movement  was 
seconded    at  once   by  the   people,54  and  Josd   Maria 
Alfaro  was  summoned  to  assume  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, Gallegos  returning  to  the  presidency  of  the  sen- 

50  The  chamber  of  deputies  censured  him,  but  his  purpose  of  getting  rid 
of  the  executive  office  was  accomplished.  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  viii.  392-3;  ix. 

51 A  wealthy  man  and  head  of  a  large  family  which  gave  him  much  social 
importance.  During  his  short  administration  he  improved  the  public  roads. 
Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  107.  He  also  gave  impulse  to  education,  though 
under  the  old  ecclesiastical  system.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  175. 

52 Correspond,  on  the  subject  in  Id.,  184-6. 

53  Fault  was  found  with  the  clause  requiring  the  election  by  the  people  of 
all  public  functionaries,  including  the  ministers  of  state  and  judges.     It  was 
said  the  people  should  not  be  molested  with  so  many  elections. 

54  The  manifesto  issued  by  the  leaders  comprised  the  abolition  of  the  con- 
stitution, and  the  framing  of  another  better  suited  to  the  needs  of  the  coun- 
try, the  immediate  election  of  a  new  vice-jefe,  who  must  be  a  native  of  Costa 
Rica,  not  under  25  years  of  age,  married,  or  a  widower  with  children,  and 
possess  property  to  the  value  of  no  less  than  $10,000;  one  who  had  never 
been  criminally  punished,  except  by  a  pecuniary  fine,  nor  attached  for  debts 
contracted  in  the  state;  he  must  have  served  in  other  public  offices  without 
taint,  and  must  be  in  favor  of  independence  and  a  separate  government  for 
the  state.     A  new  legislative  chamber  was  to  be  immediately  convoked,  and 
the  manner  of  election  fixed  by  the  chief;  meantime,  the  present  assembly 
was  to  continue  its  sittings.     The  chief  was  to  select  a  good  port  on  the 
north  coast,  and  make  a  road  from  it  to  the  capital  with  funds  of  the  treas- 
ury. Costa  R.,  Pap.  SueUos,  nos.  1,  2;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  252-3. 


ate.  Every  one  recognized  Gallegos  as  an  upright 
man,  against  whom  no  complaint  was  made.55  Alfaro 
accepted  the  r61e,  went  into  office  on  the  9th,  and  im- 
mediately proceeded  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of  the 
revolution.  Elections  took  place  under  the  existing 
constitution,  Alfaro  being  chosen  jefe,  and  Jose  M. 
Castro  vice-jefe  and  secretary -general.  The  latter 
being  the  intellectual  superior  of  Alfaro,  every  branch 
of  the  administration  finally  fell  under  his  control. 

The  constituent  assembly  met  on  the  15th  of  Sep- 
tember, and  completed,  on  the  21st  of  January,  1847, 
the  new  constitution,  which  was  promulgated  at  once, 
to  have  effect  from  and  after  the  7th  of  March.56 
Experience  having  shown  that  several  clauses  of  this 
instrument  were  practically  inexpedient,  and  that 
others  were  not  clearly  worded,  under  article  187  of 
the  same  congress  subsequently  adopted  a  number  of 
amendments,  which  had  been  asked  for  by  a  majority 
of  the  municipalities.57  The  elections  for  supreme 
authorities,  decreed  on  the  17th  of  February,  took 
place;  the  constitutional  congress  assembled  on  the 
1st  of  May,  and  after  counting  the  votes  for  president 
and  vice-president  on  the  5th,  declared  Castro  duly 
elected  for  the  first  position  and  Alfaro  for  the  second. 
They  were  inducted  into  office  on  the  8th.58 

Castro's  administration  had  to  overcome  serious 
obstacles  which  might  bring  on  political  convulsions 

55  His  removal  from  the  executive  seat  resulted  from  the  intrigues  of  a 
few  who  knew  that  he  could  not  be  made  a  convenient  tool. 

56  It  was  divided  into  14  sections,  placed  the  executive  in  a  president,  and 
created  a  vice-president.     The  legislative  authority  was  vested  in  a  congress 
of  a  single  chamber,  presided  over  by  the  vice-president.     The  Roman  cath- 
olic religion  was  the  only  one  permitted,  and  it  remained  as  that  of  the  state 
and  under  its  protection.  Costa  R.,  Constit.,  1847,   1-24;  Id.,  Constit.  Polit., 
1847,  1-118;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  1-56;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  46-9. 

57  Nov.  22,  1848,  and  promulgated  by  the  executive  on  the  30th.     A  law 
regulating  the  election  of   the  supreme  authorities  was  passed  Dec.  20th. 
Costa  £.,  Comfit.  Polit.  (ed.  of  1850,  8°),  1-38;  Costa  R.,  Col  Ley.,  x.  347- 
408,  422-52;  El  Universal,  June  8,  1849. 

58 El  Arco  Iris,  Oct.  14,  1847.  Alfaro  was  not  pleased  at  being  lowered  to 
the  second  place,  even  though  he  had  ex-officio  the  presidency  of  congress. 
He  resigned  on  the  1st  of  Oct.  of  the  same  year,  and  Juan  Rafael  Mora  be- 
came his  successor.  Costa  R.,  Informe  Relaciones,  ap.;  Id.,  Col.  Ley.,  x.  86-7, 
160-1,  187-8. 


in  the  near  future.59  Indeed,  several  disturbances 
broke  out  at  Alajuela,  headed  by  Alfaro  and  his 
friends,  which  were,  however,  easily  quelled  by  Pres- 
ident Castro,  and  once  by  Vice-president  Mora,  when 
the  president  was  absent.60  The  last  of  these  troubles 
caused  some  bloodshed.61  Albeit  the  revolts  were  put 


59  Castro  had  enemies  in  San  Jose.     He  was  accused  of  bringing  about  Ga- 
llego's  dismissal.     This  assertion  was  repeated  from  mouth  to  mouth,  and 
came  to  be  believed  by  many.     Moreover,  some  men  that  he  looked  on  as  his 
friends  suggested  to  him  unwise  measures,  with  the  view  of  damaging  his  ad- 
ministration.    Unfortunately,  congress  began  to  show  aristocratic  tendencies, 
restoring  the  abolished  compilations  without  opposition  on  Castro's  part. 
The  title  of  Excellency  was  voted  to  itself,  the  president,  and  the  supreme 

60  Castro  and  Mora  differed  on  many  points.     The  president's  circle  consid- 
ered Mora  a  dangerous  competitor.     Congress  treated  Mora  with  marked  in- 
difference, though  he  had  restored  peace  in  Alajuela  with  only  200  men.     He 
resigned  the  vice-presidency.     An   election   being   ordered,  at   the   second 
attempt  Manuel  Jose  Carazo,  a  friend  of  Castro,  was  chosen.     Carazo  was  an 
able  and  well-informed  man.     He  resigned  the  office  on  the  24th  of  Aug., 
but  was  reflected  Sept.  22d.  Id.,  190,  306-7,  310-12,  327-9. 

61  Costa  R.t  Inf.  Relaciones,  10-12,  23-5.     In  Nov.  of  the  same  year  all 


down,  the  state  continued  much  agitated.  Inflam- 
matory writings  against  the  president  were  secretly 
circulated,  which  the  government  gave  importance  to, 
and  the  official  press  tried  to  counteract  their  influ- 
ence. Castro  concluded  to  resign  his  office,  but  con- 
gress by  a  unanimous  vote  refused  to  accept  the 
resignation.62  Costa  Rica  having  by  the  act  of  her 
congress,  on  the  30th  of  August,  1848,  declared  her- 
self a  sovereign  and  independent  nation,  under  the 
title  of  Repiiblica  de  Costa  Rica,  that  body,  on  the 
29th  of  the  following  September,  adopted  a  flag,  coat 
of  arms,  and  seal.63 

Costa  Rica  was  the  first  state  of  Central  America 
to  be  recognized  as  an  independent  nation  by  Spain, 
which  was  done  in  the  treaty  of  May  10,  1850,  which 
was  ratified  by  Costa  Rica  March  6,  1851.  The  re- 
public made  a  concordat  with  the  Roman  pontiff,  for 
the  understanding  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  on  the  7th 
of  October,  1852.  She  has  endeavored  to  maintain 
cordial  relations  with  the  powers  of  Europe  and 
America.  To  that  end  she  concluded  treaties  with 
the  United  States  of  America,  the  Hanseatic  Towns, 
France,64  Great  Britian,  Belgium,  Holland,  Italy, 
Germany,  and  several  of  the  Spanish- American  re- 
publics. With  Guatemala  a  treaty  was  entered  into 
in  February  1850,  and  the  government  awaited  the 
result  of  the  efforts  of  the  other  three  states  to  con- 
stitute themselves  under  one  nationality;  and  when 
they  failed,  and  the  states  assumed  the  role  of  inde- 

political  offenders  were  pardoned,  and  a  war  tax  which  had  been  levied  on 
Alajuelawas  ordered  refunded.  Costa  R.,  Col  Ley.,  x.  269-90,  374-6,  410;  Id., 
Pap.  Sueltos,  nos.  3-5;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  107-8. 

62  Congress  took  into  consideration  a  number  of  petitions  from  influential 
sources  highly  commendatory  of  Castro's  acts.     Castro  on  the  16th  of  Nov. 
had  been  made  a  general  of  division.     Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  525-6,  530- 
8,  543-51. 

63  The  flag  had  five  horizontal  stripes,  of  which  the  centre  one  occupied  one 
third  the  width  of  the  flag,  and  the  others  one  sixth  each.     The  centre  stripe 
was  red,  the  one  above  and  the  one  underneath  it  were  white,  and  the  other 
two  blue.   Costa  R.,  Col  Ley.,  x.  354-6. 

64  France  sent  in  April  1847  the  corvette  Le  Genie  to  make  demands  on 
behalf  of  her  subject  Thierriat,  which  Costa  Rica  settled  by  paying  $10,000. 


pendent  republics,  it  made  similar  diplomatic  arrange- 
ments with  them  as  foreign  nations.65 

The  boundaries  of  Costa  Rica  with  Nicaragua  on 
one  side,  and  with  Panama,  one  of  the  states  of  Co- 
lombia, on  the  other,  have  been  a  source  of  constant 
anxiety,  repeatedly  occupying  the  minds  of  the  diplo- 
mates  of  the  three  countries.  Fortunately,  the  points 
in  dispute  have  been  peaceably  discussed  by  the  gov- 
ernments, though  the  press  and  politicians  have  not 
always  touched  upon  them  with  the  same  spirit.  The 
district  of  Nicoya  or  Guanacaste,  at  one  time  under 
the  government  of  Nicaragua,  became  annexed  to 
Costa  Rica  in  1824.  This  annexation  was  accepted 
by  the  Costa  Rican  assembly,  and  the  federal  congress 
allowed  it,  in  a  decree  of  December  9,  1825,  as  a  pro- 
visional arrangement,  to  be  in  force  till  an  opportunity 
was  had  to  run  the  boundary  between  the  two  states. 
This  congress  took  no  further  action  in  the  premises; 
and  since  the  dissolution  of  the  Central  American 
union,  the  district  remained  attached  to  Costa  Rica. 
Nicaragua  never  assented  to  the  segregation,  though 
she  made  no  attempt  to  recover  the  territory  by  force 
of  arms.  She  has,  however,  endeavored  to  sustain 
her  right  to  it  in  repeated  diplomatic  negotiations.66 
The  time  came  when  Nicaragua,  being  invaded  by 
William  Walker's  filibusters,  and  the  independence  of 
all  Central  America  threatened,  the  citizens  of  the 

65  Full  particulars  on  the  foreign  relations  are  given  in  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa 
R.,  9-10,  61-2,  112-19;  Id.,  Coup  d'ceil  Costa  R.,  3;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  x. 
339-47;  xii.  5-18,  94,  202-7;  xv.  225;  xvi.  195-6;  xviii.  95-6,  171-88;  xix. 
107-9;  xx.  24-8;  xxiii.  184-200;  xxiv.  171-97;  Id.,  de  1869,  216-22;  Id.,  de 
1879,  61-3;  Id.,  Gac.  de  Gob.,  Jan.  12,  26,  Feb.  23,  March  9,  1850;  Id.,  Bol. 
Oftc.,  Dec.  8,  22,  26-7,  29,  1853;  Jan.  5,  Apr.  20,  1854;  Id.,  Informes  y  Mem., 
Reladones,  1850-80;  Salv.,  Diario,  Nov.  5,  1875;  Cong.  Globe,  1860-1;  Smith- 
sonian Rept,  1863,  54;  Colombia,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  14,  1874;  U.  8.  Govt  Doc., 
36th  cong.  2d  sess.,  sen.  i.,  19  vol.  i.;  Id.,  39th  cong.  2cl  sess.,  For.  Aff.  (Mess. 
and  Doc.,  Dept  of  St.,  pt  ii.),  430-45;  Id.,  40th  cong.  2d  sess.,  For.  Aff.  (Mess. 
and  Doc.,  Dept  of  St.,  pt  ii.),  277-80;  Id.,  42d  cong.  2d  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  1 
For.  Rel.,  p.  7  (249-52);  Id.,  42d  cong.  3d  sess.,  For.  Rel.,  p.  xxxv.  (158-61); 
Pan.  Gac.,  Apr.  16,  1876,  and  numerous  other  works  in  various  languages. 

66Nic.  argued  that  the  constitution  of  Costa  R.  of  1825  declared  her 
boundary  to  be  at  El  Salto,  not  at  La  Flor;  to  which  Costa  R.  replied  that  the 
instrument  alluded  to  was  anterior  to  the  federal  decree,  and  therefore  could 
not  embrace  Nicoya  in  Costa  Rican  territory;  bub  after  this  decree  the  funda- 
mental laws  of  Costa  R.  did  take  it  in. 


five  republics  at  once  saw  the  necessity  of  having  the 
question  amicably  settled.67  The  other  republics,  more 
particularly  Salvador,  brought  their  influence  to  bear, 
and  a  treaty  was  concluded,  duly  ratified,  exchanged, 
and  published  as  the  law,  to  govern  the  boundary  be- 
tween Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica.63  Under  its  second 
article,  both  contracting  parties  ceded  a  portion  of 
their  claims,  Costa  Rican  territory  not  reaching  the 
lake,  nor  the  Flor  River,  but  merely  the  centre  of 
Salinas  Bay.  On  the  other  hand,  Nicaragua  no  longer 
claimed  territory  to  the  Salto  or  Alvarado  River,  but 
limited  it  to  the  aforesaid  bay,  and  to  the  line  pre- 
scribed in  the  treaty.69  The  acts  of  several  congresses 

67  Nic.  had  demanded  the  restoration  in  1843,  which  led  to  the  making  of 
a  voluminous  protocol,  without  any  definitive  result.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist,, 
ii.  229-31;  iv.  382-3;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  viii.  3-4. 

68  The  treaty  was  made  at  San  Jose,  Costa  R.,  on  the  15th  of  Apr.,  1858, 
and  signed  by  Jose  M.  Canas  and  Maximo  Jerez,  plenipotentiaries  respect- 
ively of  Costa  R.  and  Nic.,  and  by  Pedro  Rdmulo  Negrete,  mediator  on  the 
part  of  Salv.     The  signatures  of  the  secretaries  of  the  three  legations  also 
appear  to  the  instrument.     The  ratifications  were  made  in  due  form,  and  ex- 
changed by  the  two  govts  on  the  26th  of  April,  the  same  year.     The  treaty 
was  approved  by  the  Nicaraguan  constituent  congress  May  28th,  and  published 
by  President  Tomas  Martinez  and  his  secretary  of  state,  June  4th.     Under 
its  2d  article  the  dividing  line  was  to  be  as  follows:  Starting  from  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  the  line  to  begin  at  the  extreme  end  of  Punta  de  Castilla,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  River  San  Juan,  and  continue  on  the  right  bank  of  that  stream  to  a 
point  in  waters  below  the  Castillo  Vie  jo,  at  three  English  miles  from  the  outer 
fortifications.     Thence  a  curve  was  to  commence,  whose  centre    should  be 
those  works,  and  distant  therefrom  in  all  its  course  three  English  miles,  and 
terminating  at  a  point  distant  two  miles  from  the  bank  of  the  river  in  waters 
above  the  fort.     Thence  the  line  should  continue  in  the  direction  of  Sapoa 
River,  which  empties  into  Lake  Nicaragua,  following  a  course  invariably  two 
miles  distant  from  the  right  margin  of  the  San  Juan  River,  with  its  curves 
to  its  source  in  the  lake,  and  from  the  right  margin  of  the  same  lake  to  the 
said  Sapoa  River,  where  this  line,  parallel  to  said  margins,  ends.     From  the 
point  where  it  may  coincide  with  the  Sapoa  River,  which  must  of  course  be 
two  miles  from  the  lake,  an  astronomical  line  should  be  drawn  to  the  central 
point  of  the  bay  of  Salinas  on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  where  the  delimitation  of 
the  two  contracting  powers  will  terminate.     The  6th  art.  gives  Nic.  the  ex- 
clusive control  over  the  waters  of  the  San  Juan  River  from  its  source  in  Lake 
Nicaragua  to  the  point  where  it  empties  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean;  Costa  R. 
retaining  the  right  of  navigation  in  said  waters  for  trading  purposes  from  the 
mouth  of  the  river  to  a  distance  of  three  English  miles  from  the  Castillo  Vie  jo. 
RocJia,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  137-41;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xv.  75-6,  182-8;  Id.,  Informe 
Gob.,  1858,  12-13;  Id.,  Inf.  Rel,  1860,  6;  Salv.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  June  7,  1877, 
513-14;  El  National,  June  26,  1858,  10;  PeraUa,  Rio  S.  Juan,  24-5;  Belly,  Le 
Nic.,  i.  359-62. 

69  The  treaty,  after  being  completed  and  published  in  the  official  journal  of 
Nic.,  was  communicated  by  both  govts  to  the  foreign  diplomatic  corps  ac- 
credited near  them,  as  well  as  to  their  own   representatives   abroad.     All 
friendly  nations  came  to  look  on  it  as  an  accomplished  fact. 


of  Nicaragua  in  after  years  indicated  that  the  treaty 
was  recognized  beyond  cavil  or  dispute.  Not  a  word 
was  officially  uttered  by  Nicaragua  in  seven  years 
against  its  validity.  After  such  a  period  had  elapsed, 
Toma's  Ayon,  her  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  in  a  re- 
port to  the  national  congress,  disputed  its  validity, 
and  the  boundary  question  was  reopened,70  giving  rise 
to  grave  diplomatic  discussions,  and  no  little  ill  feeling 
between  the  citizens  of  both  countries  from  1868  to 
1883.71  At  last,  early  in  1883,  a  treaty  was  signed  in 
Granada  by  plenipotentiaries  of  both  countries  to 
bring  the  dispute  to  an  end.72  President  Cardenas, 
in  laying  the  treaty  before  the  Nicaraguan  congress 
early  in  1885,  urged  its  favorable  consideration;  but 
no  action  was  taken. 

Under  the  Gual-Molina  treaty,  concluded  at  Bogota", 
March  15,  1825,  the  Provincias  Unidas  del  Centro 
de  America  and  the  Republic  of  Colombia  agreed  to 

70  Ayon  did  not  pretend  to  deny  that  the  treaty  had  been  concluded  by  his 
govt,  and  duly  ratified  by  the  legislative  authority  of  the  two  republics.     He 
alleged  that  the  fundamental  law  of  Nic.  established  the  limits  of  the  state, 
embracing  "within  them  the  territory  of  Guanacaste;  and  that  the  treaty  in 
question  ignored  the  Nicaraguan  constitution,  which  prescribed  that  an  amend- 
ment of  it  by  one  legislature  must  be  submitted  to  the  next  for  ratification; 
and  this  not  having  been  done,  there  was  a  radical  nullity.     Costa  R.  replied 
that  the  legislative  ratification  in  Nic.  had  been,  not  by  an  ordinary  legisla- 
ture, but  by  a  constituent  assembly  fully  empowered  to  amend  the  constitu- 
tion or  frame  a  new  oue.     It  had  been  called  to  make  a  new  fundamental  law, 
and  therefore  had  a  right  to  establish  new  boundaries.     Moreover,  that  even 
if  that  assembly  had  not  possessed  constituent   authority,  but  had  been  a 
merely  ordinary  congress,  the  fact  still  remained  that  a  number  of  Nicaraguan 
legislatures  had  held  the  treaty  to  be  valid  and  unobjectionable.     Some  at- 
tempts have  been  made  in  administration  circles  of  Costa  R.,  much  against 
public  opinion,  to  annul  the  treaty,  in  order  to  have  for  a  boundary  line  the 
whole  right  bank  of  the  San  Juan,  from  Greytown  or  San  Juan  del  Norte  to 
San  Carlos,  and  Lake  Nicaragua  to  La  Flor.     Were  this  supported,  and  the 
treaty  set  aside,  the  questions  between  Costa  R.  and  Nic.  would  assume  a 
serious  aspect.  Monty  far,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  231-4;  Ayon,  Cuestion  de  Limites, 
1-26;  Id.,  Consul,  sobre  Limites,  1-26. 

71  Details  may  be  found  in  Nic.,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1871,  10-16,  29-39;  Id., 
Gaceta,  Oct.  3,  1868,  May  4,  11,  1872,  June  7,  1873;  Id.,  Seman.  Nic.,  June 
6,   1872;  Id.,   Correspond.,    1872,   1-24;   Id.,  Continuation  de  la  Correspond., 
1872,  1-16;  U.  8.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  43d  cong.  1st  sess.,  pt  2,  732,  735, 
739,  743;  44th  cong.  1st  sess.,  pt  1,  157,  168;  Costa  R.,  Informe  Rel,  1873, 
1-6;  Id.,  Pap.  Sueltos,  15;  Salv.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  May  22,  1876;  PeraUa, 
Rio  S.  Juan. 

72  Antonio  Zambrana  for  Costa  R.,  and  Francisco  Alvarez  for  Nic.  Pan. 
Star  and  Herald,  March  5,  1883;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  3,  1885;  U.  S.  Govt 
Doc.,  48th  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  pt  1,  59-61. 



respect  the  boundaries  then  existing  between  them, 
and  to  enter  at  an  early  convenient  opportunity  into  a 
special  convention  directed  to  fix  the  dividing  line.73 
The  antecedents  of  the  subject  will  be  found  in  a  note 
at  foot.74  All  subsequent  royal  provisions,  down  to 
1803,  tend  to  confirm  the  limits  of  Costa  Hica  that 
were  fixed  for  Cherino  on  the  Atlantic  side.  But  on 
the  20th  of  November,  1803,  a  royal  order  placed  the 
island  of  San  Andres,  and  the  coast  of  Mosquito  from 
Cape  Gracias  d  Dios  to  the  River  Chagres,  under  the 


73  An  extract  of  that  treaty  is  given  in  Montiifar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  i.  289-90. 

74  The  royal  commission  of  Diego  de  Artieda  Cherino,  governor,  captain- 
general  of  Costa  R.,  issued  in  1573,  fixed  the  boundaries  of  the  province  from 
the  '  embocadura  del   Desaguadero  6  rio   San  Juan  de   Nicaragua  hasta  la 
frontera  de  Veraguas  en  el  Mar  Atlantico,  y  desde  los  linderos  de  Nicoya 
hasta  los  valles  de  Chiriqui  en  el  Pacifico.'     Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  14;  Id., 
Cos'a  R.  y  Nueva  Granada,  9-10,  16-35.     Felipe  Molina  being  in  the  service 
of  Costa  R.,  and  intrusted  with  the  defence  of  her  interests,  his  assertions 
might  be  by  some  deemed  biassed;  but  the  testimony  of  Juarros,  the  historian 
of  Guatemala,  who  wrote  with  the  official  docs  before  him,  is  not  open  to  the 
same  objection.     He  says,  speaking  of  Costa  R.,  '  sus  terminos  por  el  mar  del 
norte,  son  desde  la  boca  del  rio  San  Juan  hasta  el  Escudo  de  Veraguas;  y  por 
el  sur,  desde  el  rio  de  Alvarado,  raya  divisoria  de  la  provincia  de  Nicaragua, 
hasta  el  rio  de  Boruca,  termino  del  reino  de  Tierra  Firme. '  Montitfar,  Resefia 
Hist.,  ii.  230. 


supervision  of  the  viceroy  at  Bogotd.  Nueva  Granada, 
now  Repiilica  de  Colombia,  has  maintained  that  this 
royal  order  made  a  new  territorial  division  between 
the  capitania  general  of  Guatemala  and  the  vireinato 
of  Nueva  Granada;  and  to  the  latter  belongs  all  the 
territory  alluded  to  in  the  royal  order,  and  that  said 
territory  was  recognized  as  hers  by  the  Gual-Molina 
treaty.  On  behalf  of  Costa  Rica,  it  has  been  al- 
leged that  the  Spanish  crown  never  made  a  territorial 
division  with  a  mere  royal  order.  The  division  of 
provinces,  vice-royalties,  and  captain-generalcies  was 
effected  under  a  pragmatic  sanction,  a  royal  decree, 
or  a  royal  cedula.  The  royal  order  aforesaid  made 
no  division  of  territory,  but  merely  placed  San  Andres 
and  the  Mosquito  Coast  under  the  care  of  the  viceroy 
at  Bogotd  because  Spain  at  that  time  had  military 
and  naval  resources  at  Cartagena.  Nevertheless  the 
order  had  no  effect;  it  became  a  dead  letter,  the 
viceroy  never  having  protected  that  coast.  Such  was 
the  impression  of  the  Central  American  negotiator 
of  the  treaty  of  1825.75  With  this  same  understanding 
the  federal  government  of  Central  America  made  a 
contract  in  1836  to  settle  an  Irish  colony  in  the  region 
of  Boca  del  Toro,76  which  was  not  carried  out  because 
the  New  Granadan  authorities  drove  away  the  settlers, 
and  have  ever  since  held  control  of  the  region,  disre- 
garding Costa  Rica's  claims.77 

Several  diplomatic  efforts  were  fruitlessly  made  to 
fix  the  boundary.78     The  last  one  was  made  at  San 

75  The  territorial  division  recognized  by  him  was  that  made  in  1810,  at 
which  time  no  New  Granadan  authority  had  a  footing  in  Cent.  Am.  territory. 
A  representation  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Cartago  to  the  Sp.  cdrtes  in  1813 
says:   '  Costa  Rica  tiene  por  limites  de  su  territorio  el  rio  de  Chiriqui  que  la 
separa  de  la  provincia  de  Panama.'  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1813,  xix.  404. 

76  Contract  of  Col  Galindo,  as  agent  of  the  govt.  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R., 

77  Copy  of  correspond,  between  the  gov.  of  Veraguas  and  that  of  Costa  R. 
Montiifar,  Resena  Hist.,  ii.  272-3;  Mosq.  Correspond.,  22-5;  Pan.,  Docs.  Ofic., 
in  Pan.  Col  Docs.,  no.  31,  pp.  62,  66-70;  Id.,  Star  and  Herald,  Oct.  15.  16, 

78  During  the  Walker  war,  a  treaty  was  made  at  San  Jose  between  P.  A. 
Herran  for  Colombia,  and  Joaquin  B.  Calvo  for  Costa  Rica,  which  does  not 
follow  the  line  on  Molina's  map.     Modifications  were  made  to  it  at  Bogota, 
and  ratifications  were  never  exchanged.     Later  on  Jose  M.  Castro  went  to 


Jose  on  the  25th  of  December,  1880,  in  the  form  of  a 
convention  to  refer  the  settlement  of  the  question  at 
issue  to  the  arbitration  of  a  friendly  power,  namely, 
the  king  of  the  Belgians  or  the  king  of  Spain,  and  in 
the  event  that  neither  of  them  could  or  would  under- 
take it,  then  the  president  of  the  Argentine  confed- 
eration.79 It  is  understood  that  the  matter  was 
finally  submitted  to  the  king  of  Spain,  and  that  the 
resolution  was  long  pending. 

Political  disturbances  continuing  in  1849,  Castro 
resigned  the  presidency  on  the  16th  of  November,80 
before  congress,  which  had  met  in  extra  session  Octo- 
ber 2d;  his  resignation  was  accepted,81  and  the  same 
day  Juan  Rafael  Mora  was  chosen  vice-president,  and 
on  the  24th  president  of  the  republic,  being  inducted 
into  office  on  the  26th  of  November.82  One  of  his 
first  acts  was  to  grant  an  amnesty  for  political  offences. 

Bogota  and  negotiated  another  treaty,  which  did  not  stipulate  Molina's  line. 
This  treaty  was  not  ratified  by  either  govt.  The  next  attempt  was  made  by 
B.  Correoso,  on  behalf  of  Colombia.  His  negotiations  were  mostly  verbal, 
disregarding  arguments  for  the  straight  line  between  Punta  de  Burica  and 
the  Escudo  de  Veraguas;  and  alleging  that  on  the  N.,  N.  E.,  W.,  and  N.  W. 
of  that  line  were  Colombian  settlements,  which,  under  the  constitution  of 
his  country  could  not  be  ceded.  A  treaty  was  entered  into,  however,  which 
did  not  obtain  the  ratification  of  either  government.  In  Costa  R.  it  was  con- 
sidered a  ruinous  one.  Correoso  was  charged  in  Colombia  with  having  made 
a  damaging  arrangement.  Pan.,  Gaceta  Istmo,  Oct.  20,  1841;  Id.,  Cr6n.  Ofic., 
Feb.  6,  1853;  Id.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Dec.  25,  1870;  Pan.,  Gaceta,  June  15,  1871, 
June  19,  1872,  Aug.  22,  29,  Oct.  31,  1874,  May  21,  1876,  July  25,  Aug.  4, 
22,  Sept.  26,  Oct.  13,  Nov.  10,  21,  1878,  July  11,  Sept.  12,  Oct.  17,  28,  31, 
1880;  Pan.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gob.,  1879,  13-14,  35-42;  Colombia,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb. 
26,  1876;  Costa  R.,  Mem.  Rel,  1851,  5;  Id.,  Col  Ley.,  xiv.  54-5,  160-1;  Id., 
Informe  Gobn.,  1880,  2-4;  U.  S.  Govt  Docs.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  41,  p.  64-5,  vi.  35th 
cong.  2d  sess. 

79  Ratified  by  the  executive,  and  sanctioned  by  the  gran  consejo  nacional, 
of  Costa  R.,  Dec.  27,  30,  1880.  Pan.,  Gaceta,  Jan.  16,  1881. 

^Carazo,  the  vice-president,  had  done  the  same  Oct.  26th.  Costa  R.,  Col. 
Ley.,  xi.  216. 

81  At  the  same  time  he  was  declared  a  benemerito,  and  the  founder  of  the 
rep.  of  Costa  R.  Id.,  157-8,  224-5;  El  Costaricense,  Nov.  17,  1849.     The  op- 
position, however,  made  severe  comments  on  his  policy  as  reviewed  by  him- 
self. Anot.  d  la  renuncia,  in  Cent.  Am.  Miscel.  Doc.,  no.  20. 

82  Mora  was  a  Costa  Rican  of  rare  intellectual  powers,  quite  conversant 
with  her  affairs;  a  wealthy  merchant,  who  had  travelled  abroad,  and  by  his 
frankness  and  liberality  won  a  well-deserved  popularity.  El  Costaricense,  Nov. 
18,  Dec.  1,  1849;  Costa  R.,  Col.  Ley.,  xi.  225-6,  234-5.     Francisco  M.  Orea- 
muno  was  elected  vice-pres.  Jan.  30,  1850.  Id.,  241-2;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Feb. 
2,  1850. 


The  bonds  of  discipline  and  subordination  having  be- 
come relaxed,  Mora  had  before  him  a  difficult  task  to 
restore  peace  and  order.83  He  dealt  severely  with  the 
authors  of  revolutionary  movements.  Castro  became 
a  fugitive,  and  the  others  were  exiled.  For  his  efforts 
to  restore  order,  congress,  on  the  25th  of  June,  1850, 
granted  him  the  title  of  benemerito  de  la  patria. 

The  president's  policy  was  one  of  repression  by  all 
means;  but  finding  himself  opposed  in  the  chamber, 
he  resigned  the  executive  office,  and  his  resignation 
not  being  accepted,  took  upon  himself  to  dismiss  the 
congress,  calling  on  the  people  to  choose  new  repre- 

The  continued  revolutionary  attempts  placed  the 
government  in  a  difficult  position,  and  prompted  the 
president  to  adopt  severe  measures;  hence  the  orders 
of  exile  issued  against  prominent  citizens.85 

Mora  and  Orearnuno  were  on  the  3d  of  May,  1853, 
elected  president  and  vice-president  respectively.86 
Peace  was  now  restored,  and  the  government  devoted 
its  attention  to  the  promotion  of  education,  and  of  the 
material  interests  of  the  country.87 

83  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  May  2,  1850.     In  an  address  Mora  depicts  the  situation, 
and  the  attempts  of  Quiroz  and  others  to  disturb  the  peace  in  San  Jose  and 
Heredia,  together  with  his  measures  to  balk  them.  El  presid.  de  la  rep.  d  la 
Nation,  June  8,  1850. 

84  The  decree  was  issued  at  the  Hacienda  de  Frankfort  en  las  Pavas,  and 
countersigned  by  Joaquin.  Bernardo  Calvo,  minister  of  govt.     He  based  his 
action  on  the  fact  that  congress  having  declined  to  accept  his  resignation,  he 
was  made  responsible  before  God  and  the  people  of  evils  that  might  result 
from  the  existing  order  of  things.   Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  no.  165;  El  Siglo,  March 
10,  1852;  Costa  R.,  Col  Ley.,  xii.  96-7. 

85  Jose"    M.  Castro,  Bernardo   Rivera,  and  Nazario  Toledo.    El  Siglo  (S. 
Salv.),  March  4,  1852. 

86  June  6,  1853, 'the  president's  salary  was  raised  to  $5,000  a  year.  Costa 
JR.,  Col.  Ley.,  xii.  236-7,  247-8;   Id.,  Gaceta,  July  23,  1853;  Hond.,  Gaceta 
Ofic.,  June  20,  1853;   Wagner,  Costa  R.,  171-2,  506-8,  296-7. 

87  Min.  Calvo's  rept  to  cong.  May  16,  1854.     The  chamber  on  the  5th  of 
June  sanctioned  all  the  acts  of  the  govt,  and  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  and 
congratulation  to  the  president,  '  por  el  acierto  y  prudencia  con  quo  la  ha  re- 
gido.'  Costa  £.,  Mem.  Rel,  15. 




LITTLE,  if  anything,  has  been  said  in  this  history  of 
the  internal  affairs  of  Nicaragua  since  1838.  Under 
her  first  constitution,  that  of  1826,  the  chief  executive 
officer  of  the  state  was  called  jefe  del  estado,  and  his 
term  of  office  was  for  four  years.  The  second  organic 
law,  promulgated  in  1838,  gave  that  functionary  the 
title  of  director  supremo,  limiting  his  tenure  of  office 
to  two  years.  Pablo  Buitrago  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  director  called  upon  to  enforce  the  constitu- 
tion of  1838.1  He  was  declared  by  the  chambers,  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1841,  to  have  been  constitutionally 
chosen.  His  first  step  was  to  remove  from  the  office 
of  ministro  general  Francisco  Castellon,  who  held  it 
ad  interim  under  appointment  by  Patricio  Rivas,2 

1The  following  persons  held  the  office  ad  int.  before  him:  namely,  Patri- 
cio Rivas,  June  1839;  Joaquin  Cosio,  July  1839;  Hilario  Ulloa,  senator  in 
charge,  Oct.  1839;  Tomas  Valladares,  senator,  Nov.  1839;  Patricio  Rivas, 
Sept.  1840.  Marure,  Efem.,  64;  MvnMjfar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  136;  Wells' 
Hond.,  494. 

2  There  was  much  dissimilarity  of  views  on  political  matters  between  the 



calling  to  succeed  him  Simon  Orozco,  whom  he  could 
more  easily  control. 

Buitrago  treated  a  communication  from  Morazan, 
sent  him  from  San  Miguel,  with  contumely ;  and  after- 
ward, when  the  ex-president,  as  jefe  of  Costa  Rica, 
accredited  near  him  two  commissioners,  he  declined 
to  receive  them.3  His  course  won  him  commendation 
from  the  rulers  of  Guatemala.4  His  term  of  office 
came  to  an  end  on  the  1st  of  April,  1843,  and  he  was 
temporarily  succeeded  by  Juan  de  Dios  Orozco.  The 
official  press  asserted  that  the  election  for  director  had 
been  made  with  perfect  freedom.  But  no  candidate 
having  received  the  requisite  number  of  votes,  the 
assembly  chose  Manuel  Perez  to  fill  the  position.5 
The  state  was  at  peace,6  but  was  not  to  enjoy  that 
benefit  long.  In  a  previous  chapter  I  have  spoken  of 
the  desolating  war  waged  within  her  borders  by  the 
tyrants  of  Salvador  and  Honduras.  She  was,  more- 
over, harassed  by  the  intemperate  demands  for  Brit- 
ish claimants  made  by  Chatfield,  the  ally  of  the 
aristocrats  of  Guatemala,  who  went  so  far  as  to  dic- 
tate to  Nicaragua  how  to  recognize  and  pay  these 
claims.7  The  assembly  then  authorized  the  executive 
to  arrange  the  matter  in  the  best  way  possible,  and 

two  men,  though  Castellon  had  contributed  to  Buitrago's  election.  Many 
bitter  publications  appeared  subsequently  from  the  pens  of  the  two  adver- 
saries. Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nlc.,  48,  146. 

3  They  were  not  even  allowed  to  enter  the  state,  because  of  the  treaty  of 
Oct.  1842,  signed  by  Pavon,  Arriaga,  and  Duran. 

4  The  Gaceta  eulogized  him,  and  Pavon  said  that  he  was  '  un  hombre  de 
drden  que  solo  aspiraba  a  la  justicia  y  al  decoro.'    Buitrago's  position  was  be- 
coming a  difficult  one.     Morazan  ruled  in  Costa  Rica,  had  not  a  few  friends 
in  Nicaragua,  and  public  opinion  in  the  latter  state  favored  a  convention  of 
states.     On  the  other  hand,  he  was  anxious  not  to  forfeit  the  good  opinion  of 
the  nobles  and  nuns.     Upon  the  news  of  Morazan's  execution  reaching  Leon, 
he  had  it  published  with  marke  of  satisfaction.     He  also  objected,  though  not 
strenuously,  to  the  landing  of  Saget  and  his  companions,  ycleped  Coquimbos, 
in  Salvador. 

5  One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  make  Francisco  Castellon  his  ministro  general. 

6  The  new  official  journal,  Eco  de  la  Ley,  in  its  first  number  declared  that 
an  Octavian  peace  reigned.     And  indeed,  had  Nicaragua  been  away  from  ob- 
noxious influences,  peace  might  have  been  maintained  under  republican  insti- 
tutions.    But  she  was,  unhappily,  surrounded  by  states  where  for  a  time  brutal 
force  held  sway. 

7  The  claimants  were  Bridge,  Glenton,  and  Manning.     Full  details  on  the 
claims  of  the  last  two  are  in  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  109-10,  121-3,  132-5;  Dun- 
lop's  Cent.  Am.,  55-6. 


Castellon,  the  ministro  general,  proposed  to  Chatiield 
to  submit  the  disputed  claims  to  arbitration,  naming 
Bishop  Yiteri  as  the  Nicaraguan  arbitrator.  Finally, 
a  legation  was  despatched  to  London,  Castellon  being 
the  minister  and  Maximo  Jerez  the  secretary.8  The 
British  authorities  resolved,  however,  to  use  coercion 
in  order  to  force  a  settlement  of  the  claims,  the  cor- 
vette Daphne  blockading  the  port  of  Realejo  in  Au- 
gust 1846;  and  the  government,  being  without  funds 
to  meet  such  demands  at  once,  had  to  pledge  the  rev- 
enue from  the  tobacco  monopoly  during  the  next  four 

Leon,  after  its  terrible  conflict  with  the  forces  of 
Salvador  and  Honduras,  aided  by  Nicaraguan  allies, 
was  in  a  shattered  condition,  and  most  of  the  families 
dwelling  therein  were  in  mourning,  and  reduced  to 
indigence.  Munoz,  who  so  efficiently  cooperated  to 
that  result,  had  secured  the  coveted  reward,  the  com- 
mand in  chief  of  the  western  department.  The  seat 
of  government  was  at  San  Fernando,  and  Bias  An- 
tonio Saenz  assumed  the  executive  duties  on  the  20th 
of  January,  1845.9  Under  the  sword  of  Munoz  the 
elections  for  director  supremo  were  effected,  and  Jose 
Leon  Sandoval  obtained  a  plurality  vote.10  He  was 
declared  duly  elected  on  the  4th  of  April.  The  assem- 
bly passed  several  important  measures.11 

Peace  had  not  been  restored.  Disturbances  were 
breaking  out  in  several  parts.  There  were  revolu- 

8  They  embarked  at  San  Juan  del  Norte  on  the  llth  of  March,  1844.    Both 
have  since  figured  prominently  in  political  circles. 

9  Selva  had  held  the  office  by  virtue  of  his  position  as  senior  senator  to  that 
date,  when  his  senatorial  term  expired. 

10  223  votes  were  cast  for  him,  the  next  highest  receiving  only  190.     The 
other  candidates  were  Juan  Jose  Ruiz,  Jose  Guerrero,  Pablo  Buitrago,  Laure- 
ano  Pineda,  Jose  Rosa  Perez,  G.  Carcache,  Patricio  Rivas,  and  Rafael  Ma- 
chado.  Nic.,  Reaistro  Ofic.,  47-8;  Sandoval,  JRevistas Polit. ,  19;  Dunlop's  Cent. 
Am.,  250. 

11  To  raise  two  loans  of  $10,000  and  $30,000,  respectively,  and  to  regulate 
the  financial  system.     Trial  by  jury  was  suspended.     An  amnesty  was  issued 
with  many  exceptions  against  the  defenders  of  Leon.  Nic.,  Registro  Otic.,  69- 
70.     Two  portfolios  were  created;  namely,  that  of  war,  intrusted  to  Lino 
C6sar,  and  that  of  treasury,  placed  in  charge  of  Jesus  de  la  Rocha.     Jose 
Montenegro  was  ministro  general  and  of  foreign  relations.     The  administra- 
tive course  of  Fruto  Chamorro,  as  supremo  delegado  of  the  late  confederacy, 
was  approved  the  9th  of  May,  long  after  Chamorro  had  vacated  his  office. 


tionary  movements  in  Managua,  and  the  government 
sent  thither  Ponciano  Corral  to  make  an  investiga- 
tion, and  quell  the  sedition.  His  report  brought 
about  the  imprisonment  of  several  citizens.12  Mani- 
festations in  favor  of  Cabanas  at  Bivas  were  put  down 
with  an  iron  hand.  On  the  24th  of  June  there  was  a 
revolt  at  Leon,  which  Munoz  quelled,  and  the  govern- 
ment had  its  authors  confined  in  San  Juan  del  Norte.13 
The  executive  had  proclaimed  neutrality  in  the  con- 
test between  the  government  of  Salvador  and  Males- 
pin,  who  was  sustained  by  Honduras;  and  though  he 
concluded  with  Salvador  at  San  Fernando  a  treaty  of 
peace,  friendship,  and  alliance,  he  also  entered  into  a 
similar  one  with  Honduras.14  The  latter  treaty  was 
Intended  to  be  a  reality,  and  it  is  undeniable  that  Nic- 
aragua was  a  faithful  ally  and  cooperator  of  Honduras 
down  to  the  treaty  of  Sensenti.  The  treaty  with 
Salvador  was  not  made  in  good  faith  on  the  part  of 

The  town  of  Chinandega  was,  in  the  latter  part  of 
July,  captured  by  200  revolutionists  under  Jose  M. 
Valle,  alias  El  Chelon,15  who  had  come  with  sixty  or 
eighty  men  on  a  schooner  from  La  Union,  and  landed 
at  Cosiguina.16  On  the  26th  Munoz  was  attacked  in 
Leon,  but  defeated  his  assailants.17  The  government 
abandoned  San  Fernando  and  went  to  Managua.1* 

12  Under  the  decree  of  June  23d,  the  prisoners  were  confined  respectively 
in  Granada,  Matagalpa,  Acoyapa,  San  Fernando,  and  Nandayme,  and  sub- 
jected to  prosecution  by  the  courts.     Many  persons,  specially  the  partisans  of 
Cabanas,  were  given  by  Corral  the  advice — which  was  tantamount  to  an 
order — to  quit  Managua  and  not  return.   Nic.,  Reyistro  Ofic.,  90,  96-8,  101,. 

13  The  cause  was  the  indignation  at  the  sympathy  of  the  government's; 
agents  for  Malespin  and  Guardiola. 

14  The  treaty  with  Salvador  bore  date  of  May  6,  1845,  and  was  ratified  by 
the  Salvadoran  chambers  June  3d. 

15  The  municipal  authorities  and  citizens  of  the  place,  by  an  acta  on  the 
29th  of  July,  authorized  Valle  to  take  such  action  as  he  deemed  best  to  upset 
the  existing  government  and  restore  constitutional  order.  Montiifar,  Resena. 
Hist.,  v.  139-40;  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  138-9. 

16  Salvador  was  for  a  time  suspected  of  connivance  with  Valle,  but  she 
proved  the  contrary. 

17  Director  Sandova*.  called  them  assassins  and  robbers. 

18  The  western  department  and  Managua  were  mulcted  in  $12,000  as  pun- 

HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    16 


Munoz,  -victorious  again  at  Chichigalpa,  marched  on 
Chinandega,  which  he  occupied  without  opposition; 
but  having  to  return  to  Leon,  the  insurgents  retook 
it.  He  came  back  with  a  large  force  on  the  16th  of 
August,  and  reoccupied  the  place.19  Sandoval  had, 
on  the  9th,  forbidden  the  men  who  accompanied  Mo- 
razan  to  Costa  Rica  from  entering  Nicaraguan  soil. 
A  ministerial  crisis  occurred  at  this  time,  Rocha  and 
Cesar  resigning  their  portfolios,  which  were  given  to 
Mdxirno  Jerez  and  Buitrago.20  Their  tenure  was 
necessarily  short,  and  they  were  superseded  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  year  by  Fruto  Chamorro  and  Jose 
Guerrero,  the  latter  being  almost  immediately  suc- 
ceeded by  Lino  Cesar.  This  new  arrangement  gave 
the  director  an  homogeneous  cabinet.  The  govern- 
ment was  now  a  decidedly  conservative  one. 

The  revolution  came  to  an  end  in  the  latter  part  of 
September  1845,  an  amnesty  being  issued  excepting 
only  the  chief  leaders,  and  persons  guilty  of  common 


This  short  truce  enabled  Sandoval  to  pay  an  official 
visit  to  the  several  districts.  In  Chinandega  the  in- 
habitants having  abandoned  their  homes,  he  issued 
orders  to  bring  them  back.22  The  government  was 
levying  heavy  taxes.  The  citizens  of  Leon,  Chinan- 
dega, El  Viejo,  and  other  places,  who  were  the  victims 
of  the  self-styled  "  ejercito  protector  de  la  paz,"  were 
compelled  to  support  the  regime  which  had  its  being 
out  of  the  destruction  of  the  first-named  town.  It  is, 
therefore,  not  a  matter  of  surprise  that  the  people  of 
many  towns  went  off  to  the  woods.  The  insurrection 

19  His  official  reports  of  July  8th  and  17th  are  textually  given  in  Montiifar, 
Reseiia  Hist.,  v.  162-4;  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  128-9,  133-4. 

20  It  is  inexplicable  how  these  two  men  could  serve  in  the  same  cabinet, 
unless  under  some  one  of  very  superior  mind  and  character,  which  Sandoval 
certainly  did  not  possess.     Jerez  was  a  democrat,  a  friend  of  Central  Amer- 
ican union,  and  an  admirer  of  Morazan.     Buitrago  was  the  opposite — a  con- 
servative, separatist,  and  opponent  of  Morazan. 

21  Leaders  surrendering  were  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  civil  courts;  other- 
wise, if  captured,  would  be  tried  under  military  laws. 

22  Every  one  refusing  to  return  was  heavily  fined.     Chief -of -bureau  E.  Cas- 
tillo's instructions  to  the  sub-prefect,  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  293. 


broke  out  again,  Valle  appearing  in  Segovia,  and  re- 
entering  Chinandega  on  the  26th  of  November.  The 
amnesty  decree  was  thereupon  revoked.23  The  state 
of  Honduras  took  part  in  the  war,  sending  an  army 
under  Guardiola  to  the  aid  of  Sandoval.  The  insur- 
gents were  defeated  first  by  Munoz,  and  soon  after  by 
Guardiola,  who  occupied  Chinandega.24  At  the  end 
of  the  campaign  Munoz  signified  a  desire  to  leave  the 
state,  and  asked  for  a  passport;  but  the  government 
replied  with  words  of  fulsome  praise  that  his  services 
could  not  be  spared.25  This  was  precisely  what  Munoz 
had  fished  for.26 

Efforts  were  made  by  Buitrago  and  others  to  pre- 
vail on  •  Sandoval  to  call  the  chambers  of  1846  to  sit 
in  Leon,  but  he  objected  to  the  proposition.  The 
assembly  met  first  in  San  Fernando  June  7,  1846,  and 
on  the  14th  of  August  sanctioned  every  past  act  of  the 
government.27  At  a  later  date  it  removed  to  Mana- 
gua, and  adjourned  leaving  much  unfinished  business, 
for  which  it  was  summoned  to  an  extra  session,28  and 
after  doing  what  was  required  of  it,  retired  on  the  1 8th 
of  December. 

The  end  of  Sandoval's  term  was  approaching,  and 
elections  for  supremo  director  took  place.  The  as- 
sembly met  again  on  the  12th  of  March,  1847,  and 
Senator  Miguel  R.  Morales  assumed  the  executive. 
Minister  Salinas  in  his  annual  report  made  a  number 
of  suggestions  to  the  chambers;  namely,  an  amend- 
ment of  the  constitution  in  the  direction  styled  by  the 

23  Decree  of  Oct.  30,  1842.  Nic.,  Regutro  Ofic.,  126,  128,  138,  143. 

24  Official  reports  of  Dec.  6th  and  8th  to  the  min.  of  war  of  Nic.  Id.,  157- 
8;  El  Tiempo,  March  12,  1846. 

5  '  En  cuanto  al  pasaporte,  el  Gobierno  Supremo  ama  y  desea  mucho  la 
f elicidad  del  Estado,  y  no  podria  privarlo  de  su  mas  fuerte  apoyo. '  Montufar, 
Resena  Hist.,  v.  284-5;  Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  290. 

26  He  followed  the  example  of  Carrera  in  Guat. 

27  Sandoval  surrendered  his  office  June  25th  to  the  legislature  in  order  that 
it  might  freely  adjudicate  upon  his  official  acts.     Once  approved,  he  resumed 
the  executive  duties  Sept.  2d. 

28  Dec.  12th  it  voted  an  amnesty  law  with  a  number  of  limitations;  namely, 
against  persons  entering  the  state  with  arms  to  disturb  the  peace;  and  against 
the  guilty  of  murder  or  other  atrocious  crime.     The  govt  issued,  Jan.  9,  1847, 
c,  supplementary  decree  of  amnesty.  Sandoval,  Revista  Polit.,  57-9-  Nic..  Re- 
gistro Ofic.,  390,  401,  407-8;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  298-9. 


conservatives,  "moderado  y  ae  orden;"  good  relations 
with  the  pope,  and  cordial  friendship  with  the  priests; 
public  instruction  based  upon  the  requirements  of  the 
council  of  Trent.  The  office  of  supremo  director 
passed,  on  the  6th  of  April,  into  the  hands  of  Jose 
Guerrero,  who  had  been  chosen  for  the  constitutional 
term.29  Acceding  to  the  repeated  petitions  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  western  department,  Guerrero  decreed30  to 
make  Leon  the  residence  of  the  government,  and  the 
transfer  was  effected  July  20th,  the  people  of  that  city 
greeting  the  director  and  his  officials  with  joy  The 
assembly,  however,  preferred  to  sit  at  Managua,  and 
did  so  on  the  3d  of  September.31 

The  country  stood  in  need  of  a  new  constitution, 
but  this  could  not  be  framed  at  the  present  time,  be- 
cause the  whole  attention  of  the  government  and 
people  was  absorbed  by  the  questions  with  Great 
Britain,  which  were  a  menace  to  Nicaraguan  terri- 
tory, and  even  to  the  independence  of  all  Central 
America.  These  difficulties  were  connected  with  the 
possession  of  the  territory  known  as  the  Mosquito 
Coast,  or  Mosquitia.  The  Spanish  authorities  to  the 
last  moment  of  their  Tule  over  Central  America  acted 
in  a  manner  indicative  of  Spain's  claim  of  full  sover- 
eignty over  that  territory,  disallowing  the  pretended 
right  of  the  Zambo  chief  who  under  British  protection 
had  been  dubbed  King  of  Mosquitia.32 

A  British  agent  claimed  some  years  afterward  that 
the  relations  of  the  Spanish  and  Mosquitian  authori- 
ties had  been  in  1807,  and  even  before,  such  as  are 
held  between  independent  powers.33  The  so-called 

29  Sandoval  returned  to  Granada  and  was  received  with  great  honor. 

30  July  16,  1847.     This  measure  awakened  much  acrimony  outside  of  the 
benefited  department. 

31  El  Itazonador,  Dec.  29,  1847. 

32  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  599-607,  this  series.     In  Nov.  1803,  the  whole 
north  coast,  including  the  island  of  San  Andres,  and  the  Mosquito  Coast  ex- 
tending from  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios  to  the  Chagre  River,  was  placed  under  the 
viceroy  of  Nueva  Granada;  but  five  years  later  the  transfer  was  annulled,  and 
the  coast  of  Mosquitia  restored  to  Nicaragua,  to  which  it  had  been  annexed 
by  royal  order  of  March  31,  1803. 

33  He  based  his  pretension  on  the  following  incident:  The  Caribs  on  the 
Trujillo  line  rebelled  in  1807   betaking  themselves  to  Mosq.  territory,  where 


king  of  Mosquitia  claimed  sovereignty  over  an  extent 
of  country  340  miles  long  from  north  to  south,  and 
about  235  miles  in  breadth.  He  also  claimed  the 
district  of  Talamanca  in  Costa  Rica,  and  that  of  Chi- 
riqui  in  Panamd,.3*  The  British  authorities  main- 
tained a  sort  of  protectorate  over  these  Indians,  occa- 
sionally sending  presents  to  their  chiefs.85 

George  Frederick  and  his  half-brother  Robert,  like 
their  father  George,  who  was  killed  in  1800,  were  of 
mixed  negro  and  Indian  blood.  They  were  first  taken 
to  Belize  to  receive  some  education,36  and  next  to 
Jamaica,  where  they  were  the  objects  of  some  atten- 
tion on  the  part  of  Lord  Albeinarle,  the  governor-gen- 
eral. George  Frederick's  education  was  an  indifferent 
one.  In  1815  he  was  back  in  Belize  to  be  crowned 
there  at  his  own  request,  Chaplain  Armstrong  per- 
forming the  ceremony,  and  his  chiefs  taking  the  oath 
of  allegiance  in  regular  form.37  He  was  then  pro- 
claimed king  of  the  Mosquito  shore  and  nation,  and  a 

they  were  captured  by  Sp.  troops  and  brought  back,  together  with  some  Mos- 
quitians,  as  prisoners.  King  Stephen,  successor  to  G-eorge,  the  man  crowned 
by  the  British,  threatened  to  burn  Trujillo  and  to  wage  a  border  warfare  if 
his  subjects  were  not  forthwith  returned.  The  president  of  Guatemala,  for 
prudential  reasons,  had  the  prisoners  sent  back.  Am.  Cent.,  Reclam.  de  In- 
terven.,  8. 

34  Altogether  about  76,000  square  miles.  Strangeways'  Mosq.,  4-5.     Lord 
Palmerston,  in  his  instructions  to  Brit,  represent,  in  Nueva  Granada  and 
Cent.  Am.,  spoke  of  a  coast  line  of  about  720  statute  miles  as  belonging  to 
Mosq.     Squier,  Cent.  Am.,  629,  has  it  that  from  200  to  500  miles  in  length, 
and  undefined  breadth,  have  been  claimed. 

35  Capt.  Geo.  Henderson  took  some  in  1807.     The  chiefs  expected  higher 
marks  of  regard,  but  had  to  be  contented  with  what  they  got.  Hendersons 
Brit.  Bond.,  168,  204. 

36  That  was  done,  it  is  presumed,  after  the  death  of  Stephen,  George's  suc- 
cessor, who  was  ruling  in  1807.     The  govt,  at  the  time  of  their  going  to  Be- 
lize, was  in  charge  of  a  sort  of  regency  formed  of  the  three  principal  chiefs, 
who  divided  the  country  into  three  separate  departments.     The  first,  extend- 
ing from  Roman  River,  near  Cape  Honduras,  to  Patook,  was  intrusted  to 
Gen.  Robinson.     The  secoud,  from  Caratasca,  or  Croata,  to  Sandy  Bay  and 
Dnckwarra,  including  all  the  Mosquitians  proper,  was  in  charge  of  a  brother 
of  the  late  king,  who  bore  the  title  of  admiral.     The  third,  from  Brancmans 
to  Rio  Grande,  including  various  tribes,  was  under  Don  Carlos,  called  the 
governor.     The  three  head  chiefs  had  sub-governors.     But  the  small  colonies 
of  Zambos,  at  Pearl  Cay  lagoon  and  Blewfields,  could  choose  their  own  gov- 
ernors. Roberts'  Narr.  of  Voy.,  146-7;  Stout's  Nic.,  168-71. 

31  A  regalia  consisting  of  a  silver-gilt  crown,  a  sword,  and  sceptre  of  mod- 
erate value  had  been  provided  tor  the  farce.  The  emblems  of  royalty  were 
conrided  to  the  custody  of  Jack,  an  old  negro,  '  who,  with  wise  precaution, 
kept  them  carefully  concealed.'  Sqrtier'*  Cent.  Am.,  640-1. 



British  war  vessel  conveyed  him  and  his  chiefs  to 
Gracias  a"  Dios.38  It  seems  that  kingly  life  afforded 
him  little  or  no  satisfaction.  Aware  of  his  lack  of 
qualifications,  and  fully  sensible  that  he  could  not 
retrieve  himself  from  vicious  habits,  especially  from 
the  bottle,  which  soon  controlled  him,  his  heart  failed 
him,  and  his  life  became  embittered.39  The  British 
government  at  first  manifested  a  friendly  interest, 
sending  him  presents,  and  Chaplain  Armstrong  his 
advice ;  but  the  latter  was  disregarded  by  the  king 
and  his  chief  minister,  who  often  remarked  that  a 
present  of  rum  would  be  more  welcome.  The  instruc- 
tion on  government  was  beyond  his  understanding, 
and  looked  on  as  falsehood.  Such  was  the  effect  of 
his  West  India  education  in  civilization.  It  has  been 
asserted  that  he  was  murdered  in  1824.40  Robert, 
his  brother,  succeeded,  and  was  deposed,  his  successor 
being  James,  descended  from  an  older  branch  of  the 
family,41  who  took  the  name  of  George  Frederick. 

38  Col  Arthur,  the  superintendent,  gave  him  much  good  advice  to  guide 
him  in  his  government.  Arthur  s  Letter,  in  Mosq.  Doc.,  122-3;  Disputes  with 
Am.,  in  Brit.  Quart.  Rev.,  xcix.  242-3.     But  the  good  advice  was  lost  upon 
his  swarthy  majesty.     It  is  understood  that  every  new  king  had  been  to 
Jamaica  to  receive  a  commission  from  the  Brit,  govt,  his  subjects  refusing 
him  recognition  as  their  sovereign  till  he  had  done  so.  Bonny  castle's  Sp.  Am., 
i.  171-2. 

39  He  became  a  confirmed  drunkard.  Roberts'  Narr.  of  Voy.,  148-9. 

40  Some  parties  accused  of  the  crime  are  said  to  have  suffered  death. 

41  George  Hendersons  British  Honduras,  London,  1811,  8°,  236  p.,  is  a  diary 
of  the  author's  trip  to  and  from  the  Mosquito  shore,  which  also  furnishes  an 
interesting  account  of  Belize  and  her  resources,  climate,  etc.,  together  with 
a  map  of  Honduras,  and  ends  with  sketches  on  the  manners  and  customs  of 
the   Mosquito   Indians.     Thomas  Strangeways1  Sketch  of  the  Mosquito  Shore, 
Edinburgh,  1822,  8vo,  355  p.     The  author,  who  calls  himself  a  K.  G.  C.,  cap- 
tain of  the  first  native  Poyer  regiment,  and  aide-de-camp  to  his  Highness,  the 
cacique  of  Payais,  gives  with  a  portrait  of  that  cacique,  Sir  Gregor  MacGregor, 
a  historical  preface,  and  a  map  of  Mosquitia,  and  the  Poyais  territory.     The 
book  also  contains  a  descriptive  sketch  of  that  country,  its  productions,  mode 
of  cultivation,  and  other  facts,  all  compiled  for  the  special  use  of  settlers. 
Peter  F.  Stout's  Nicaragua,  Past,   Present,  and  Future,  Phila.,  1859,  12°.  372 
p.     With  the  exception  of  a  cursory  glance  at  affairs  in  Mosquito,  on  inter- 
oceanic  communication,  and  ancient  history  of  Mexico,  this  work  is  confined 
to  the  resources,  history,  and  general  features  of  Nicaragua,  the  chief  object 
being  to  furnish  a  general  description  of  the  country  rather  than  its  history. 
The  author  was  U.  S.  vice-consul,  and  his  opinion  on  questions  between  his 
country  and  Great  Britain  might  be  deemed  by  a  subject  of  the  latter  not 
wholly"  impartial.     Orlando  W.  Roberts'  Narrative  of  Voyages  and  Excursions 
on  the  east  coast,  and  in  the  interior  of  Central  America,  Edinburgh,  1827,  16°, 
302  p.,  preceded  by  a  map  of  a  part  of  Cent.  Am,  showing  the  route  from 


Mosquito  annals  do  not  record  what  became  of  him. 
The  next  king  was  Robert  Charles  Frederick,  who 
believing  himself  a  real  monarch,  for  and  in  consider- 
ation of  abundant  contributions  of  rum,  to  which  he 
was  much  addicted,  began  to  make  large  grants  of 
land,  some  of  which  carried  with  them  the  rights  of 
absolute  sovereignty.  Most  of  these  grants  were 
afterward  cancelled,  and  the  king  was  taken  by  the 
British  authorities  to  Belize,  and  kept  under  control. 
He  died  there,  leaving,  in  a  so-called  last  will,  dated 
in  February  1840,  to  Superintendent  Macdonald  the 
regency  of  his  dominions  during  the  minority  of  his 
heir,  the  princess  Inez  Ann  Frederick.42  Macdonald, 
whether  as  such  regent  or  as  an  officer  of  the  Brit- 
ish crown,  appointed  his  private  secretary,  Patrick 
Walker,  to  reside  at  Blewfields,  and  have  charge  of 
the  affairs  of  Mosquitia ;  since  which  time  the  shore  be- 
gan to  assume  much  importance,  at  least  in  a  political 
sense.  Walker  established  a  council  of  state,  and 
soon  opened  a  dispute  about  boundaries  with  the 
Central  American  states,  giving  rise  to  grave  questions 
which  occupied  the  attention  of  other  governments, 
and  of  which  I  will  treat  later. 

Several  attempts  were  made  since  the  early  days 
of  the  present  century  to  colonize  the  Mosquito  shore, 

the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  via  the  river  San  Juan  and  lakes  Nicaragua  and 
Leon,  with  an  index  and  a  preface  by  Edward  Irving,  is  a  little  book  descrip- 
tive of  the  author's  journey  up  the  San  Juan  River  to  Leon  through  Lake 
Nicaragua,  and  of  trading  voyages  in  which  he  was  many  years  engaged 
among  the  Indians  of  Hond.,  Nic.,  and  Costa  R.  His  opportunities  for  ob- 
servation seem  to  have  been  good,  and  his  manner  of  setting  forth  the  infor- 
mation thus  obtained  is  clear  and  apparently  reliable.  On  Mosquitia  and  her 
govt  and  people  he  gives  much  that  is  really  interesting  and  useful.  R.  H. 
Bonny  castle's  Spanish  America,  or  a  descriptive,  historical,  and  geographical  ac- 
count of  the  dominions  of  Spain,  London,  1878,  8°,  2  vol.,  pp.  xxix.  336,  v.  359, 
map  and  engraving,  is  mostly  a  compilation,  poor  in  style,  divided  into  two 
parts.  The  first  treats  of  the  Spanish  dominions  in  North  America;  the 
second  of  those  in  South  America.  Everything  is  treated  in  a  cursory  man- 
ner, and  the  part  relating  to  Cent.  Am.  and  the  isthmus  of  Panama  is  meagre 
and  trifling. 

42 More  details  in  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  641-3;  Mosquitoland,  31-3,  38-40, 
47-50,  225-9;  Nic.  Nueva  Discusion,  6;  Crowe's  Gospel,  208-10;  8.  Juan,  Ocup., 
33-5,  45-9;  Nile*'  Rey. ,  Ixiv.  130;  Frisch,  Stouten  von  Max.,  94;  Reichardt, 
Cent.  Am.,  134,  140-1,  208-11. 


for  which  large  tracts  of  land  were  granted.  Among 
the  most  important  was  one  made  to  the  Scotchman 
Sir  Gregor  MacGregor,43  who  soon  after  started  a 
wild  project,  which  later  was  known  as  the  Poyais 
bubble,  and  ended,  about  1823,  disastrously  for  the 
dupes  who  had  been  drawn  into  it.44  In  1839  the 
British  Central  America  Land  Company  of  London 
made  another  experiment  on  the  same  place  where 
MacGregor  had  tried  his,  and  it  ended  in  failure.45  A 
German  colony  named  Carlsruhe,  near  Blewfields, 
which  was  started  about  1844,  had  to  be  abandoned 
in  1849  after  losing  about  two  thirds  of  the  emigrants. 
The  climate  of  the  coast  is  moist,  hotter  than  in 
the  interior,  and  not  as  healthy.  The  greater  part  of 
the  soil  is  fertile,  and  it  may  be  said  that  the  country 
possesses  many  natural  elements  of  wealth.46  Blew- 
fields, the  capital  of  Mosquitia,  is  on  the  river  and 
lagoon  of  the  same  name.  In  the  latter  part  of  1847 
Blewfields  and  its  dependencies  had  599  inhabitants, 
of  which  111  were  white  and  488  black,47  in  two  vil- 
lages, the  larger,  Blewfields,  having  78  houses,  and 
the  lesser,  Carlsruhe,  16.  Few  of  the  houses  were 
built  of  boards.  One  of  this  kind  was  then  occupied 
by  Walker,  the  British  agent  and  consul-general,  with 
whom  the  sovereign  resided.48 

On  the  12th  of  August,  1841,  Macdonald,  superin- 
tendent of  Belize,  came  to  San  Juan  del  Norte  on  the 

43  At  the  court  of  Gracias  a  Dios,  Apr.  19, 1820.    The  grantee  called  himself 
'  his  Highness  the  cacique  of  Poyais, '  and  claimed  absolute  dominion  over  the 
Poyer  district  on  the  extreme  west  of  Mosquitia,  including  the  Rio  Tinto. 

44  The  plan  comprised  well-equipped  regiments  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  a 
theatre  and  theatrical  company,  a  band,  and  paper  currency.   Crowe's  Gospel, 
207-8;    Mosq.-Kuste  und  Texas,  28;   Mosquitoland,  34-8;  Quart.  Rev.,  xxviii. 
160-1;  Eco,  Hisp.-Am.,  July  31,  1860. 

45  This  settlement  was  called  Fort  Wellington,  and  was  brought  to  ruin  by 
a  succession  of  calamities,  including  shipwrecks.  Mosq.  -Kuste  und  Texas,  29- 
33;   Youngs  Mosq.  Shore,  53-9,  65-71. 

46  It  has  an  abundance  of  mahogany,  rosewood,  caoutchouc,  and  other  val- 
uable trees,  and  is  capable  of  producing  cotton,  sugar,  rice,  indigo,  and  most 
of  the  tropical  staples. 

47  Slavery  was  abolished  in  1841.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  10,  1866. 

48  There  wa.s  neither  church  nor  pastor  in  the  place.  8.  Juan,  Ocup.,  13-15; 
Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  661-2. 


frigate  Tweed,  bringing  with  him  the  so-called  king 
of  the  Mosquitos  or  Moscos.  At  the  same  time  an 
armed  sloop,  under  the  Mosquito  flag  and  commanded 
by  Peter  Shepherd,  entered  the  port.  The  coman- 
dante  and  revenue  officer,  Lieutenant-colonel  Quijano, 
went  to  see  the  commanding  officers  at  Shepherd's 
house,  but  was  not  received,  on  the  plea  that  both 
the  king  and  superintendent  were  unwell.  An  offi- 
cial letter  from  him  was  left  unanswered.  At  last, 
the  superintendent's  secretary,  together  with  the  cap- 
tain of  the  frigate  and  the  king's  secretary,  called  on 
Quijano  and  told  him  that  on  the  following  day  his 
letter  would  be  answered,  requiring  his  recognition  of 
the  Mosquito  king  as  the  ally  of  her  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty. Quijano  refused,  and  his  visitors  retired.  He 
reiterated  his  refusal  in  a  letter  to  the  superintend- 
ent, and  in  the  name  of  his  government  solemnly  pro- 
tested against  his  pretension,  as  well  as  against  the 
insults  inflicted  on  his  country.43  He  was  finally  notified 
that  if  he  interfered  with  any  British  or  Mosquito 
subject,  both  he  and  his  government  would  be  held 

The  demands  and  insults  of  the  British  officers  con- 
tinued until  the  15th,  when  they  seized  Quijano  and 
carried  him.  on  board  the  frigate,  intending  to  take 
him  to  Belize.51  The  Nicaraguan  government,  in  a 
note  to  British  Vice-consul  Foster,  denounced  the  acts 

49  Macdonald  answered  Aug.  13th  that  the  object  of  his  visit  to  the  coast 
had  been  to  convey  a  message  of  H.  B.  M.  to  her  ally  the  sovereign  of  the 
Mosquito  nation,  and  to  ascertain  by  his  own  observation  the  true  boundaries 
of  the  Mosquito  dominions,  upon  which  point  he  wished  to  be  enlightened  by 
Quijano.     He  made  further  demands  for  a  recognition  of  his  demand,  but  the 
Nicaraguan  official  invariably  returned  a  refusal.    Mosquitoland,  29,  223-5; 
Niles  Reg.,  Ixi.  98;  Ixii.  64,  275;  Ixiii.  19,.194;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  H.  Ex.  Doc. 
75,  vol.  x.,  31st  cong.  1st  sess.;   Young's  Mosq.  Shore,  33^> 

50  An  English  writer  says:   '  This  farce  hardly  seemed  consistent  with  the 
dignity  of  a  British  officer,  gov.  of  a  settlement.'  Dunlop's  Trav.,  215-16. 
Crowe,  also  an  Englishman,  declares  it  to  have  been  an  infamous  act.  Gospel% 
212.     It  was  not  disavowed  by  the  Brit.  govt.  fiquier's  Travels,  ii.  449;  Nouv. 
Annales  Vat/.,  xciv.  251-2. 

61  He  was  left  on  a  desert  island  on  the  coast.  Marure,  l$fem.,  54;  Montti- 
far,  Resena  Hist.,  iii.  612.  Macdonald  himself  on  the  15th  made  his  acts 
known  to  the  govt  of  Nic.,  alleging  that  he  had  been  specially  requested  by 
many  persons  of  San  Juan  to  remove  Quijano.  The  latter  was  undoubtedly 
a  bad  man,  but  no  foreign  authority  had  any  right  to  interfere  with  him. 


of  the  British  officials  at  San  Juan  as  high-handed, 
accusing  Macdonald  of  usurping  the  name  of  her 
Britannic  Majesty  in  supposing  her  to  be  an  ally  of 
the  so-called  Mosquito  king.52  The  whole  American 
continent  became  indignant  at  the  British  proceedings 
in  San  Juan.  There  was  one  exception,  however, 
which  must  be  classified  as  vile.  Ferrera,  jefe  of 
Honduras,  under  the  influence  of  the  servile  element 
of  Guatemala,  allied  with  Chatfield,  recognized  the 
Mosquito  nation.53 

Chatfield  informed  Nicaragua  that  the  whole  Cen- 
tral American  territory  lying  between  Cape  Gracias 
d  Dios  and  the  mouth  of  the  San  Juan  River  belonged 
to  the  Mosquito  king,  without  prejudice  to  other 
rights  the  king  might  have  south  of  the  San  Juan.54 
In  January  1848  two  British  war  vessels  occupied 
the  port  of  San  Juan  without  resistance,  replacing 
the  Nicaraguan  officials  by  Englishmen  as  servants 

52  Consul  Chatfield  claimed  that  Quijano  was  removed  from  Mosq.  and  not 
Nic.    territory;  that  he  had  himself  notified  the  govt  of  Cent.  Am.  of  the 
existence  of  the  Mosq.  nation,  and  that  Great  Britain  would  not  look  with 
indifference  upon  any  usurpation  of  the  territory  of  a  monarch  with  whom 
she  had  close  relations;  that  Spain  had  recognized  the  Mosq.  nation  when 
Prince  Stephen  visited  San  Salvador  and  Guatemala.     His  letter  was  dated 
Oct.  24,  1842.     Further  correspondence  followed  between  Nic.  and  Chatfield 
without  the  former  giving  way  to  his  pretensions.     The  whole  correspond, 
may  be  seen  in  Mosq.  Doc.,  5-23;  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  Sept.  26,  1850;  Montufarf 
Resena  Hist.,  iv.  98-111. 

53  In  a  treaty  with  Thomas  Lowry  Robinson,   signed  in  Comayagua  Dec. 
16,     1843.    MonMfar,   Itesena  Hist.,   iv.  112-14.     The  aristocrats  of  Guat; 
wanted  a  protectorate  of  Great  Britain  over  Cent.  Am.,  and  it  was  believed! 
in  Nic.  for  a  while  that  Costa  R.  had  given  way  to  the  influence  of  Pavori, 
Chatfield,  and  J.  J.  Flores  of  Ecuador,  and  had  accepted  the  scheme.     Chat- 
field  having  concluded,  on  the  26th  of  Nov.,  1849,  a  treaty  with  Costa  R., 
attempted  on  the  strength  of  it,  on  the  1st  of  Dec.,  to  dictate  to  Nic.     He 
said  that  differences  between  Nic.  and  Costa  R.  must  be  amicably  arranged  in 
the  understanding,  that  other  means  would  not  be  looked  on  with  indiffer- 
ence by  Great  Britain. 

54  That  was  pursuant  to  orders  from  Lord  Palmerston,  in  which  for  the" 
first  time  a  protectorate  over  the  Mosquito  shore  was  asserted  by  Great  Brit* 
ain.     Chatfield  and  Walker  had  claimed  rights  over  the  entire  eastern  coast, 
from  Cape  Honduras  to  Chiriqui  Logoon,  an  extent  of  700  miles,  but  Palmers- 
ton  set  the  limits  *  from  Cape  Honduras  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  San 
Juan.'     Meantime   the  Nicaraguan  authorities  had  obtained,  Oct.  28,  1847, 
from  the  Princess  Inez,  believing  her  the  heir  of  Robert  Charles  Frederick,  a 
full  recognition  of  the  authority  of  Nic.  over  the  shore  of  Mosq.,  and  her  com- 
mand to  all  interloping  foreigners  to  leave  the  country.     The  British  officials 
of  course  paid  no  heed  to  this  arrangement.  Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  644-6;  Salv., 
Gaceta,  March  15,  1850. 


of  the  Mosquito  king,  after  doing  which  they  sailed 
away ;  but  no  sooner  had  the  intelligence  reached  the 
interior  than  a  force  was  despatched  to  San  Juan, 
which  reoccupied  the  place  and  sent  to  the  capital  as 
prisoners  the  intruders.55  Whereupon  the  British 
returned  in  force  in  March  1848,  and  defeated  the 
Nicaraguan  detachment.  Hostilities  being  further 
prosecuted,  the  Nicaraguan s  had  to  succumb  before 
the  superior  power  of  their  foe,  and  consented  to  an 
armistice,  providing  that  they  would  not  disturb  San 
Juan,  or  attempt  to  reoccupy  the  port,  pending  the 
negotiations  which  must  follow  on  these  events.56 

Nicaragua,  by  her  ablest  diplomates,  defended  her 
rights  to  the  disputed  territory  both  in  Europe  and 
America,  without  obtaining  a  satisfactory  result,  until 
the  fears  of  Central  Americans  for  the  independence  of 
their  country  were  brought  to  an  end  by  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  treaty,  otherwise  called  the  Ship  Canal  con- 
vention, concluded  at  Washington  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  on  the  19th  of  April,  1850, 
by  the  first  article  of  which  neither  power  could 
occupy,  fortify,  colonize,  nor  exercise  dominion  over 
Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  the  Mosquito  Coast,  or  any 
other  portion  of  Central  American  territory,  nor  make 
use  of  a  protectorate  in  any  form.57  Thus  was  this 
vexed  question  terminated,  England  resigning  all  her 
claims  to  the  Mosquito  Coast,  and  by  a  subsequent 

b*Squier's  Travels,  i.  78-80;  Morelet,  Voy.,  ii.  304;  Edirib.  Rev.,  no.  211, 
144;  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixxiii.  273;  Tuckers  Monroe  Doctrine,  46-7,  52-4. 

56  But  the  Nicaraguans  never  relinquished  their  claim  of  sovereignty  over 
the  port,  nor  even  by  implication  recognized  the  king  of  Mosquito.  Nic., 
Manif.  sobre  Trot.,  1-13;  Castellon,  Doc.  Rel,  27-8;  Nic.,  Doc.  Dipl,  32-9; 
Guerrero,  Manif.,  1-7;  Stout's  Nic.,  278;  El  Sicjlo,  Nov.  22,  1852;  Nic.,  Gaceta 
Gob.  Supr.,  Oct.  14,  Nov.  4,  25,  Dec.  2,  1848;  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixxiv.  100;  Squier's 
Cent.  Am.,  647;  Id.,  Trav.,  i.  101-2. 

5/  The  other  articles  refer  to  the  construction  of  an  interoceanic  communi- 
cation, either  in  the  form  of  a  canal  or  of  railroads,  securing  the  neutrality  of 
interoceanic  ways.  Annals  Brit.  Legis.,  97-110,  239-^1;  Nic.,  Nueva  Discov., 
1-44;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  '87-91;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  March  4,  1854; 
Abbott's  Mex.  and  U.  S.,  340-2;  Molina,  Bosq.  Costa  R.,  Ill;  Polynesian,  vi. 
165-6;  vii.  46;  Nic.  y  Hond.,  Doc.,  122-5;  Am.  Quart.  Reg.,  iii.  310-13;  Brit. 
Quart.  Rev.,  xcix.  237-70;  El  Nacional,  July  31,  1858;  Nic.t  Seman  Nic., 
Feb.  14,  1874;  Hunt's  Merchants'  Mag.,  xxiii.  109-11;  Wells'  Walker's  Exped., 
125-P3;  Caicedo,  Lat.  Am.,  73-5. 


treaty  concluded  at  Managua  on  the  28th  of  January, 
1860,  known  as  the^  Zeledmx-Wykafo-eaty.  ceded  to 
Nicaragua  the  protectorate  absolutely/*"  Since  then 
Nicaragua  has  subjected  the  Mosquito  Coast  to  a  pre^ 
fecto.59  Nevertheless,  it  is  understood  that  the  In- 
dian reserve  is  still  ruled  by  a  chief  chosen  by  the 
natives,  assisted  by  a  council,  which  assembles  at 
Blewfields;  but  subject  to  the  supreme  authority  of 
the  Nicaraguan  government. 

Nicaragua,  as  soon  as  she  assumed  the  position  of 
an  independent  nation,  hastened  to  open  friendly 
relations  with  other  powers.60  Spain  made  with  the 
republic  July  25,  1850,  a  treaty  of  friendship,  com- 
merce, and  navigation,  the  first  and  second  articles 
of  which  fully  recognize  Nicaragua's  independence.61 
Early  efforts  were  made  to  arrange  ecclesiastical  affairs 
with  the  papal  see,  a  concordat  being  finally  concluded 
at  Eome  November  2,  1861. 62 

With  the  other  Central  American  states  Nicaragua 
made  treaties,  which  underwent  from  time  to  time 
alterations,  as  circumstances  seemed  to  demand  for 
her  own  or  the  general  defence.  Several  of  these 
will  be  made  apparent  in  the  course  of  my  narrative. 
Nicaragua  has  endeavored  to  maintain  cordial  rela- 

58  The  local  chief  was  prevailed  on  to  accept  this  arrangement  with  a  pen- 
sion of  $5,000  a  year,  during  ten  years,  that  is  to  say,  till  1870,  payable  by  the 
suzerain,  but  the  last  chief  died  in  1864  or  1865,  and  Nic.  has  never  recog- 
nized his  successor.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  23,   1865;  Encydop.  Brit.,  xvii.  493; 
Nic..,  La  Union,  June  15,   1861;  Bond.  Gaceta,  Feb.  20,   1861;  Rocha,   C6d. 
Nic.,  i.  118-27,   132;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  297-301;  Nic.,  Conv.  Mosq.,   1-8;  Pirn's 
Gate  of  the  Pac.,  409-12.     Further  details  on  the  Mosq.  question,  giving  dip- 
lomatic correspondence  and   parliamentary  discussions,  in  Hansard's  Parl. 
Deb.,  cxlv.  1003-7;  Annals  Brit.  Legis.,  x.  129-41;  also  in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc., 
Ex.,  Sen.  and  House,  which  are  too  numerous  to  quote  here;  and  likewise  in 
U.  8.  Cong.  Globe,  1855-6,  1857-8,  1859-60;  Diario  de  Avisos,  Apr.  24,  1857; 
Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Jan.  23,  March  4,  1857. 

59  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  ii.  21-2;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Mar.  26,   1884;  Nic., 
Mem.  Rel,  1867,  3-12. 

60  Autograph  letters  were  exchanged  in  1848,  between  Pres.  Herrera  of 
Mex.  and  Director  Guerrero.  Nic.,  Gaceta  Gob.  Supr.,  Sept.  16,  1848. 

61  Ratified  by  Nic.   March  21,   1851;  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  99,   103;  Nic., 
Trat.  dePaz,  etc.,  1-13. 

62  By  Cardinal  Antonelli,  for  the  pope,  arid  Fernando  cle  Loreiizana  for 
Nic.     The  treaty  was   published   in   the  latter  country  as  a  law  Aug.  28, 
1862.  Nic.,  Gaceta  Gob.  Supr.,  Oct.  7,  1848;  Rocha,  G6d.  Nic.,  i.  79,  132-7. 


tions  with  her  neighbors.63  The  republic  entered  into 
friendly  diplomatic  relations  with  the  powers  of 
Europe  and  America,  most  of  them  having  treaties 
of  amity,  commerce,  and  extradition  of  criminals.  Its 
relations  with  the  United  States  have  generally  been 
intimate,  made  so  by  considerations  of  neighborhood, 
business  interests,  and  similarity  of  institutions,  as 
well  as  by  a  mutual  desire  to  forward  the  construction 
of  a  ship  canal  across  Nicaraguan  territory.  They 
have  been  disturbed  at  times,  however,  while  Nica- 
ragua was  a  transit  route  between  the  eastern  states 
of  the  American  union,  and  during  the  execution  of 
schemes  of  American  filibusters,  such  as  those  of 
Kinney  and  Walker. 

While  the  Mosquito  question  was  pending  between 
Nicaragua  and  Great  Britain,  circumstances  were 
hastening  a  practical  solution  of  it.  An  American 
company,  acting  under  a  Nicaraguan  charter,  opened  a 
transit  route  for  passengers  through  the  state,  begin- 
ning at  San  Juan  del  Norte,  which  place  rapidly  filled 
up  with  emigrants  from  the  United  States,  who  be- 
coming numerically  predominant,  met  in  a  primary 
capacity  and  organized  an  independent  government.64 
After  an  indiscreet  attempt  on  the  part  of  a  British 
commander  to  levy  duties  on  an  American  steamer, 
which  was  disavowed  by  his  government,  the  British 
protectorate  over  San  Juan  at  last  virtually  ceased. 
The  town  and  port  remained  under  the  direct  control 
of  the  inhabitants,  most  of  whom  were  Americans,  as 
a  free  city.65  The  prosperity  of  the  place  was  retarded 
by  a  dispute  with  the  persons  into  whose  hands  the 

63  Full  particulars  will  be  found  in  Id.,  137-43;  Nic.  Trot.  etc.  entre  Nic. 
y  Hond.,  1-8;  Id.,  Gaceta,  1853-74,  passim;  Id.,  Col  Doc.  y  Acuerdos,  1850- 
1872,  passim;  Id.,  Trot,  con  Costa  R.,  1-7;  Costa  R.,  Inf.  Rel,  1876,  5-11; 
1878,  1;  1880,  3-4;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  12,  1853,  Oct.  26,  1876,  March  21  to 
April  20,  1879,  passim;  Nic.,  Mens.  del  Presid.,  1879,  i.-v.  1-25;  and  nu- 
merous other  authorities. 

61  They  first  endeavored  to  regard  the  alleged  Mosquito  authority,  but 
finally  treated  it  as  a  mere  fiction.  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  652. 

65  Municipal  ordinances  for  the  place  which  had  now  taken  the  name  of 
Greytown.  Reichardt,  Cent.  Am.,  241-6,  251:  Munic.  Ordinances,  in  Cent.  Am. 
Affairs,  no.  4,  1-10. 


transit  had  fallen,  which  produced  bitter  feeling,  and 
resulted  in  alleged  insults  to  Solon  Borland,  United 
States  minister  to  Nicaragua,  whose  belligerent  in- 
stincts carried  him  away  to  interfere  in  matters  which 
were  foreign  to  his  office.  The  sloop  of  war  Cyane, 
Commander  Hollins,  was  despatched  by  the  American 
government  to  look  into  the  case.  Hollins  assumed 
a  hostile  attitude,66  made  arrogant  demands,  and  the 
latter  not  being  complied  with,  he  bombarded  the 
town  on  the  13th  of  July,  1854,  and  landing  a  party 
of  marines,  burned  it  to  thex  ground.67  This  act  has 
been  generally  condemned.  The  American  govern- 
ment hardly  contemplated  it;  but  not  having  pun- 
ished Commander  Hollins,  it  must  bear  the  odium. 
Notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  peaceable  relations 
were  not  disturbed.68  Nicaragua  also  has  treaties  with 
Belgium,  Italy,  France,  England,  Peru,  and  other 

66  He  is  said  to  have  been  acting  under  improper  influences.  Squier's  Cent. 
Am.,  C53. 

67  The  town  authorities  had  refused  to  pay  an  indemnity.     This  was  the 
first  direct  aggression  by  the  U.  S.  in  Cent.  America.  Nic.,  Doc.  Dlplom., 
7-12;  Costa  £.,  Gaceta,  June  17,   22,  29,   1854;  Salv.,  Gaceta,   Oct.   12,   1854; 
Tribune  Aim.,  1857,  31;  U.  8.  Govt  Doc.,  33d  cong.  sess.  1,  Sen.  Doc.  8,  vol. 
iv.;  Doc.  85,  vol.  xiL;  126,  xvi.  31  pp.;  Id.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  vol.  i.,  pt  ii., 

68  Levy,  Nic. ,  335.     Pablo  Levy,  Notas  Geogrdficas  y  Econ6micas  sobre  la  Re- 
publica  de  Nicaragua,  Paris,  1873,  Roy.  8°,  627  pp.  and  map,  is  a  treatise  on 
Nicaragua  and  its  inhabitants.    Beginning  with  an  historical  resume  of  ancient 
and  modern  Nicaragua,  it  gives  a  review  of  the  topography,  climate,  natural 
productions,  government,  people,  and  their  institutions.     The  writer's  infor- 
mation on  the  country's  physical  peculiarities  may  be  set  down  as  useful, 
though  some  deficiency  is  noted;  but  that  on  the  political  and  administrative 
branches  is  unreliable,  showing  him  to  have  had  but  little  knowledge  of  Cen- 
tral American  politics.     He  evidently  had  not  the  documents  upon  which  to 
form  a  correct  judgment.     The  question  of  a  canal  across  the  isthmus  of  Nic- 
aragua is  also  reviewed,  and  a  resume  of  its  history  given.     The  last  general 
treaty  with  the  U.  S.  was  negotiated  in  1867.     There  was  also  a  convention 
for  the  extradition  of  criminals  in  1871.     Nic.  has  made  arrangements  to  pay 
Am.  claims  against  her,  and  on  her  part  asked  compensation  for  the  damages 
caused  by  the  bombardment  of  San  Juan,  which  the  Am.  govt  refused.  Pe- 
rez, Mem.  Camp.  Nac.,  18-19;  Rocha,  Cod.  Nic.,  i.  93;  Nic.,  Trot,  de  Amis- 
tad,  etc.,  entre  Nic.  y  los  EE.  UU.,  1-16;  San  Juan  del  Norte,  Las  Cenizas, 
1874,  1-12;  Levy,  Nic.,  235-9;  Salv.,  Diario  Oftc.,  Nov.  10,  Dec.  22,  1878;  Ber- 
ruel,  Freres  et  Cie,  Petition,  1-20;  and  a  multitude  of  U.  S.  govt  docs.,  and 
other  papers. 

69  Treaty  with  Belgium,  May  18,  1858;  with  France,  Apr.  11,  1859;  with 
G.  Britain,  Feb.  11,  1860;  with  Italy,  March  6,  1868;  and  a  consular  conven- 
tion made  in  1872;  with  Peru,  1879.    Trat.  de  Amistad  entre  Nic.  y  la  Belgica, 
1-15;  Id.,  entre  Nic.  y  la  Francia,  1-26;  Nic.,  Ley.  Emit.,  11-30;  Rocha,  C6d. 


A  squabble  occurred  in  1876  at  Leon,  in  which  the 
German  consul  and  a  Nicaraguan  citizen  were  con- 
cerned, giving  rise  to  a  conflict  between  the  German 
and  Nicaraguan  governments,  the  former  making  of  it 
a  casus  belli,  and  demanding,  backed  by  a  naval  force, 
a  considerable  sum  of  money.70 

The  political  situation  in  the  interior  of  Nicaragua, 
during  the  winter  of  1848-9,  was  anything  but  sat- 
isfactory to  the  lovers  of  peace.  Parties  were  again 
venting  their  animosities.  The  leader  Bernabe  So- 
moza  captured  Bivas,  and  afterward  became  notorious 
for  deeds  of  cruelty  and  robbery.  Director  Norberto 
Ramirez71  despatched  there  a  strong  force  under  J.  T. 
Munoz.  Somoza  was  defeated  and  captured  at  San 
Jorge  on  the  14th  of  June.72  Bamirez  was  succeeded 
by  Jose  Laureano  Pineda  in  185 1,73  against  whom  a 
revolt  broke  out  August  4,  1851,  having  J.  Trinidad 
Mufioz  for  its  leader.  Pineda  and  his  ministers  Fran- 
cisco Castellon  and  F.  Diaz  Zapata  were  arrested. 
The  plan  failed,  however.  Leon,  Munoz'  headquar- 
ters, was  taken  by  government  forces  assisted  by 
troops  from  Honduras,  and  Munoz  surrendered.74  On 
the  expiration  of  Pineda's  term  in  1853,  Chamorro 
became  chief  of  the  state,  having  been  elected  by  the 
suffrages  of  the  moderados.  The  new  director  was  a 

Nic.,  106-18;  Rouhaud,  Regions  Nouv.,  365-86;  Trat.  de  Amistad,  etc.,  entre 
Nic.  y  S.  M.  B.,  1-15;  Annals  Brit.  Legis.,  ix.  378-81;  Trat.  de  Amistad, 
etc.,  entre  Nic.  y  el  reino  de  Italia,  1-17;  Convention  Consular  entre  Nic.  y  el 
reino  de  Italia,  1-19;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  7,  14,  Oct.  26,  Nov.  2,  1872;  Salv., 
Diario  Ofic.,  Oct.  29,  1879. 

78  Damages  for  the  injured  Germans  $30,000,  and  a  fine  of  $8,000,  besides 
the  punishment  of  the  official  accused  of  insulting  German  dignity.  Thus 
the  superior  force  dictates  unjust  terms  to  the  inferior. 

71  His  term  began  Apr.  1,  1849. 

72  He  was  tried  by  court-martial,  sentenced,  and  shot  June  17th.  Nic.,  Bo- 
latin  Ofic.,  June  15-28,  July  4,  5,   12,   1849;  Squiers  Trav.,  i.   121,   166-72, 
295-9;   Cent.  Am.  Miscel.  Doc.,  no.   7.     Munoz  was  rewarded  with  a  gold 
medal,  and  the  friends  of  the  soldiers  who  perished  received  pensions.  Rocha, 
Cod.  Nic.,  i.  216-17. 

73  Recognized  by  the  assembly  March  14th  as  duly  elected.  Nic.,  Cor.  1st., 
March  20,  1851;  El  Sigh,  March  28,  1851. 

HNov.  10,  1851.  Munoz  had  been  declared  a  traitor  and  deprived  of  his 
military  rank.  He  was  allowed  to  leave  Nic.,  and  went  to  reside  in  Salv. 
Chamorro  was  made  commander  of  the  forces.  Nic.  Dec.  y  Acuerdos,  1851-3, 
92-6,  116-18;  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Jan.  15,  1852. 


well-meaning  man,  and  hoped  by  pursukig  a  moderate 
course  to  allay  party  bickerings.  But  his  political 
opponents,  together  with  a  portion  of  the  military 
element,  did  not  permit  him  to  develop  his  policy  in 

The  legislative  assembly  rejected,  April  30,  1853,  a 
provisional  constitution  which  had  been  framed  and 
published  by  the  national  constituent  assembly  on  the 
13th  of  October,  1852,75and  at  the  same  time  declared 
the  state  to  be  independent  and  sovereign.  This  was 
followed  on  the  28th  of  February,  1854,  by  another 
decree  of  the  state  constituent  assembly  assuming  for 
the  state  the  title  of  Republica  de  Nicaragua,  and  giv- 
ing its  executive  the  name  of  president.76  The  coat 
of  arms  and  flag  of  the  new  republic  were  decreed 
April  21,  1854.77 

A  constituent  assembly,  called  on  the  llth  of  De- 
cember, 1853,  to  meet  on  the  8th  of  January,  1854, 
for  the  purpose  of  framing  a  constitution  for  the 
republic,  was  installed  on  the  22d  of  that  month.78 
It  continued  its  session  without  interruption,  and  on 
the  7th  of  April  assumed,  for  urgent  cases,  the  powers 
of  an  ordinary  legislature,  enacting  that,  in  the  event 
of  a  temporary  vacancy  in  the  office  of  president,  his 

75  A  new  constituent  assembly  was  convoked  May  13,  1853.  Nic.,  Gaceta 
Ofic.,  May  28,  1853. 

76 'Se  denominara  Reptfblica  de  Nicaragua.'  Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  94-7; 
Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  March  4,  Apr.  1,  1854;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  7,  21,  1854;  El. 
Eco  Hisp.-Am.,  May  15,  1854. 

77  In  a  circle  bordered  on  the  inside  with  two  sprigs  of  laurel,  was  a  volcano- 
with  its  base  laved  by  the  two  oceans.     In  the  upper  part  of  the  volcano  was 
a  civic  crown  with  the  words  Libertad,  Orden,  Trabajo.     Around  the  circle, 
Republica  de  Nicaragua.    The  national  flag  was  given  three  horizontal  stripes, 
the  centre  one  white,  with  the  coat  of  arms  in  the  middle;  the  upper  one  yel- 
low, and  the  lower,  'nacar,'  or  light  blue.     Merchant  vessels  were  to  use  the 
same  flag,  without  the  coat  of  arms,  and  had  on  the  centre  stripe  Republica 
de  Nicaragua,  in  golden  letters.  Rocha,  Cod.  Nic.,  i.  163.     During  the  Walker- 
regime,  1856-7,  his  flag  had  two  blue  stripes  divided  by  a  white  one  double  the 
width  of  the  blue,  and  in  the  centre  of  the  white  a  lone  red  star.  Stewart'* 
Filibusters,  12-13. 

78  Among  the  members  elected  were  Castellon,  Jerez,  Guerrero,  diputados 
propietarios,   and  F.  Diaz  Zapata,  suplente,  from  the  western  department. 
The  govt  reported  them  out  of  the  state,  having  been  expelled  fo^  their  revo- 
lutionary attempts.     The  assembly  on  the  1st  of  March  declared  them  dis- 
qualified to  take  their  seats.  Nic.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  March  4,  1854;  Perez,  Mem* 
Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  12. 

HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    17 



duties  should  devolve  on  the  member  of  the  constitu- 
ent assembly  called  by  him  to  assume  them.  Cha- 
morro  was  then  chosen  provisional  president,  to  hold 
the  office  till  the  1st  of  March,  1855.  The  new  char- 
ter of  the  republic  was  sanctioned  on  the  30th  of 
April,79  which  was  in  force  only  in  Granada  and  other 
towns  acknowledging  Chamorro's  government. 

The  opposition  of  the  liberals  culminated  in  an  at- 


79  It  had  104  articles,  and  somewhat  restricted  the  right  of  citizenship, 
created  a  single  chamber,  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  senators  and  rep- 
resentatives; priests  were  excluded  from  these  positions.  The  terms  of  the 
president,  senators,  and  representatives  were  to  begin  March  1,  1855,  and 
last  four  years.  After  the  expulsion  of  the  filibusters,  a  junta  de  gobierno, 
composed  of  the  leading  men  of  the  two  opposing  parties,  was  established, 
which  declared  the  constitution  of  1838  in  force,  and  a  constituent  assembly 
was  convoked,  its  members  being  from  among  the  best  and  most  talented 
men  of  the  republic.  Id.,  23-4;  Nic.,  SemanalNic.,  Apr.  17,  1873.  The  powers 
granted  the  executive,  which  were  included  in  the  fundamental  law  of  1854, 
though  with  the  additional  clause  that  when  using  them  he  should  report  the 
fact  to  the  next  legislature,  greatly  alarmed  the  opposition.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist. 
Rev.  Nic.,  24. 


tempt  at  revolution  in  Leon,  promoted  by  Castellon, 
Jerez,  and  Mariano  Salazar.  The  government  then 
residing  at  Managua  defeated  their  plan  for  the  time, 
and  banished  the  leaders  and  a  few  of  their  influential 
followers.80  The  exiles  sought  refuge  in  Salvador  and 
Honduras,  and  with  the  favor  of  Cabanas,  who 
was  then  on  bad  terms  with  Chamorro,81  obtained  re- 
sources for  a  second  attempt  against  the  government 
of  the  latter.  With  a  few  men  and  a  quantity  of 
arms  and  ammunition,  they  went  from  Tigre  Island 
to  Realejo.  The  invaders  were  enthusiastically  re- 
ceived, Leon,  Chinandega,  and  immediate  towns  pro- 
claiming Castellon  provisional  director,  which  office 
he  assumed  June  11,  1854.82  This  was  the  beginning 
of  a  long  and  bloody  war,  which  Salvador  and  Guate- 
mala vainly  tried  to  avert.83  Chamorro  approached 
Leon,  but  finding  it  had  declared  for  Castellon,  retired 
to  Granada  and  fortified  the  place,  sustaining  afterward 
an  irregular  siege  of  several  months  from  thrice  the 
number  of  his  force,  under  Jerez,  till  the  early  part  of 
1855.  Castellon,  meantime,  gained  possession  of  the 
republic,  Granada  excepted ;  but  the  long  siege  of  this 
town  wrought  a  change  in  the  feelings  of  the  unstable 
people,  and  in  a  short  time  Chamorro  or  his  party  re- 
covered Managua,  Masaya,  and  Bivas,  after  a  series 
of  bloody  encounters.  The  siege  of  Granada  was  con- 
sequently raised.84  Even  Chamorro's  death,  which 

80 In  Nov.  1853.  Id.,  9-12;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  16,  1853;  Jan.  6,  1854; 
Salv.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  30,  1853;  Hond.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Dec.  5,  1853;  Costa-  R.,  Bo- 
letin Ofic.,  Dec.  15,  1853;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  12,  19,  24,  1853;  Jan.  15,  30,  1854. 

81  He  thought  Chamorro  was  evading  the  obligation  of  Nicaragua  to  aid 
Honduras  with  troops  for  the  war  with  Guatemala. 

82  His  manifesto  of  June  12th  was  moderate  in  tone  but  significant  in  its 
substance.     It  promised  a  liberal  policy,  and  to  reconstruct,  if  possible,  the 
federal  republic.    Wells'  Hond.,  508-9;  Belly,  Nic.,  i.  268-70;  El  Rol,  Oct.  6, 

83  They  tendered  their  mediation.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic,.,  67-75. 

84  Early  in  Jan.  1855,  J.  Trinidad  Mufioz  was  made  general-in-chief,  Jerez 
having  been  disabled  by  a  severe  wound.  El  Rol,  Feb.  9,  28,  1855;  Costa  R., 
Boletin  Ofa.,  Feb.  28,  1855.     The  successes  of  the  legitimist  party — so  called 
because  of  the  motto  on  its  colors,  Legitimidad  6  muerte — were  obtained  by 
Gen.  Ponciano  Corral  and  his  subordinates,  Chamorro  being  too  ill  for  service 
in  the  field.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  30,  42-3,  108-20;  Eco  Hisp.-Am., 
Apr.  30,  1855. 


occurred  at  this  time,85  did  not  favor  the  democrats. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Jose  Maria  Estrada.  Corral 
was  the  general-in-chief  of  the  legitimist  forces,  and 
was  organizing  at  Masaya  an  army  to  capture  Leon. 
The  government  had  called  the  constituent  assembly, 
which  met  on  the  8th  of  April  with  only  fourteen 
members,  and  on  the  10th  resolved  that  Estrada 
should  retain  the  executive  until  a  president  should 
be  chosen  under  the  constitution.  This  greatly  dis- 
pleased Corral,  who  had  expected  to  be  called  to  that 
position.  He  had  his  headquarters  in  Managua,  and 
threatened  to  be  revenged  of  the  men  who  had  slighted 

Meanwhile  Munoz  had  gone  to  Honduras  and  re- 
turned with  a  small  division  of  troops,  the  chief  com- 
mand of  both  the  democratic  and  Honduran  forces 
being  vested  in  him.  By  his  advice  Castellon  ap- 
pointed Rosalio  Cortes  and  P.  Aleman  commissioners 
to  ascertain  the  views  of  the  legitimist  chiefs  with 
reference  to  peace  negotiations.  Estrada  consented 
to  receive  Cortes,  but  not  Aleman,  and  the  former  had 
interviews  with  him  and  his  supporters,  prevailing  on 
them  to  enter  into  negotiations  either  in  their  official 
or  private  capacity.  Munoz  had  authorized  Corte's 
to  tell  Corral  he  wished  to  have  a  direct  understand- 
ing with  him.87  Cortes  first  saw  Corral,  and  by  his 
advice  next  had  interviews  with  Estrada,  Vega,  and 
others,  all  of  whom  showed  a  willingness  to  treat  for 
peace,  and  asked  him  to  return  to  Leon,  which  he 
drd,  touching  at  Managua,  where  Corral  assured  him 
of  his  disposition  to  come  to  an  understanding  with 

85  In  the  hacienda  of  Quismapa,  south  of  Granada,  March  12,  1855.     Cha- 
morro  was  a  wealthy  citizen,  born  in  Granada.     A  brave,  resolute  man,  firm 
in  sustaining  his  political  principles,  but  lacking  discrimination,  and  easily 
duped.  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  126;  Astaburuaya,  Cent.  Am.,  67. 

86  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  JRev.  Nic.,  128,  considered  the  act  of  the  assembly  as 
a  serious  blunder. 

87  His  propositions  were:  Corral  and  himself  were  to  constitute  themselves 
a  junta  de  gobierno,  and  direct  public  affairs  until  a  constitutional  president 
could  be  elected.     If  Corral  objected  to  this  arrangement,  he,  Munoz,  would 
recognize  the  legitimate  government,  provided  Corral  became  the  head  of  it. 

i  " 


The  situation  of  the  democrats  was  improved  since 
the  return  of  Mufloz.  That  of  the  legitimists  was 
not  so  good,  but  the  rulers  felt  confident.  By  its 
moderate  course  the  legitimist  government  was  gain- 
ing favor  in  democratic  towns.  Estrada's  confidence 
was  increased  with  the  arrival  of  two  foreign  minis- 
ters accredited  to  his  government.88  By  this  time 
Corral  had  an  efficient  division  at  Managua.  His 
subordinate,  Colonel  Tonics  Martinez,  who  in  late 
years  became  president  of  the  republic,  not  only 
cleared  Nueva  Segovia  of  Hondurans,  but  also  occu- 
pied the  town  of  San  Mdrcos  in  Honduras.  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Andres  Murillo  obtained  a  victory  over 
the  democrats  at  Tecuaname  on  the  17th  of  May. 
A  fewr  days  after — May  31st — Estrada's  government 
decreed  an  amnesty  to  all  soldiers,  from  private 
to  sergeant  inclusive,  presenting  themselves  within 
twenty  days.89  On  the  13th  of  June  came  two  men 
who  afterward  were  fatal  to  the  legitimists,  Santos 
Guardiola,  and  the  clergyman  Manuel  Alcaine.  The 
latter  was  a  commissioner  from  Salvador  to  both  bel- 
ligerents, and  his  efforts  on  behalf  of  peace  had  been 
favorably  entertained  by  Castellon.  Estrada  listened 
to  him,  but  did  not  accept  his  proposals.90  Alcaine 
went  back  to  Leon,  and  reported  that  the  legitimists 
were  bent  upon  exterminating  the  democrats,  and  his 
statements  were  fully  believed.  All  hope  of  bring- 
ing the  war  to  an  end  by  peaceful  negotiations  was 
ow  abandoned.91 

88Facundo  Goni  from  Spain,  and  John  H.  Wheeler  from  the  U.  S. 
Wheeler  was  cordially  received  in  Granada,  but  afterward  was  abhorred 
l>y  the  Nicaraguans. 

89  Being  too  limited  in  its  scope,  the  measure  produced  no  good  effect. 

90  He.  had  gone  direct  to  Granada,  saying  nothing  to  Corral  from  Munoz, 
ich  made  the  former  suspect  that  Munoz  was  deceiving  him. 

91  Ephraim  George  Squier,  whose  works  I  have  often  quoted,  was  born  in 
Bethlehem,  in  the  state  of  New  York,  Jiine  17,  1821,  and  devoted  most  of 
his  life  to  civil  engineering,  journalism,  and  the  pursuit  of  science,  winning 
for  himself  a  distinguished  name  as  an  archaeologist  and  author.     His  first 
distinction  was  awarded  him  for  his  labors  on  the  archaeology  of  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley  and  the  state  of  New  York.     Having  been  appointed  in  1849 
charge"  d'affaires  to  the  states  of  Central  America,  he  employed  much  of  hij 
time  in  gathering  data  upon  those  countries,  which  he  afterward  embodied  in 
several  books.     In  1853  he  was  engaged  in  the  survey  of  a  route  across  Hou- 


duras,  and  organized  a  company  for  the  construction  of  an  interoceanic  rail- 
way. In  1863  and  the  following  year  he  was  employed  by  the  U.  S.  govt  as 
a  commissioner  in  Peru  for  the  adjustment  of  claims  against  that  republic,  and 
then  devoted  several  months  to  the  exploration  of  ancient  monuments  in  that 
country.  In  1868  he  was  for  a  time  U.  S.  consul-gen,  to  Hond.  He  visited 
Europe  several  times  both  for  pleasure  and  business.  In  addition  to  the  works 
that  will  be  herein  enumerated,  he  contributed  many  papers  on  antiquities  and 
other  subjects  to  American  and  European  scientific  periodicals.  The  following 
list  comprises  his  principal  works,  most  of  which  have  been  translated  into 
several  languages:  Monuments  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  being  vol.  i.  of  the 
Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge;  Aboriginal  Monuments  of  the  state  of 
New  York,  in  vol.  ii.  of  the  Smithsonian  Contributions;  Antiquities  of  the  state 
of  New  York,  with  a  supplement  on  the  antiquities  of  the  west;  The  Serpent 
Symbol,  or  Worship  of  the  Reciprocal  Principles  of  Nature  in  America; 
Waikna,  or  Adventures  on  the  Mosquito  Shore,  under  the  pseudonym  of  Sam- 
uel A.  Bard;  Question  Anglo- Americaine;  Report  of  the  survey  of  the  Honduras 
interoceanic  railway;  Monograph  on  autJwrs  who  have  written  on  the  aborigi- 
nal languages  of  Central  America;  Tropical  fibres  and  their  economic  extrac- 
tion; Is  cotton  king?  Sources  of  cotton  supply;  Incidents  of  Travel  and  Explo- 
rations in  the  land  of  the  Incas.  Other  works  of  this  author  quoted  in  my 
volumes  on  Central  America  are:  Notes  on  the  states  of  Honduras  and  Salva- 
dor, with  maps  and  illustrations,  which  gives  valuable  data  on  those  coun- 
tries. In  treating  of  diplomatic  relations  he  expatiates  on  manifest  destiny 
and  British  intrigues,  his  conclusions  not  being  probably  palatable  to  the  sub- 
jects of  the  British  crown,  and  others  disposed  to  oppose  the  absorption  of 
more  territory,  or  the  exercise  of  exclusive  influence  by  the  U.  S.  The  maps 
drawn  by  Hitchcock  under  Squier's  directions  are  the  best  that  to  that  time 
had  been  published.  Travels  in  Central  America,  particularly  in  Nicaragua, 
N.  Y.,  1853,  8vo,  2  vol.,  pp.  424  and  452,  maps  and  cuts,  contains  a  descrip- 
tion of  aboriginal  movements  and  scenery,  together  with  a  concise  account  of 
the  history,  agricultural  and  other  resources,  of  Nicaragua,  the  language, 
manners,  and  customs  of  the  people,  with  illustrations  of  the  principal  build- 
ings, towns,  ports,  etc.  The  work  also  describes  at  length  the  proposed  canal 
route,  setting  forth  its  advantages.  The  author  had  every  facility  as  U.  S. 
charge  d'affaires  to  obtain  the  most  exact  data,  and  used  them  conscientiously 
and  with  marked  ability.  Nicaragua,  its  people,  scenery,  monuments,  and  the 
proposed  interoceanic  canal,  Lond.,  1852,  N.  Y.,  1856,  2  vol.  This  work  is 
similar  in  all  respects  to — in  fact  a  reprint  of — Travels  in  Cent.  Am.  Another 
edition  under  the  aforesaid  title  appeared  in  New  York,  1860,  1  vol.  of  pp. 
691,  which  with  the  exception  of  about  18  pp.  in  the  append.,  and  a  few  more 
illustrations,  was  similar  to  Trav.  in  Cent.  Am.  The  States  of  Central  America, 
N.  Y.,  1858,  8vo,  p.  782,  maps  and  illust.  The  author  issued  in  1855,  with 
the  title  of  Notes  on  Central  America,  an  8vo  vol.  of  397  pages,  with  maps  and 
cuts,  intended  to  serve  as  a  basis  for  this  more  extensive  one,  which  treats  of 
the  physical  peculiarities,  population,  productions,  commerce,  and  other 
resources,  political  organization,  aborigines,  etc.,  of  the  country  in  general, 
and  of  the  states  separately,  and  also  of  Belize,  the  Bay  islands,  and 
Mosquito  shore.  Squier  was  evidently  conversant  with  his  subject.  The 
style  is  vivid  and  interesting,  as  well  as  instructive,  and  the  statements,  as  a 
rule,  worthy  of  acceptance.  In  his  treatment  of  diplomatic  affairs  between 
Great  Britain  and  Cent.  Am.,  in  which  his  own  country  was  interested  on 
the  side  of  the  latter,  he  espouses  the  Central  American  side  with  so  much 
warmth  as  to  awaken  a  suspicion  that  his  judgment  may  have  been  warped 
by  his  patriotism.  The  question  of  an  interoceanic  railroad  having  engrossed 
public  attention  since  the  publication  of  this  work  the  author  felt  justified  in 
reproducing,  under  the  title  of  Honduras,  Lond.,  1870,  12°,  278  pp.,  with  a 
map,  in  a  more  compact  and  accessible  form,  a  description  of  this  country. 
With  the  exception  of  a  fuller  information  on  the  route,  and  its  alleged  ad- 
vantages over  all  others,  and  an  appendix  relating  to  immigration,  the  con- 


tents  of  the  book  have  been  fully  treated  in  the  bibliographical  notice  on  the 
States  of  Cent.  Am. 

Report  to  the  Directors  of  the  Honduras  Interoceanic  Railway,  LonJ.,  1858, 
fol.,  102  pp.  and  map.  Fours  years  previously  a  preliminary  report  was  pub- 
lished on  this  subject,  and  in  1857  another  containing  no  additional  informa- 
tion, but  in  the  appendix  were  given  further  correspondence  and  the  charter 
in  full.  The  present  work  gives  a  complete  report  with  all  details,  present- 
ing valuable  statistics,  and  evidences  of  the  feasibility  of  the  proposed  railway. 
Compendlo  de  la  Historia  Politica  de  Centra- America,  Paris,  1856,  12°,  pp.  7- 
114,  as  the  title  implies,  is  an  outline  of  the  political  history  of  Central 
America  from  1821  to  1851,  that  is  to  say,  a  sketch  of  the  revolution  and 
struggle  between  republicans  on  one  side  and  monarchists  on  the  other,  by 
which  Central  America  was  annexed  to  Mexico,  and  of  the  subsequent  wars 
between  the  federalists  and  the  oligarchs,  which  culminated  in  the  destruction 
of  the  federation,  and  the  ultimate  rise  to  unrestricted  power  of  the  latter 
with  Carrera  as  their  chief  as  well  as  tool.  Translation  with  notes  of  the  letter 
of  Don  Diego  de  Palacio  (1576)  to  the  crown  of  Spain  on  the  provinces  of  Guate- 
mala, San  Salvador,  etc.,  N.  Y.,  1860,  sq.48°,  pp.  132,  is  a  report  which  in  Span- 
ish bears  the  title  of  Carta  dirigida  al  rey  de  Espana,  and  was  addressed  by 
Palacio,  a  member  of  the  royal  audiencia  of  Guatemala,  to  the  king,  giving  an 
account  ©f  the  ancient  provinces  of  Guazacapan,  Izalco,  Cuzcatlan,  and  Chi- 
quimula,  together  with  their  languages,  customs,  and  religion  of  their  aborigi- 
nal inhabitants,  and  a  description  of  the  ruins  of  Copan.  Palacio  evidently 
collected  this  information  by  order  of  his  sovereign,  and  showed  himself  an 
intelligent  as  well  as  a  kindly,  well-meaning  man;  somewhat  superstitious, 
but  less  so  than  most  men  of  his  time.  His  narrative  is  both  readable  and 
instructive,  and  his  description  of  the  ruins  of  Copan  extremely  interesting, 
its  correctness  being  established  in  after  years  by  the  accounts  of  Fuentes 
and  Stephens.  Squier  added  numerous  and  interesting  notes,  but  his  trans- 
lation is  in  places  open  to  criticism,  partly  for  erroneous  meanings  given  to 
words,  and  partly  for  a  not  strict  adherence  to  the  spirit  of  the  original.  The 
book,  though  a  beautiful  specimen  of  typography,  is  disfigured  with  many 
misprints.  Besides  these  I  have  in  my  library  numerous  valuable  documents 
in  manuscript  relating  to  Central  American  history,  from  the  earliest  days 
after  the  Spanish  conquest,  which  Mr  Squier  gathered  from  various  sources 
and  never  published. 

A  Travers  L'Amerique  Centrale.  Le  Nicaragua  et  le  Canal  Interoceanique, 
Paris,  1867,  8°,  2  vol.,  maps,  427  and  480  pp.,  by  Felix  Belly,  who  was  the 
director-general  of  a  French  canal  company  for  opening  a  Nicaragua  route. 
He  was  also  a  chevalier  and  a  well-known  writer.  To  him  had  been  intrusted 
the  task  of  obtaining  a  charter  from  Nicaragua  for  this  canal,  and  with  this 
object  he  visited  Central  America  in  1858,  obtained  the  charter,  and  made 
the  necessary  explorations  for  routes  and  resources.  The  delays  and  uncer- 
tainty of  the  undertaking  caused  Belly  to  visit  the  country  more  than  once, 
and  he  thus  became  well  acquainted  with  its  resources,  people,  government, 
and  institutions  generally.  This  information  he  imparts  in  connection  with 
the  narrative  of  his  journey  and  in  articles,  under  the  respective  states,  given 
in  the  first  volume.  The  second  volume  is  wholly  devoted  to  the  interoceanic 
projects,  and  particularly  to  a  detailed  history  of  his  own  canal  scheme.  The 
style  is  attractive,  the  observations  clever,  and  the  information  excellent.  A 
second  edition,  a  reprint,  appeared  in  1870.  Belly,  Carte  d' etudes,  etc.,  Paris, 
1858,  contains  notes  on  the  project  of  building  a  canal  through  Nicaragua,  and 
the  survey  made  for  that  purpose.  Felix  Belly,  Durchbruch  der  Americanis- 
chen  Landenge.  Kanal  von  Nicaragua.  Ubersetzl  von  Karl  Schb'hel.  Paris,  1859, 
8°,  103  pp.,  one  map,  is  the  same  as  Carte  d' etudes . . . . by  Felix  Belly,  but 
enlarged  with  a  few  sketches  of  the  country  and  people  of  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica. 




CARRERA  had  become  so  inflated  by  flattery  that  he 
actually  believed  himself  able  to  govern  upon  instinct 
Guatemala,  and  even  all  Central  America.1  He  tried 
to  shake  off  aristocratic  control,  and  showed  pugna- 
ciousness  toward  the  assembly  and  the  administrator 
of  the  diocese.  Obedience  not  being  in  every  instance 
given  to  his  whims,  he  threatened,  in  August  1840,  to 
resign  the  command  of  the  troops,  which  he  held  with 
the  rank  of  lieutenant-general.2  .The  aristocrats  were 
much  alarmed,  and  the  assembly,  in  flattering  terms, 
declined  accepting  the  resignation.  He  now  appeared 
in  the  r61es  of  financier,  political  economist,  and  enemy 
of  the  nobles,  presuming  to  dictate  a  policy  for  the 
protection  of  manufactures,  agriculture,  and  other 

1  At  this  time,  in  1840,  he  could  neither  read  nor  write,  and  used,  for  ap- 
pending his  signature,  a  stamp.     Later  he  learned  to  sign  his  name. 

2  He  sent  his  resignation  to  the  assembly,  implying  that  it  was  conde- 
scension on  his  part  to  lay  it  before  that  body,  as  he  owed  his  position  directly 
to  the  votes  of  the  people 



interests.  His  displeasure  with  the  nobles  was  be- 
cause he  believed  them  hostile  to  the  masses.3  They 
managed  to  mollify  him,  and  he  then  contented  him- 
self with  issuing  a  long  address,  on  the  9th  of  October, 
reiterating  his  anxiety  for  the  general  welfare,  and 
remonstrating  against  the  intrigues  of  his  personal 

A  reign  of  despotism  was  now  established,  which 
continued  upwards  of  thirty  years.  Liberal  laws  were 
abrogated  one  after  another,  and  retrogressive  ones 
substituted,  including  a  complete  restoration  to  the 
clergy  of  the  fueros  they  had  been  deprived  of  by  the 
liberal  cortes  of  Spain  in  1820.  Carrera's  enmity  to 
the  assembly  became  more  apparent  from  day  to  day. 
He  showed  it  by  word,  and  by  the  press.5  He  could 
not  write  a  line,  but  others  wrote  for  him,  and  printed 
articles  appeared  over  his  name.6  Jose  Francisco 
Barrundia  had  returned  from  his  exile,  and  had  been 
chosen  a  deputy,  but  he  resigned  on  the  llth  of  March, 
1842,  giving  powerful  reasons  for  his  course.7  Indeed, 
Barrundia  would  have  been  out  of  place  in  a  body 
mostly  made  up  of  ultramontane  priests,  self-styled 
nobles,  and  reactionists. 

3  He  was  wrathful  at  the  thought  that  they  had  tendered  a  dictatorship  to 
Morazan,  and  enlisted  the  Quezaltecs  against  himself.     He  did  not  forget  Ri- 
vera Paz'  proclamations  calling  him  a  bandit  and  an  antropdfago.     He  asked 
for  the  meaning  of  this  last  word,  and  on  being  told  it,  new  into  a  rage  which 
threatened  a  repetition  of  the  horrid  scenes  of  Quezaltenango.  Montufar,  fie- 
sena  Hist.,  iii.  512. 

4  He  referred  to  Pavon,  Batres,  and  Aycinena.     It  was  evident  that  he 
then  knew  of  Juan  Fermin  Aycinena's  bargain  in  Madrid  which  made  him 
marques  de  Aycinena. 

5  His  press  was  called  Imprenta  del  Ejercito.     He  had  brought  it  from 

6  Several  deputies,  under  one  pretext  or  another,  tried  to  resign,  but  only 
the  clergyman  Lorenzana  was  permitted  to  do  so.   Tempsky's  Journey,  341-56. 
A  man  named  Andrade  slightly  wounded  Carrera  in  the  evening  of  Aug.  8, 
1841.     He  was  murdered  by  the  troops,  and  Carrera,  with  the  assent  of  the 
govt,  had  the  body  quartered  in  the  presence  of  hundreds  of  persons,  and  the 
pieces  placed  on  exhibition  at  the  city  gates.     The  order  for  so  doing  was 
signed  by  Rivera  Paz,  and  his  minister  Viteri,  afterward  bishop  of  Salvador. 
Id.,  541-8;  Guat.,  Gac.  Ofic.,  no.  22,  86-7;  Duntop's  Cent.  Am.,  248;  Nouv. 
Annales  Voy.,  xcii.  375;  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixi.  177. 

7  He  had  promised,  he  said,  to  remain  in  private  life.     His  voice  would 
be  unheeded.     Without  freedom  or  influence,  he  could  no  longer  do  the  coun- 
try any  good.     '  Ningun  pensamfeiito  hay  aceptable  en  la  critica  complication 
de  sus  negocios,  y  en  el  movimiento  retrograde  que  se  le  ha  dado. '  Montiifar, 
ReseTia  Hist.,  iii.  528-9;  Gac.  de  Salv.,  Oct.  12,  1854. 


The  treasury  was  so  exhausted  that  the  assembly 
had  no  means  to  pay  its  clerks.  But  the  ecclesiastical 
coffers  had  an  abundance  of  money  from  the  tithes 
tax,  and  Carrera's  troops  had  to  be  paid,  or  he  would 
resent  the  neglect.  This  was  made  evident  in  Sep- 
tember 1844.  Kivera  Paz,  the  president,  with  the 
utmost  difficulties,  managed  to  procure  money  for  the 
pay  of  the  soldiers  from  day  to  day;  but  for  some 
reason  unexplained,  it  did  not  reach  them.  Carrera 
found  a  way  to  secure  his  ends.  He  had  a  conference 
with  some  of  his  officers,  and  the  result  was  that  the 
battalion  of  regular  troops  revolted  on  the  20th,  and 
sacked  a  number  of  shops,  and  the  stalls  in  the  market- 
place, getting  an  abundant  supply  and  ruining  several 
traders.8  Carrera  then  gathered  his  soldiers  in  the 
barracks,  and  in  order  to  keep  up  appearances,  the 
next  day  without  much  ado  or  any  form  of  trial,  had 
six  men  shot.9 

Rivera  Paz,  finding  his  position  unbearable,  resigned 
it.  The  assembly  accepted  his  resignation,  to  take 
effect  after  his  successor  should  be  appointed,  and 
qualify.  Carrera  was  chosen,  but  declined  the  office. 
Yenancio  Lopez  and  Bernardino  Lemus,  appointed  in 
the  order  named,  followed  his  example.  Rivera  Paz 
had  to  remain  as  nominal  head  of  the  government, 
Carrera  being  the  actual  ruler,  whose  demands  clashed 
with  the  fiery-tempered  Viteri,  minister  of  state. 
They  had  a  serious  quarrel,  which  culminated  in  the 
arrest  by  Carrera,  on  the  7th  of  December,  1841,  of 
Rivera  Paz,  together  with  Viteri  and  his  subordinates.10 

8  Rivera  Paz  did  not  escape  insult;  but  not  more  than  Carrera  deemed 
needful  to  keep  him  humble. 

9  The  Gaceta,  no.  173,  mentioned  that  number.     Others  made  it  larger. 
The  Indian  chief  Ricardo  Catzum  and  others  on  their  way  to  the  place  of  exe- 
cution, in  loud  tones  declared  that  they  had  only  obeyed  their  general's  orders. 

10 Carrera  had  threatened  Viteri  with  'la  fuerza,'  and  the  latter  answered 
that  he  had  on  his  side  *  la  fuerza  de  la  razon. '  Carrera  understood  this  to 
mean  cannons  and  muskets,  and  rushing  out  to  the  plaza  came  back  soon 
after  with  troops  and  artillery,  surrounded  the  government  house — then  oppo- 
site the  Santa  Rosa  church — and  furiously  entered  the  building,  demanding  of 
Rivera  Paz  to  show  him  his  forces.  Viteri  then  explained  the  meaning  of 
fuerza  de  la  razon.  Monttifar,  ReseTia  Hist.,  iii.  536-7.  Squier,  Travels,  ii. 
443  describes  something  similar  as  done  by  Carrera  to  the  assembly. 


But  after  explanations  he  retired  his  force,  and  calm 
was  restored.  On  the  refusal  of  Carrera  to  accept 
the  presidency  resigned  by  Rivera  Paz,  December  14, 
1841,  the  councillor  Venancio  Lopez  was  called  upon 
to  assume  the  office.11  The  lieutenant-general  asked 
for  a  passport  to  leave  Guatemala,  his  object  being 
only  to  obtain  more  honors  and  money.  His  plan 
seems  to  have  succeeded.12  Lopez  gave  up  the  pres- 
idency, and  Rivera  Paz  for  the  third  time,  on  the  14th 
of  May,  1842,  was  appointed  to  fill  it. 

The  assembly  adjourned  on  the  4th  of  November, 
1843,  to  meet  again  on  the  1st  of  April,  1844.  But 
Carrera  had  resolved  to  suppress  it,  and  pretending 
an  intended  seditious  movement  at  Pinula,  he  had 
the  supposed  rebels  fired  upon,  and  the  criminal  farce 
ended  with  a  simulated  capitulation  at  Guadalupe  on 
the  llth  of  March,  1844,  by  which  the  assembly  was 
set  aside,  and  a  council  of  government  was  to  take  its 
place.13  The  assembly  was  convoked,  ratified  its  own 
dishonor,  gave  the  government  full  power  to  regulate 
administrative  affairs,  and  decreed  its  own  dissolu- 
tion.14 The  decree  convoking  members  for  the  new 
council15  was  issued  on  the  26th  of  April,  and  it  was 
formally  installed  on  the  8th  of  December,  having 
among  its  members  a  number  of  liberals.  Rivera  Paz 
resigned  the  presidency,16  and  Carrera  was  chosen  his 
successor,  assuming  on  the  llth  of  December  an  office 
that  he  had  virtually  controlled  since  the  13th  of 
April,  1839.  At  the  election  of  justices  of  the  supreme 
court,  the  nobles  were  defeated.17  The  consejo,  or 

11  Lopez  was  a  Nicaraguan  educated  in  G-uat.,  an  honorable  man  and  an  ac- 
complished jurist;  but  owing  to  bad  health,  personal  habits,  and  other  causes, 
was  unfit  for  the  executive  office. 

12  The  assembly  considered  a  bill  granting  him  large  tracts  of  land. 

13  The  constitution  to  be  framed  was  to  be  ratified  by  the  first  subsequent 
council  of  double  the  no.  of  representatives.     The  doc.  had  12  articles.  Guat., 
Inf.  Pavon,  2-5;  Niks'  Reg.,  Ixvi.  242. 

U0n  the  14th  of  March,  1844.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  114-16. 
15 'Consejo  constituyente '  it  was  first  called;  afterward  it  adopted  the 
name  of  'congreso  constituyente.' 

16  Being  appointed  early  in  1849  corregidor  of  Jutiapa;  while  on  his  way 
there  he  was  murdered  with  others. 

17  They  had  counted  on  Carrera's  aid,  and  he  failed  them,  for  which  they 
again  at  their  secret  conferences  reapplied  to  him  the  name  antrop6fago. 


congreso,  as  it  had  begun  to  call  itself,  became  an  ob- 
ject of  bitter  enmity  on  the  part  of  the  aristocrats  and 
serviles;  and  Carrera's  overthrow  was  also  contem- 
plated by  them,  pretending  cooperation  with  the  lib- 
erals for  its  accomplishment.  The  plan  fell  through 
before  maturity,  owing  to  distrust  between  the  leaders 
of  the  two  parties.  Carrera  was  informed  of  his 
danger  by  the  confession  of  a  dying  man,  but  never 
penetrated  to  the  sources  of  the  plot.18  During  Car- 
rera's absence  from  the  capital  on  furlough  in  Feb- 
ruary 1845,  Joaquin  Duran  occupying  the  executive 
chair,  a  revolt  took  place,  headed  by  Monterrosa  and 
an  officer  named  Mendez,  but  not  being  seconded  by 
the  people,  they  entered  into  a  capitulation  with  Duran 
to  leave  the  city,  on  his  solemnly  pledging  them  that 
they  would  not  be  molested.  They  accordingly  went 
out  on  the  5th  as  promised,  and  on  the  next  day 
Sotero  Carrera,  A.  Solares,  and  Vicente  Cruz  entered 
at  the  head  of  their  respective  forces.  Carrera  ar- 
rived afterward,  and  was  received  in  triumph.19 

At  the  expiration  of  his  furlough  Carrera  reassumed 
the  reigns  of  government.  Joaquin  Duran  resigned 
the  portfolio  of  treasury  and  war,  being  succeeded  by 
Brigadier  Geronimo  Paiz.  The  state  was  now  virtually 
under  the  control  of  a  triumvirate  composed  of  Rafael 
and  Sotero  Carrera,  and  Paiz.20  The  subsequent  res- 
ignation of  Minister  Najera  and  appointment  of  Jose 
Antonio  Azmitia  inspired  a  little  confidence.21  The 

18  A  number  of  persons  were   blindly  persecuted,  particularly  Brigadier 
Monterrosa  and  his  family.  Barrundia,  Rev.  de  los  Partidos,  in  Monttifar,  Re- 
sena  Hist.,  iv.  662. 

19  Duran 's  pledges  went  for  nothing.     Blood  and  extermination  ended  the 
drama  of  Feb.  1845.  Id.,  663-9;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  244-7. 

'  The  most  despotic  captain-generals  of  the  colonial  period,  without  excep- 
ting the  tyrant  Bustamante,  are  not  to  be  compared  with  these  men.  Bar- 
ruiidia,  in  trying  to  console  the  young  men  who  bewailed  the  condition  of  the 
country,  assured  them  that  it  was  transitory,  *un  regimen  salvaje  en  pleno 
siglo  XIX.  no  puede  ser  perpetuo  en  la  America  independiente.  La  luz  nos 
viene  por  el  Norte  y  por  el  Sur;  solo  el  centre  esta  en  tinieblas,  y  esa  noche 
lugubre  no  puede  ser  eterna.'  M&ntufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  9. 

21  Azmitia  was  an  enlightened  man,  and  thirsted  for  no  one's  blood;  but 
his  influence,  outside  of  the  foreign  department,  was  small,  and  men,  unheard 
arid  untried,  were  shot  before  his  eyes,  without  his  being  able  to  prevent  it. 
His  friends  claimed,  however,  that  through  him  Guat,  was  spared  many  more 
acts  of  barbarity. 


constituent  congress  passed  liberal  laws,  and  issued  a 
new  constitution  on  the  16th  of  September,  1845,  that 
did  riot  suit  the  aristocrats,  and  they  made  it  an  ob- 
ject of  ridicule  and  contempt.22  The  congress  closed 
its  session  on  the  21st  of  the  same  month.  Carrera 
had  obtained  another  leave  of  absence,  and  Brigadier 
Vicente  Cruz,  the  vice-president  chosen  by  congress, 
assumed  the  executive  office.23  The  aristocrats  kept 
a  strict  watch  on  Cruz,  and  breathed  more  freely  when 
Carrera  with  his  ministers  Paiz  and  Azmitia  were 
again  at  the  head  of  the  government.  The  succeed- 
ing congress  on  the  1st  of  February,  1846,  rejected 
the  constitution  framed  the  previous  year,  and  author- 
ized the  government  to  call  another  constituent  con- 
gress. This  was  the  result,  not  only  of  aristocratic 
intrigue,  but  of  violent  threats  on  the  part  of  Car- 
rera and  his  minions  against  all  attempting  to  sanction 
the  act  of  the  'desorganizadores'  to  undermine  his 

Carrera  and  Paiz,  aided  by  Sotero  Carrera,  corre- 
gidor  of  La  Antigua,  now  ruled  supreme.  Citizens 
had  no  protection  unless  they  approved  of  every  act. 
During  the  funeral  services  of  Archbishop  Casaus  a 
plot  was  made  to  assassinate  Carrera,  which  failed, 
and  the  conspirators  were  seized  and  tried.  Those  who 
had  powerful  friends  were  sent  into  exile ;  the  rest  had 
to  perish  in  the  damp  dungeons  of  the  fort.' 


Guatemala,  in  view  of  the  political  change  resulting 
from  the  dissolution  of  the  federal  compact,  decreed 
by  her  assembly,  on  the  14th  of  November,  1843,  a 

22  It  consisted  of  222  articles,  and  was  drawn  up  at  Quezaltenango;  it  came 
to  nothing.  Pineda  de  Mont.,  in  Gnat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  86. 

23  Cruz  had  risen  with  Carrera,  but  had  a  mild  disposition,  and  was  liberal- 
minded.     He  learned  erelong  that  the  people  had  nothing  to  expect  from  the 

24  Barrundia  left  an  account  of  all  the  proceedings.     One  man  only,  Jose 
Gandara,  had  the  courage  to  back  his  convictions  and  vote  for  the  constitu- 

25  The  plan  hau  been  to  shoot  him  as  he  came  out  of  the  cathedral.  Dun- 
lop's  Cent.  Am.,  248;  7m'  Espan.,  Dec.  12,  1846. 


new  coat  of  arms  for  the  state/6  On  the  6th  of  April, 
1857,  the  government  was  empowered  to  make  in  the 
coat  of  arms  such  changes  as  it  might  deem  judicious, 
but  preserving  the  inscription,  Guatimalse  Respublica 
sub  Dei  Optimi  Maximi  protectione.  The  change 
was  decreed  on  the  31st  of  May,  1858. 27  A  law  of 
March  14,  1851,  confirmed  in  that  of  May  31,  1858, 
establishes  the  national  flag.28 

The  national  independence  of  Guatemala  was  ere- 
long recognized  by  foreign  powers,  with  which  she 
opened  diplomatic  relations  and  made  treaties.29  The 
formal  recognition  by  Spain  took  place  in  the  treaty 
of  May  29,  1863,  subsequently  ratified  by  both  gov- 
ernments. Guatemala  has  endeavored  to  maintain 
friendly  relations  with  all.  With  the  United  States 
they  have  been  quite  cordial.  During  Carrera's  rule 
his  government  gave  recognition  to  the  imperial  re- 
gime of  Maximilian  in  Mexico.80  During  the  South 
American  struggle  between  Chile  on  one  side,  and 
Peru  and  Bolivia  on  the  other,  Guatemala  maintained 
herself  neutral.  She  accepted  in  1881  the  invitation 
of  the  United  States  government  to  be  represented 

26  The  arms  to  be  those  Cent.  Am.  used  on  the  obverse  side  of  her  coin, 
but  so  arranged  that  the  sun  and  volcanoes  should  be  in  the  centre  of  a  shield, 
with  the  inscription,  Guatemala  en  Centre  America,  15  de  Setiembre  de  1821, 
having  in  the  quiver  an  olive  crown. 

27  A  shield  divided  transversely  into  two  quarters;  the  upp'er  one  on  an 
open  field  azure  with  vertical  bars  argent;  and  the  lower  with  three  volcanoes 
on  a  light  sky-blue  field..    Over  the  shield  was  a  sun,  and  on  each  side  of  it 
two  flags  with  the  national  colors  displayed,  and  the  extremities  gathered 
downward,  and  knotted  on  the  poles.     On  the  right  side  of  the  shield  is  an 
oak  bough,  and  on  the  left,  one  of  laurel.     On  a  white  waving  ribbon  is  the 
legend  in  golden  letters,  Guatimalae  Respublica  sub  I).  O.  M.  protectione. 

28  The  man-of-war  flag  has  the  coat  of  arms  on  the  yellow  stripe.     The 
mercantile  flag  does  not  show  the  coat  of  arms.     The  flag  consists  of  seven 
stripes;  the  uppermost  and  lowermost,  or  be  it  the  1st  and  7th,  blue;  the  2d 
and  6th  white;  the  3d  and  5th  red;  and  the  4th,  which  is  the  centre  one, 
yellow.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  55-8;  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  vi.   119- 
20;  Mex.,  Col.  Ley.  Ord.,  1850-1;  i.  388-9;  Mex.,  Ley.,   1851,   307-9.     New 
national  flag  decreed  Aug.  17,  1871.  Guat.,  Recap.  Leges,  Gob.  Democ.,  i.  9. 

29With  France,  March  8,  1848,  and  one  for  the  settlement  of  French 
claims,  Aug.  18,  1854;  Costa  R.,  March  10,  1848;  G.  Britain,  Feb.  20,  1849; 
U.  S.,  March  20, 1849;  Belgium,  Apr.  1849;  Mex.,  Nov.  1850;  the  pope,  Oct.  7, 
1852;  Peru,  1857;  and  others  in  later  times. 

3y Crosbys  Events  in  Gal,  MS.,  103.  It  tried  to  avoid  entanglements  in 
the  questions  then  pending  between  Spain  and  Peru.  The  time  came,  how- 
ever, in  1875,  when  the  govt  was  not  afraid  to  make  recognition  of  Cuba, 
then  in  the  throes  of  revolution  for  independence  from  Spain  as  a  nation. 


at  a  proposed  American  congress  to  be  held  in  Wash- 
ington, but  which  did  not  take  place.  In  that  same 
year,  owing  to  the  maltreatment  of  a  French  citizen, 
a  difficulty  arose  with  France,  but  it  was  amicably 
settled,  the  French  flag  being  saluted,  and  a  pecuniary 
compensation  allowed  by  Guatemala." 


On  the  8th  of  April  the  official  journal  gave  to  the 
public  a  decree  appointing  Pedro  Molina,  Alejandro 
Marure,  and  J.  M.  Urruela  a  committee  to  frame  a 
constitution  for  the  new  republic,82  a  project  of  which 
they  presented  in  due  time ;  but,  though  conservative, 
the  government  would  not  adopt  it.83  The  self-styled 
nobles  were  delighted  with  their  republic,  and  made 
it  appear  in  the  official  paper  that  the  people  in  the 
departments  were  equally  so.  But  a  scarcity  of  bread- 
stuffs,  attributed  by  many  to  the  contrivances  of 
monopolists,  created  disturbances  in  some  districts, 
alarming  the  government.  Certain  taxes  were  tem- 
porarily removed,  and  other  measures  were  adopted 
to  alleviate  the  distress.84 

In  May  there  was  a  revolutionary  movement  in 
Sacatepequez.35  Robbery  and  murder  became  of  fre- 
quent occurrence  in  several  departments.  The  gov- 

31  Full  particulars  on  the  foreign  relations  may  be  found  in  Guat.,  Recap. 
Ley.,  i.  303-81,  423-30;  Id.,  Gob.  Dem.,  i.  209-19;  Squiers  Trav.,  ii.  451-2; 
Annals  Brit.  Legis.,  1866,  333;  Guat.,  Gac.,  Feb.  21,  March  7,  May  3,  1850; 
July  29,  1853;  Jan.  27,  Apr.  7,  1854;  Comm.  Eel.  Flagg's  Kept.,  i.  792;  Dere- 
cko  Intern.  Mex.,  2dpt,  325-8;  Mex.,  Mem.  Rel,  1851,  10-11;  Dublan and Lozano, 
Leg.  Mex.,  v.  755-7;  Nic.  Corr.  1st.,  May  1,  June  1,  Aug.  1,  1849;  Id.,  Gac. 
Ofic.,  Feb.  25,  1854;  Aug.  4,  1866;  Costa  R.,  Gac.,  Feb.  13,  March  13,  June  10, 
1854;  Salv.,  Gac.,  Jan.   13,   1854;  Crosby's  Events  in  Cal,  MS.,  90-5,   102-4; 
Rocha,  C6d.  Nic.,  i.  141-5;  Salv.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Apr.  20,  Sept.  9,  1875;  Guat., 
Mem.  Rel,  1882,  26-7,  and  annex  8;  La  Estrella  de  Occid.,  Dec.  2,  1864. 

32  Molina  accepted  this  trust  believing  Minister  Azmitia,  with  whom  the 
committee  would  have  to  treat  directly,  was  a  liberal;  but  Azmitia  was  not 
such,  nor  would  the  aristocrats  have  permitted  him  to  control  the  situation. 

33  Molina  accepted,  under  the   pressure  of   circumstances,  a  number  of 
clauses  opposed  to  his  own  opinions,  thinking  that  a  conservative  constitution 
would  be  better  than  an  unbridled  dictatorship. 

34  Some  of  the  measures  being  imprudently  executed  only  increased  the 
trouble.     To  make  matters  worse,  the  monopoly  of  aguardiente  in  the  depart- 
ments of  Guat.,  Sacatepequez,  Escuintla,  and  Amatitlan,  was  given  to  a  single 
company,  in  consideration  of  money  advances  to  the  treasury.     Carrera  was 
supposed  to  share  in  the  profits. 

35  The  Indians  rose  against  the  ladinos,  who  deprived  them  of  their  lands, 
and  forced  them  to  work  at  raising  grain. 


ernment  saw  a  serious  revolution  at  hand,  and  made 
efforts  to  meet  it.  It  tried,  however,  to  show  that 
the  public  peace  was  not  disturbed.36  All  measures 
to  check  the  revolution  were  unavailing,  and  the  pol- 
icy of  the  rulers  of  Salvador  made  the  condition  of 
affairs  more  alarming  to  Carrera  and  his  supporters. 
Their  political  opponents  now  thought  the  overthrow 
of  the  tyrant  was  not  far  distant.  His  counsellors 
advised  him  to  call  a  constituent  congress,  and  pro- 
visionally place  the  executive  office  in  the  hands  of 
Vice-president  Cruz,  to  which  he  acceded.  The  de- 
cree for  summoning  the  congress  was  issued,  and  Cruz 
assumed  the  presidency  on  the  25th  of  January.37 
Najera  and  Azmitia  retired,  which  indicated  a  change 
of  policy.  This  greatly  exercised  the  reactionists, 
and  the  ayuntamiento  of  Guatemala,  on  the  4th  of 
February,  urgently  begged  Carrera  to  resume  his 
office,  whereupon  Cruz  threw  it  up,  and  the  former 
took  the  chair  at  once.  He  organized  a  new  cab- 
inet,38 the  personnel  of  which  was  a  challenge  to  the 
whole  liberal  party,  which  thereby  was  roused  to 
action.  The  first  act  of  the  government  was  to  revoke 
the  decree  calling  the  constituent  assembly.  All  hope 
of  reform  was  now  given  up. 

The  revolution  went  on,  and  notwithstanding  occa- 
sional reverses  made  much  headway,  Serapio  Cruz,  a 
brother  of  the  vice-president,  and  an  estimable  man  and 
experienced  soldier,  taking  sides  with  the  mountaineers. 
The  government  was  sinking  under  the  weight  of  its 
depravity;  and  yet  in  those  moments  of  despair,  it 
struck  a  blow  at  its  opponents.  Molina  was  arrested 
on  the  10th  of  May.  A  similar  order  was  issued 

6  ' La  tranquilidad  continua  inalterable.'  Guat.,  Gac.  Ofic.,  Aug.  14,  1847. 
The  archbishop  was  asked  to  instruct  his  priests  to  preach  obedience  to  the 
authorities  and  laws;  and  with  the  view  of  winning  the  good- will  of  the  Do- 
minicans the  govt  restored  them  the  large  hacienda  of  Palencia,  which  had 
been  theirs  prior  to  1829.  The  property  had  fallen  into  Carrera's  hands  by 
donation  from  the  government,  and  now,  in  order  to  restore  it  to  the  friars,  it 
was  bought  from  him  at  his  own  price. 

37  Carrera's  decrees  of  Jan.  12  and  22,  1848. 

38  Foreign  relations,  Jose  Mariano  Rodriguez;  government,  Luis  Batres; 
treasury  and  war,  Jose  Najera. 


against  Barrundia,  but  he  escaped  the  clutches  of  the 
sbirri,  first  giving  the  government  his  mind  in  the 
Album,  which  publication  was  of  course  suppressed.39 
Together  with  Molina  were  conveyed  to  the  fort  Jose 
Marino  Vidaurre  and  the  printer  Luciano  Luna.  An 
order  of  the  court  of  first  instance,  issued  at  the  peti- 
tion of  Molina's  wife,  was  treated  with  contempt  by 
Palo  in  o  Valdez,  acting  comandante  of  the  depart- 
ment, who  merely  said  that  Molina  had  been  imprisoned 
upon  a  verbal  order  of  the  president.  The  prisoners 
were  released  after  some  time  of  suffering  in  the  dun- 
geons of  the  fort.  The  Gaceta  repeatedly  contained 
abusive  remarks  against  the  republicans  of  France. 
The  French  consul  demanded  a  retraction,  and  not 
being  heeded,  struck  his  flag  and  discontinued  rela- 
tions with  the  government.40 

The  position  of  the  government  was  daily  becoming 
more  untenable,  when  it  concluded  to  call  a  constit- 
uent assembly,  to  begin  its  labors  on  the  15th  of 
August.41  A  scandalous  occurrence  took  place  a  few 
days  before  the  installation  of  the  assembly,  when  the 
comandante,  Palomo  Valdez,  violently  arrested  the 
deputy  M.  Pineda  de  Mont,  who  was  released  at 
the  demand  of  that  body,  but  the  perpetrator  of  the 
act  went  unpunished. 

Carrera  made  known  his  intention  to  resign 42  on 
the  installation  of  the  assembly,  and  the  insurgent 
chief  Francisco  Carrillo  tendered  his  submission  to> 
that  body.  The  liberals  could  not  expect  to  elect  any 

39  His  last  words  on  that  occasion  were:   'Queda  al  piiblico  el  sempiterno* 
duo  de  la  Revista  y  Gaceta,  que  daran  solos  la  ley  y  seran  la  esclusiva  ilustra- 
cion  de  Guatemala.'   Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  444;   Salv.,  Gac.,  Oct.   12,, 
1854.     It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  those  two  organs  were  edited  by  Pa  von. 
and  Milla  for  the  express  purpose  of  upholding  the  ideas  of  the  middle  ages. 

40  This  affair  was  later  settled,  the  assembly  passing  resolutions  highly- 
complimentary  to  France  and  her  people,  embodying  also  a  desire  to  see  the; 
French  flag  again  waving  over  the  French  consulate.     A  copy  of  the  resolu- 
tions was  transmitted  to  the  consul.     The  flag  waved  again  and  was  saluted 
with  21  guns.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  577;  Niks  Re;/.,  Ixxiv.  142-3,  415- 
16;  Nic.,  Gac.  Gob.  Suprem.,  Dec.  9,  1848;  El  Heraldo,  Jan.  15,  1849. 

41  The  members  were  to  be  at  the  capital  on  the  1st  of  the  month.     Decree 
of  May  24,  1848.  Gnat.,  Recap.  Ley.,  i.  121-36. 

42  This  was  done  by  the  advice  of  Batres,  who  told  him  the  liberal  party 
would  soon  commit  suicide,  and  he  might  then  return  in  triumph. 

HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.    13 


candidate  of  their  own,  and  the  reactionists,  though 
Laving  a  working  majority  in  the  assembly,  from 
motives  of  policy  abstained  from  presenting  one  of 
their  party;  but  they  finally  fixed  upon  a  political 
nonentity,  who  was  known  to  be  in  accord  with  Nufio 
and  the  revolutionists  of  Chiquimula,  named  Juan 
Antonio  Martinez,43  believing  that  though  a  liberal 
he  would  not  be  antagonistic  to  their  interests.  The 
assembly  was  installed  on  the  15th  of  August  with 
Pedro  Molina  presiding,  when  Carrera  sent  in  three 
documents,  one  of  which  was  his  resignation,44  which 
was  accepted,  no  attempt  being  made  to  detain  him, 
as  it  was  the  general  desire  that  he  should  leave  the 
country.45  Martinez  was  appointed  his  successor.46 
The  new  president  kept  Carrera's  officers  in  their 
commands.47  His  appointment  did  not  satisfy  the 
chiefs  of  the  revolution,48  and  through  commissioners 
they  made  known  their  demands,  dated  August  27th, 
in  18  articles.49  The  government  rejected  them,  but 
in  a  decree  requiring  their  submission  offered  certain 
terms,  which  in  their  turn  were  not  accepted,  and  the 
war  went  on. 

Colonel  Nufio  had  made  an  arrangement  with  com- 
missioners Duenas  and  Angulo  of  Salvador  for  the 
^organization  of  Los  Altos  as  a  separate  state.  This 

43  A  merchant  or  agent;  he  was  sickly,  and  totally  unfit  for  the  position. 

44  The  other  two  were  his  message  on  gen.  affairs,  and  his  greeting  to  the 
chamber  on  its  installation.  Nic.,  Gac.  Gob.  Suprem.,  Sept.  16,   1848;  Salv., 
Gac.  Ofic.,  Sept.  9,  1876;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist. ,  v.  470,  494-508. 

45 His  proscription  was  decreed  on  the  13th  of  Oct.,  1848.  Iteg.  Cent.  Am., 
Jan.  29,  1850.  He  went  to  Chiapa,  and  the  Mexican  govt  was  requested  not 
to  let  him  cross  the  frontier.  El  Stylo,  Jan.  10,  1851. 

46  This  was  an  unmerited  slight  to  Vice-president  Cruz,  which  he  resented 

47  His  ministers  were  Manuel  J.  Dardon  of  the  govt;  Jose  M.  Vidaurre  of 
treasury  and  war,  and  Luis  Molina  of  foreign  relations. 

48  Francisco  Carrillo,  Serapio  Cruz,  Roberto  Reyes,  J.  1).  Nufio,  and  A. 

49  The  chief  being  the  convocation  of  a  new  constituent  assembly;   the 
recognition  of  Los  Altos  as  independent,  efforts  to  restore  the  Central  Am. 
republic,  and  meantime  Guat.,  Salv.,  and  Los  Altos,  to  be  under  one  govt; 
the  revolutionary  army  to  hold  the  capital  and  other  important  points;  Rafael 
and  Sotero  Carrera  and  their  agents  to  make  good  with  their  property  all 
damages  caused  by  them  to  private  persons;  objectionable  persons  to  be  ban- 
ished, and  the  Brit,  govt  to  be  asked  to  recall  Consul  Chatfield. 



roused  the  aristocrats,  and  their  spokesman,  Andre u, 
made  such  broad  statements  in  the  chamber  that  the 
president  accused  him  of  falsehood,  and  closed  the 
discussion.  The  affair  widened  the  breach  among 
the  liberals.  Luis  Molina  now  organized  a  third  party, 
that  took  the  name  of  moderado,  most  of  whose  mem- 
bers were  from  the  liberal  party  and  the  latter  was 
left  an  almost  insignificant  minority.  The  aristocratic 
party,  albeit  divided  in  appearance,  was  really  united.50 

Los  ALTOS. 

They  were  disquieted,  however,  by  the  attitute  of 
Salvador  in  upholding  the  independence  of  Los  Altos, 
which  had  been  organized  as  a  state;51  but  did  not 
despair  of  breaking  up  the  friendship  between  the 
liberals  and  the  government  of  Salvador.52  The  aris- 

50  Their  only  division  was  in  open  and  covert  serviles. 

51 A  provisional  govt  was  established  at  Quezaltenango  on  the  5th  of  Sept., 
1848,  consisting  of  a  triumvirate;  namely,  Presbyter  Fernando  Antonio  Davila, 
Rafael  de  la  Torre,  and  Jose  Velazco,  with  Manuel  J.  Fuentes  as  secretary- 
gen.  Id.,  588-9;  Guat.,  Gac.,  Sept.  22,  1848. 

62  The  nobles,  aided  by  the  clergy,  surrounded  the  brothers  Cruz,  and  Luis 
Molina  undertook  to  dissuade  Nufio,  who  was  a  very  ignorant  man. 


tocrats  set  themsel\7es  to  work  to  have  a  motion  made 
by  a  liberal  in  the  assembly  for  the  confirmation  of 
Carrera's  decree  of  March  21,  1847,  to  create  the  re- 
public of  Guatemala.  Such  an  act  on  the  part  of  the 
liberals  would  alienate  from  them  the  support  of  the 
Salvadorans,  and  reduce  them  to  a  nullity.  And  yet 
Barrundia  made  the  motion,53  and  it  was  received  with 
a  shout  of  applause,  and  passed  on  the  14th  of  Sep- 
tember, with  only  two  negative  votes.54  This  ratifi- 
cation was  hailed  with  ringing  of  bells  and  salvos  of 

The  revolutionists  of  Los  Altos  being  defeated  at 
San  Andres,55  were  obliged  to  submit,  but  the  situa- 
tion of  the  government  was  made  precarious  by  the 
defeat  of  Nufio  by  the  brothers  Cruz,  who  approached 
the  capital.56  Unable  to  negotiate  peace,  Martinez  re- 
signed the  executive  office,  and  Jose  Bernardo  Escobar 
succeeded  him  on  the  28th  of  November.57  The  new 
president  found  all  his  plans  antagonized  by  the  aris- 
tocrats and  moderados,  and  the  clergy  especially  mis- 
trusted him  and  his  ministers.58  He  might  easily 
have  dissolved  the  assembly,  but  the  act  would  have 
been  repugnant  to  his  principles.  He  concluded  to 
retire,  but  his  resignation  was  not  accepted.59  Vicente 
Cruz  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  capital,  offering 
security  for  life  and  property,  a  few  persons  only  ex- 

J  The  necessity  of  procuring  money  for  the  war,  which  could  not  be  had 
except  from  partisans  of  the  oligarchs,  prompted  it,  as  they  made  that  act  of 
ratification  a  sine  qu&  non  before  loosening  their  purse-strings. 

'^Guat.,  Col  Ley.,  i.  77-9;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  584-5.  Gandara 
and  Pineda  da  Mont,  the  other  liberals  trying  to  persuade  themselves  that  the 
separation  would  be  only  temporary. 

53 By  Col  M.  Paredes.    Guat.,  Gac.,  Sept.  22,   1848;  Id.,  Col  Ley.,  50-3; 

£/r  Gd)'  SuPrem->  Nov-  18>  25>  Dec-  9>  !848;  Monttifar,  Resena  Hist., 
v.  oUo — Oj  oo4 — D. 

50  The  attempt  to  gain  over  Nufio  to  the  side  of  the  govt  proving  success- 
ful, he  had  been  appointed  comandante  general.  On  the  other  hand,  Vice- 
president  Vicente  Cruz,  smarting  under  the  slight  put  upon  him  by  the 
selection  of  Martinez  for  pres.,  joined  his  brother  Serapio  in  his  armed  contest 
against  the  govt.  Id.,  v.  555,  570-1,  588,  591. 

'  Escobar  was  an  orator,  a   true  republican,  and  well  disposed  to  deal 

5^ii-y      •  ™en>  regardless  of  political  affiliations. 

His  ministers  were  Revd  Narciso  Monterey,  of  govt;  Basilic  Porras,  of 
relations;  Mariano  Galvez  Irungaray,  of  treasury;  and  Manuel  Jonama,  an 
old  retired  officer  of  Morazan,  of  war. 

59  The  two  opposing  parties  had  not  yet  fixed  upon  his 



cepted.60  The  negotiations  for  peace  having  failed, 
Escobar  a  second  time  sent  in  his  resignation,  and  it 

O  * 

was  accepted,  with  marked  disrespect  on  the  part  of 
the  serviles  and  moderados.61  Manuel  Tejada  was 
chosen  president  on  the  30th  of  December,  and  de- 
clined the  honor.  Mariano  Paredes  was  then  ap- 
pointed, on  the  1st  of  January,  1849,  and  took  the 
oath  which  had  been  prepared  by  Paredes,  but  he  soon 
perjured  himself,  following  explicitly  the  advice  of 
Luis  Batres,  and  thus  becoming  a  tool  of  the  aristo- 
crats to  bring  back  Carrera  to  power.62  Arrangements 
were  made  with  the  mountaineers,  under  which  Brig- 
adier Vicente  Cruz,  having  recognized  the  govern- 
ment, entered  Guatemala  on  the  9th  of  February.63 
It  was  noticed,  however,  that  Serapio  Cruz  and  other 
chiefs  remained  outside.  The  men  of  Agustin  Perez 
afterward  committed  several  murders,  and  Vicente 
Cruz  went  against  and  defeated  them  on  the  20th  of 
March,  but  while  engaged  in  the  pursuit  was  struck 
by  a  bullet  in  the  chest  and  fell  dead.64 

Carrera  was  known  to  be  on  the  frontier,  and 
Batres  undertook  to  obtain  the  assent  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  mountain  for  his  return.  Not  all  of  them 
assented,  however,  Serapio  Cruz  issuing  a  very  sig- 
nificant manifesto.  General  Agustin  Guzman,  the 
loyal  liberal  leader,  well  understood  Batres'  aims,  and 
having  a  force  at  Huehuetenango  made  a  move  on 
Quezaltenango,  defeating  a  large  party  of  Indians,  on 

60  The  Molinas  and  Arrivillagas,  Vidaurre,  Dardoii,  Barrundia,  and  Mar- 
tinez, who  were  held  responsible  for  the  blood  already  spilled. 

61 A  large  number  of  official  docs,  connected  with  the  last  two  administra- 
tion are  given  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  593-601,  611,  622-44,  695-715. 

62  In  forming  his  cabinet   he  slighted  Luis  Molina  and  his  party.     His 
ministers  were  Jose  Mariano  Rodriguez,  Raymundo  Arroyo,  Jose  M.  Urruela, 
and  Manuel  Tejada.     Arroyo  was  succeeded  in  Aug.  by  Pedro  N.  Arriaga, 
and  Cerezo  became  min.  of  war. 

63  The  principal  clauses  were:  the  revolutionary  forces  to  be  incorporated 
with  the  army  of  the  republic;  Vicente  Cerna  to  become  general-in-chief  of 
the  army;  elections  of  deputies  to  be  made  in  unrepresented  districts;  dam- 
ages caused  private  parties  by  the  army  to  be  paid  by  the  government. 

64  The  aristocrats  made  a  great  display  of  regret  at  his  death,  but  it  was 
well  known  that  they  did  not  love  him.     In  eliminating  him  from  the  revo- 
lution, they  had  in  view  to  weaken  the  latter,  but  still  wanted  it  to  continue 
as  a  means  for  Carrera's  return. 


the  way,  at  San  Bartolomt,.  This  move  further  com- 
plicated affairs,  and  Batres  resolved  to  get  rid  of  him 
by  subterfuge.65  There  were  constant  skirmishes  on 
the  frontier,  Carrera  having  under  him  a  considerable 
number  of  Indians.66  He  finally  reached  Quezalte- 
nango,  and  the  assembly  empowered  the  government 
to  institute  measures  for  an  active  campaign.67  On 
the  13th  of  April,  just  ten  years  after  the  occupation  of 
Guatemala  by  Carrera,  his  second  entry  had  been  an- 
nounced. Paredes  swore  to  defend  the  city  against 
Carrera,68  which  oath  he  never  intended  to  keep. 
Major  Victor  Zavala,  corregidor  and  comandante  of 
Suchitepequez,  made  common  cause  with  Carrera.69 
Paredes,  by  the  advice  of  Luis  Batres  and  against  the 
wishes  of  the  liberal  and  moderado  leaders,  opened 
negotiations  with  Carrera,  which  resulted  in  the  sub- 
mission of  the  latter  and  his  forces  at  Quezaltenango, 
whereupon  it  was  decreed  that  all  hostilities  against 
him  were  to  cease;  the  order  forbidding  his  return 
was  revoked,  his  rank  of  lieutenant-general  was  re- 
stored, and  finally  he  was  given  the  conimand-in-chief 
of  the  army.  The  compact  between  the  oligarchy  and 

65  Paredes  made  him  believe  the  govt  really  intended  to  oppose  Carrera. 
He  also  pledged  the  govt  to  protect  Los  Altos,  and  provide  for  the  advance- 
ment of  education  and  commerce  in  that  region.     Under  such  pledges  Guz- 
man placed  himself  and  his  Quezaltecs  at  the  service  of  the  govt  and  pro- 
ceeded to  the  capital.  Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  v.  769-71. 

66  Jan.  24th  he  wrote  the  govt  from  Ayuto  that  he  was  on  his  inarch  to 
the  capital,  not  to  avenge,  he  said,  the  insults  heaped  upon  him  by  Martinez' 
administration,  or  rake  up  by-gones,  but  to  restore  peace  and  justice.     The 
assembly,  before  which  his  letter  was  laid,  adopted  no  resolution. 

67  To  raise  a  foreign  loan  of  one  million  dollars;  to  procure  troops  from 
other  friendly  states;   and  if  necessary  to  remove  the  capital.     After  granting 
such  power  the  assembly  adjourned,  leaving  in  the  city  a  '  comision  perma- 
nente. ' 

68  His  govt  said  that  aid  afforded  to  Carrera  was  treason  under  the  decree 
of  Oct.  13,  1848.     Ministers  Arroyo  and  Tejada  in  a  manifesto  assured  the 
people  of  the  government's  best  efforts  to  defeat  his  projects.    Nic.,  Gac., 
March  17,  1849.     It  is  astonishing  that  an  ignorant  man  like  Paredes  could 
so  easily  hoodwink  Luis  Molina  and  the  rest.     They  soon  opened  their  eyes 
to  see  the  falseness  of  the  man  they  had  elevated  from  the  command  of  a  bat- 
talion to  the  chief  magistracy,  and  who  was  on  the  point  of  consummating  his 
treachery.     Guzman  saw  through  his  plan,  and  escaped  out  of  the  city  with  a 
number  of  his  Quezaltec  officers  and  men,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  Salva- 
dor.    He  first  joined  the  mountaineers,  and  aided  them  to  take  Jutiapa,  but 
on  seeing  the  outrages  of  Leon  Raymundo,  he  left  them  in  disgust. 

6*  Zavala  was  connected  by  blood  and  marriage  with  supporters  of  Car- 
rera in  the  aristocratic  clique. 

THE   WAR  OF   1850.  279 

barbarism  was  consummated.70  He  assumed  the  com- 
mand on  the  8th  of  August,  and  on  that  date  and  the 
18th  he  issued  proclamations  conveying  his  purpose  of 
restoring  peace  and  order,  and  assuring  the  people 
that  he  was  free  from  hatred.71  But  the  work  of 
vengeance  soon  began.  Efforts  were  made  to  convene 
the  assembly  with  the  object  in  view  of  arresting  the 
liberal  deputies  who  voted  for  Carrera's  proscription 
in  1848,72  but  many  of  them  had  fled,  and  only  those 
remaining  were  confined  in  the  fort  by  Carrera's  order 
without  remonstrance  on  the  part  of  the  president. 
It  is  also  said  that  some  persons  were  shot.  Such  of 
the  prisoners  as  did  not  crave  Carrera's  pardon  were 
forced  to  leave  the  country.73 

The  difference  in  the  principles  underlying  the  policy 
of  the  rulers  of  Guatemala  and  Salvador,  and  the  bit- 
ter animosity  existing  between  them,  brought  about  a 
war  in  1850,  in  which  Salvador,  Honduras,  and  the 
democrats  of  Nicaragua  were  allied  against  Guate- 
mala.'4 President  Vasconcelos  invaded  Guatemala,7" 

70  The  first  two  decrees  were  of  June  4th  and  5th.     His  appointment  to 
the  chief  command  was  on  the  3d  of  Aug.  Nic.,  Corr.  1st.,  July  1,  Sept.  1. 
1849;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  779-80,  784-5. 

71  He  had  come  disposed  to  do  his  duty,  he  said.     The  ayuntamiento  of 
Guat.  on  the  10th  of  Aug.  gave  a  banquet  in  honor  of  Carrera.     The  corregi- 
dor  presided,  having  on  his  right  Paredes,  and  on  the  left  Carrera.   Guat., 
Gac.,  Aug.  23,  1849. 

72  The  coinision  permanente  had  represented  the  danger  to  the  govt  before 
Carrera  entered  the  city,  and  its  representations  remaining  unheeded;  it  again 
on  the  27th  of  July  called  the  attention  of  the  minister  of  government  de- 
manding requisite  protection  for  the  representatives.     See  Andres  Dardon's 
letter  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  v.  811-12. 

73  Barruiidia  had  gone  to  Salv.     Luis  Molina  was  now  defeated,  and  had 
to  go  away.     He  wished  to  visit  San  Salvador,  but  could  not  face  Vasconce- 
los, and  went  to  Ahuachapan.     Ex-president  Escobar,  who,  as  president  of 
the  assembly,  signed  the  proscription  act  of  Oct.  13,  1848,  died  in  exile,  poor 
and  miserable;  the  two  subscribing  secretaries  were  Manuel  Irungaray,  whom 
Carrera  caused  to  be  shot  some  time  afterward,  and  Lorenzo  Montufar,  the 
author  and  statesman. 

7i  Vasconcelos,  president  of  Salv.,  Dec.  4,  1850,  announced  to  his  people 
that  forces  of  Gautemala  were  about  to  invade  the  department  of  Sonsoiiate, 
with  the  view  of  inciting  the  inhabitants  to  rebel  against  their  government. 
Again,  Jan.  10,  1851,  he  sets  forth  the  motives  actuating  the  oligarchs,  who 
had  Carrera  for  their  tool,  and  British  Consul  Chatfield  for  their  ally,  which 
were  to  destroy  Central  American  liberties,  and  to  domineer  over  the  other 
sections.  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  vi.  nos.  2  and  3. 

75  The  objective  point  was  the  city  of  Guat.,  which  the  allies  felt  sure  of 
capturing,  to  judge  from  the  context  of  a  letter  from  Duefias  to  Vasconcelos 
of  Jan.  20,  1851.  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  iv.  no.  17 


at  the  head  of  an  allied  force  of  Salvadorans,  Hondu- 
rans,  and  Nicaraguans,  but  seems  to  have  met  with  a 
signal  defeat  at  the  hands  of  an  inferior  force  under 
Carrera,  near  Arada,  in  Chiquimula,  on  the  2d  of 
February,  which  compelled  a  precipitate  retreat  into 
Salvadoran  territory.76  Carrera  then  marched  across 
the  line  and  established  his  headquarters  in  Santa 
Ana.  This  move  demanded  vigorous  measures  on 
the  part  of  Salvador  for  self-defence.77 

Carrera  wrote  the  government  of  Salvador  Febru- 
ary 22d,  that,  understanding  it  wished  to  make  peace, 
but  hesitated  to  propose  it  because  of  the  presence  of 
Guatemalan  troops  in  Salvador,  he  would  recross  the 
line,  starting  on  the  next  day.'8  Yet  the  war  contin- 
ued, until  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace  between  Guate- 
mala and  Salvador  was  concluded  at  Guatemala  on 
the  17th  of  August,  1853,  and  ratified  by  Guatemala 
on  the  14th  of  September.79 

The  civil  strife  raging  in  Guatemala  led  to  differ- 
ences with  Honduras,  whose  government  was  accused  of 
favoring  the  rebels  of  the  mountain.  Recriminations 
and  border  raids  ensued,  which  culminated  in  a  three 
years'  war  between  the  two  countries,  Guatemala  aid- 
ing Guardiola  and  other  enemies  of  Cabanas,  the  presi- 

76 Can-era's  report  from  the  field  contained  the  following  incredible  result: 
a  loss  on  the  part  of  the  confederates  of  528  killed,  200  prisoners,  1,000  mus- 
kets, and  9,000  rounds  of  ammunition;  while  his  casualties  were  only  20 
killed  and  42  wounded.  That  was  probably  one  of  his  characteristic  false- 
hoods. The  Salvadoran  minister  called  it  '  desgracia  sensible  aunque  pequena. ' 
But  Cerrera  was  promoted  to  be  captain -general,  and  a  memorial  medal  was 
struck  in  honor  of  his  victory.  Frisch,  Die  Staaten,  98;  Astaburuaqa,  Cent. 
Am.,  80-1;  Salv.,  Mem.  Sec.  Gen.,  1821-5. 

77  Feb.  6th,  martial  law  was  proclaimed;  13th,  all  men  capable  of  bearing 
arms  were  called  into  service;  those  failing  to  obey,  or  aiding  the  invaders, 
were  declared  traitors;  22d,  the  assembly  decreed  a  forced  loan  of  $20,000 
monthly  during  the  continuance  of  the  war.  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  March  13,  J851; 
Salv.  Decreto,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  iv.  no.  16. 

78  He  would  return,  however,  if  peaceful  overtures  were  not  made  at  once. 
Guat.,  Boktin  de  Noticias,  March  1,  1851. 

79The  commissioners  were  Manuel  F.  Pavon  for  Guatemala,  and  Francisco 
Zaldivar  for  Salvador.  It  was  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  calling  also 
for  extradition  of  army  deserters  and  common  criminals  upon  formal  demand 
for  them.  Political  refugees  were  to  be  made  to  live  at  a  considerable  dis- 
tance from  the  frontier.  Neither  contracting  party  had  to  pay  any  pecuniary 
indemnity.  Guat.,  Recap.  Ley.,  i.  431-3;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  10,  1853; 
Jan.  30,  1854;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  5,  1853. 


dent  of  Honduras,  in  their  attempts  to  overthrow  the 
latter.80  At  last  a  treaty  was  concluded  at  Guatemala 
on  the  13th  of  February,  1856,  which  the  govern- 
ment of  Guatemala  ratified  on  the  5th  of  April.81 

The  victorious  aristocrats  now  saw  their  opportu- 
nity to  reorganize  the  government  under  a  system 
more  in  accordance  with  their  ideas;  that  is  to  say, 
investing  the  executive  with  power  to  crush  revolu- 
tion. Paredes  summoned  the  constituent  assembly 
which  had  been  called  by  Carrera's  decree  of  May  24, 
1848,  and  it  was  installed  on  the  16th  of  August, 
1851.  This  body  on  the  19th  of  October  adopted  a 
new  constitution  under  the  title  of  Acta  Constitutiva 
de  la  Repiiblica  de  Guatemala,  containing  18  articles.82 

80  Efforts  were  made  by  the  sister  states  to  avert  a  war,  and  even  after  it 
broke  out  Salvador  continued  her  efforts.  Preliminaries  of  peace  had  been 
agreed  upon,  and  negotiations  entered  into  at  Cojutepeque  by  the  two  belliger- 
ents, Salvador  acting  as  mediator  at  the  conferences;  but  this  effort  also 
failed  because  the  commissioner  at  the  last  moment  presented  an  ultimatum 
which  neither  Salvador  nor  Honduras  deemed  just.  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Oct. 
30,  Nov.  15,  30,  Dec.  15,  1852;  Id.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  Oct.  13,  Nov.  11,  Dec.  5, 
1853;  Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  18;  Guat.  Gaceta,  July  8  to  Nov.  11,  1853, 
passim;  Jan.  27,  Feb.  24,  Sept.  22,  1854;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  20,  1853;  Feb. 
28,  1854;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  Dec.  12,  1853;  Jan.  7,  18,  Feb.  24,  March  4,  1854; 
El  AW,  Oct.  13,  1854;  Feb.  21,  March  7,  1855;  Prelimin.  de  Paz,  in  Cent.  Am. 
Parnph.,  i.  no.  20;  iv.  no.  41.  It  seems  from  Guatemalan  sources  that  the 
Hondurans  invaded  Guat.,  and  were  defeated  at  Atulapa  July  12,  1853.  Guat., 
Boletin  de  Notidas,  Aug.  5,  1853. 

fcl  The  commissioners  being  Pedro  de  Aycinena,  min.  of  foreign  affairs  of 
Guat.,  and  Florencio  Castillo  for  Hond.  This  treaty  bound  the  contracting 
parties  to  surrender  deserters  from  either  army,  and  common  criminals,  when 
claimed.  Political  refugees  were  to  be  kept  away  from  the  frontier.  No 
pecuniary  indemnity  was  stipulated.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  433-6;  Guat.,  Ga- 
ecta,  Feb.  16,  1856. 

82  Under  this  law  the  president  was  to  be  chosen  for  four  years  by  a  gen- 
eral assembly  composed  of  the  house  of  representatives,  the  archbishop, 
justices  of  the  supreme  court,  and  the  members  of  the  council  of  state.  He 
might  be  reflected.  Before  being  placed  in  possession  of  the  executive  office, 
he  was  to  be  sworn  by  the  archbishop  who  presided,  for  the  occasion,  over 
the  house  of  representatives.  The  executive  was  clothed  with  almost  abso- 
lute powers,  being  authorized,  among  other  things,  to  issue,  in  accord  with 
the  council  of  state,  decrees  having  the  force  of  law,  to  raise  loans,  declare 
war,  make  peace,  ratify  treaties,  etc.  In  the  event  of  his  death  or  permanent 
disability,  the  executive  duties  devolved  temporarily  on  the  ministers  in  their 
order  of  seniority;  and  in  default  of  them,  on  the  members  of  the  council; 
until  the  house  of  representatives,  to  be  forthwith  summoned,  could  meet  and 
make  a  choice  in  general  assembly.  During  temporary  absences  of  the  presi- 
dent, the  government  devolved  on  the  council  of  ministers.  The  council  of 
state  was  formed  of  the  cabinet  ministers,  eight  members  chosen  by  the  con- 
gress, and  such  others  as  the  executive  might  appoint.  They  held  office  for 


Another  decree  regulated  the  election  of  representa- 
tives of  the  church  arid  other  corporations  in  the 
national  congress.83 

The  constituent  assembly  having  by  the  18th  ar- 
ticle of  the  acta  reserved  to  itself  the  right  of  choosing 
the  president  for  the  constitutional  term  from  January 
1,  1852,  to  January  1,  1856,  chose  the  only  possible 
candidate,  Eafael  Carrera,84  who  on  the  appointed  day 
assumed  the  executive  office.  His  reputation  for 
courage,  respect  for  the  church,  and  other  circum- 
stances secured  a  firm  support  to  his  administration. 
On  the  21st  of  October,  1854,  Carrera  was  proclaimed 
by  a  general  junta  of  superior  authorities  president 
for  life,85  and  the  house  of  representatives  on  the  29th 
of  January,  1855,  passed  an  act  exempting  the  presi- 
dent from  all  responsibility  for  the  acts  of  his  gov- 
ernment, and  devolving  it  on  his  ministers.86  This 

four  years  and  might  be  reflected.  The  following  functionaries  might  also  be 
called  by  the  executive  to  take  part  in  the  deliberations  and  vote,  namely: 
the  'archbishops,  bishops  sojourning  in  the  capital,  regente  of  the  supreme 
court,  president  of  the  ecclesiastical  chapter,  rector  of  the  university,  prior  of 
the  consulado,  president  of  the  sociedad  econdmica,  and  comandante  general. 
The  house  of  representatives  consisted  of  55  deputies  elected  for  four  years. 
The  cabinet  ministers  had  seats  in  the  house,  which  was  to  open  its  session 
Nov.  25th,  and  close  it  Jan.  31st.  The  administration  of  justice  was  in- 
trusted to  a  supreme  and  lower  courts.  The  former  consisted  of  a  regente, 
six  justices,  and  one  fiscal  or  attorney-general,  all  chosen  by  the  congress  for 
four  years,  one  half  being  renewed  every  two  years,  but  all  might  be  reflected. 
Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  79-87;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  181-2;  El  Siglo,  June  18, 
1852;  Sqwer's  Cent.  Am.,  483. 

83  Those  of  the  judiciary,  consulado,  university,  and  sociedad  econdmica. 
Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  140-50. 

**Saly.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  31,  1851. 

86  This  was  the  result  of  public  meetings  held  in  the  departments  by  the 
garrisons,  officials,  and  parish  priests,  at  which  it  was  made  to  appear  that  it 
was  the  will  of  the  people  that  Carrera  should  be  president  for  life,  with  the 
privilege  of  selecting  his  successor,  and  that  other  amendments  should  be 
made  to  the  acta  constitutiva,  as  permitted  by  its  loth  art.  It  is  understood 
that  at  the  meeting  of  officials  in  the  capital  there  was  but  one  dissentient 
vote  to  the  proposition.  He  had  in  a  manifesto  of  June  22d  expressed  a  weak 
objection  to  the  proposed  change,  but  it  was  evidently  a  preconcerted  plan  of 
the  aristocrats  and  the  military  element.  Guat.,  Gaceta,  May  12  to  Sept.  15, 
1854,  passim;  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  87-90;  Costa R.,  Gaceta,  July  1-29,  1854; 
Id.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  July  27,  1854;  March  17,  1855;  Carrera,  Manifesto,  in  Cent. 
Am.  Pamph.,  v.  no.  21;  Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  514.  Carrera  before  this  re- 
ceived honors  from  foreign  governments;  he  was  a  knight  grand  cross  of  the 
papal  order  of  St  Gregory  the  Great;  the  same  of  the  Mexican  order  of  Guad- 
alupe;  and  knight  commander  of  the  Belgian  order  of  Leopold.  Guat.,  Recop. 
Ley.,  i.  90. 

8bThis  amendment  conferred  still  larger  powers  on  the  president,  and 


change  was  a  near  approach  to  the  monarchical  system, 
for  which  Carrera  was  supposed  to  have  a  decided 
penchant.87  Notwithstanding  the  strong  power  thus 
placed  in  his  hands,  a  revolt  at  Quezaltenango  the 
next  year  almost  overthrew  him,  requiring  the  use  of 
all  his  forces  to  defeat  it,  at  the  expense  of  much  dis- 
aster and  a  large  number  of  executions.  It  was  only 
by  great  efforts  that  he  succeeded,  after  so  many  years 
of  warfare,  in  quieting  the  revolted  mountaineers. 
This  was  accomplished  only  after  peace  had  been 
signed  with  Honduras.  His  strong  supporters,  Man- 
uel Francisco  Pavon  and  Luis  Batres,  died,  the 
former  in  1855,  and  the  latter  in  1862.88 

From  this  time,  peace  being  finally  restored,  with 
only  occasional  and  partial  disturbances,  the  regime 
established  with  Carrera  at  its  head  was  generally 
acquiesced  in.  The  republic  took  an  active  part  in 
the  campaign  against  William  Walker  and  his  fili- 
busters in  Nicaragua.  The  services  rendered  by  its 
forces  will  appear  in  the  description  of  the  operations 
of  that  campaign  in  a  separate  chapter. 

The  year  1863  was  inaugurated  with  another  bloody 
war  with  Salvador,  the  details  and  consequences  of 
which  will  be  treated  elsewhere.  It  is  sufficient  to 
say  here  that  Guatemalan  arms  were  successful,  and 
Carrera's  power  became  still  more  consolidated,  and 
its  supremacy  was  felt  over  the  rest  of  Central  Amer- 
ica. He  ruled  the  country  uninterruptedly  till  his 

made  the  term  of  the  representatives,  and  of  the  councillors  chosen  by  them, 
seven  years  instead  of  four. 

81  As  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  science  of  government,  the  direct  man- 
agement of  public  affairs  was  left  to  those  supposed  to  possess  it.  Carrera  did 
not  govern;  he  merely  represented  the  unity  of  government.  '  Sin  embargo 
que  su  voluntad  prevalecia  entodo.'  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  82.  The  reform 
in  regard  to  the  presidential  tenure  was  personal,  and  exclusively  in  favor  of 
Carrera.  Thus  at  his  death  the  constitutional  provision  was  restored,  the 
minister  of  relations,  Pedro  de  Aycinena,  assuming  the  reins,  and  at  once 
summoning  the  legislative  body,  which  was  de  facto  and  de  jure  a  return  to 
constitutional  order.  Pineda  de  Mont,  Nota,  in  Guat.,  Recap.  Ley.,  i.  87. 

88  The  govt  decreed  that  their  portraits  should  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  the 
council  of  state.  Pavon's  widow,  Victoria  Zebadua,  got  a  pension  of  $900  a 
year.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  ii.  638-9;  iii.  351. 



death  early  in  April  1865.     The  highest  honors',  civic, 
military,  and  ecclesiastic,  were  paid  to  his  remains.89 
Carrera  died  in  the  full  conviction  that  he  had  been 
the  instrument  of  providence  in  saving  society  and, 
good  order  in  Guatemala.     He  had  been  so  assured 
by  his  supporters,  and  had  come  to  believe  it,  in  the 
face  of  the  fact  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  heinous 
crimes  and  was  notoriously  immoral.90     So  die  those 
who  pass  hence  from  the  murderer's  gallows  under  the 
banner  of  the  cross,  and  with  priestly  consolation. 

89  The  government,  whose  temporary  chief  was  Pedro  de  Aycinena,  as 
senior  cabinet  minister,  decreed  April  4th  that  the  funeral  should  take  place 
on  the  17th  at  9  A.  M.,  the  remains  to  be  interred  in  the  cathedral  church. 
Gaat.,  JRecop.  Ley.,  iii.  351-2;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  29,  May  6-20,  1865. 

9J  It  has  been  asserted  that  even  his  ministers  trembled  for  their  lives 
when  Carrera  was  in  his  cups.  Though  they  knew  he  would  commit  outrages, 
they  often  induced  him  to  visit  the  departments,  in  order  to  have  a  little 
peace  themselves. 





THE  constituent  assembly  of  Salvador,  installed  at 
Zacatecoluca  on  the  1st  of  August,  1839,  after  a  recess 
reopened  its  session  on  the  2d  of  January,  1841,  and 
on  the  4th  there  was  laid  before  it  an  address,  signed 
by  Colonel  Francisco  Malespin,  as  comandante  general, 
and  his  officers  who  took  part  in  the  revolt  of  Sep- 
tember 20th,  spoken  of  elsewhere.  In  the  document 
they  disclaimed  hostility  to  Jefe  Canas  or  his  minister, 
or  any  intent  to  override  the  la\vs,  asserting  that  they 
were,  on  the  contrary,  actuated  by  a  strong  desire  to 
give  security  to  the  state,  and  save  themselves  from 
impending  destruction.1  This  address  was  regarded 
by  the  liberals  as  a  threat,  inasmuch  as  Malespin  with 
the  garrison  had  wrongfully  assumed  a  right  to  delib- 
erate upon  public  affairs. 

1  They  conclude  offering  to  the  assembly  the  '  swords  which  aided  to  tri- 
umph in  Guat.  and  Los  Altos  over  the  tyrant  Morazan.' 



Norberto  Ramirez,  now  jefe  of  Salvador  by  the 
grace  of  Malespin,  could  no  longer  brook  that  officer's 
interference,  and  resigned,2  Juan  Lindo  being  called 
to  succeed  him  on  the  7th  of  January.  The  assembly 
and  chief  magistrate  of  the  state  were  both  now  under 
the  sword  of  Malespin,  which  in  its  turn  was  con- 
trolled by  Carrera  of  Guatemala.  That  body,  on  the 
30th  of  January,  1841,  passed  an  act  to  call  the  state 
in  future  Repiiblica  del  Salvador.3  The  second  con- 
stitution of  Salvador  was  adopted  on  the  18th  of  Feb- 
ruary.4 Under  it  the  legislature  had  two  chambers. 
Lindo,  the  jefe,  had  a  most  unpleasant  position,  be- 
lieving himself  surrounded  by  conspirators.  Counting 
on  Malespin's  support,  on  the  6th  of  November,  1841, 
with  a  coup  d'etat  he  dissolved  the  chambers,  because 
among  its  members  were  some  friends  of  Morazan.5 
His  act  caused  much  indignation  in  several  towns, 
and  on  the  13th  of  January,  1842,  three  senators, 
namely,  J.  V.  Nuila,  Lupario  Vides,  and  Antonio 
Jose  Canas,  at  San  Vicente,  resolved  to  restore  con- 
stitutional order.  The  legislative  body  in  consequence 
assembled  there,  and  made  a  stirring  address  to  the 
people,  embodying  the  policy  they  intended  to  pursue.6 
Lindo  tried  to  justify  his  act  of  November  6th,  but 
failed,  and  Senator  Escoldstico  Marin  was  called  to 
temporarily  occupy  the  executive  chair,7  with  author- 

2  Canas,  considering  himself  the  only  lawful  executive,  though  set  aside  by 
the  military  on  Sept.  20th,  also  made  his  resignation. 

3  The  decree  greatly  displeased  the  people,  and  had  no  effect.     But  it  re- 
vealed the  plot  of  the  aristocrats  of  Guat.     They  appointed  commissioners  to 
the  diet  of  Cent.  Am.,  who  were  to  pretend  that  they  favored  a  reformed 
union;  but  their  real  aim  was  an  absolute  separation.  Harare,  Efem.,  54. 

4  Its  support  was  sworn  to  on  the  llth  of  April. 

5  In  a  proclamation  he  stated  that  the  expelled  senators  and  deputies  were 
working  to  restore  the  order  of  affairs  existing  at  the  time  of  Morazan 's  de- 
parture.    His  suspicions  were  partially  confirmed  on  Morazan  appearing  at 
La  Union  about  the  middle  of  Feb.  1842.   Montufar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  iv.  G3-4; 
Marure,  Efem.,  54-5;  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  74-5. 

6  They  promised  to  confine  their  action  to  only  such  objects  as  were  of 
absolute  necessity,  namely,  to  rid  the  government  of  surrounding  obstacles, 
make  amendments  or  additions  to  the  constitution,  and  pass  such  laws  as 
would  conduce  to  its  development.     After  doing  this  they  purposed  to  close 
their  ordinary  session,  and  await  the  election  of  the  constitutional  chief  of  the 
state.     It  would  then  be  the  proper  time  to  deliberate  upon  calling  a  constit- 
uent assembly  to  review  the  constitution. 

7  Canas  had  been  chosen  on  the  1st  of  Feb.,  but  afterward  resigned  it. 


ity  to  establish  the  state  capital  where  most  expedient.8 
The  government  continued  for  the  time  being  in  San 
Vicente,  and  the  people  were  called  upon  to  choose  a 
president  of  the  state. 

Marin  held  the  executive  authority  a  few  days  only. 
He  had  been  preceded  by  Pedro  Arce,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Juan  Jose  Guzman.  The  difficulties  of  the 
state  had  not  come  to  an  end.  Guzman  favored  the 
conservative  element,  as  shown  in  his  decree  of  June 
3,  1842,  issued  after  hearing  that  Morazan  was  in 
Costa  Rica,  to  cut  off  all  relations  with  that  state.9 
He  left  the  executive  office  in  July,  and  resumed  its 
duties  again  in  September,  declaring  in  a  proclamation 
that  he  would  deal  mercilessly  with  disturbers  of  the 
public  peace. 

The  two  legislative  chambers  were  installed  at  San 
Vicente  on  the  17th  of  September,  and  on  the  20th 
counted  the  votes  for  president  of  the  state.  No  can- 
didate having  the  requisite  majority,  Guzman  was 
asked  to  continue  provisionally  in  charge  of  the 
government.  His  inaugural  address  was  a  repetition 
of  his  manifesto  of  the  7th,  greatly  pleasing  the  con- 
servatives.10 But  harmony  was  not  long  to  prevail 
between  Salvador  and  Guatemala.  The  trouble  arose 
from  the  independent  action  of  Salvador  in  granting 
an  asylum  to  the  remnants  of  Morazan's  forces  against 
the  protests  of  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  even  though 
the  final  decree  of  admission  contained  some  very 
severe  clauses.11  Another  cause  of  dissatisfaction 

His  health  was  poor,  and  he  died  at  the  hacienda  del  Joed  on  the  24th  of  Feb., 
1844.  The  assembly  honored  his  memory  in  a  special  decree.  Salv.,  Diario 
Ofic.,  Feb.  14,  1875;  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  509. 

8  It  was  this  govt  that  rejected  Morazan's  proposals  when  he  appeared  at 
La  Union.     While  appreciating  his  patriotic  purposes,  it  could  not  disregard 
its  obligations  toward  the  other  states.     Hence,  together  with  Malespin,  it 
set  the  other  govts  in  motion  against  Morazan,  whom  Malespin  called  '  el  en- 
emigo  comun. 

9  Even  private  correspondence  was  forbidden.     Postmasters  had  orders  to 
deliver  to  governors  of  departments  all  letters  received  at  their  offices  from 
(Josta  Rica. 

10  His  ideas  were  commended  as  'justas,  sanas,  salvadoras.'  Guat.  Gac., 
Oct.  18,  1842 

11  Even  Malespin  had  favored  the  act  of  the  govt;  for  though  uncultured, 


against  Salvador  was  that  Guzman  would  not  muzzle 
the  press.  The  independence  of  Guzman,  and  the 
disposition  shown  by  Malespin  not  to  be  at  all  times  a 
facile  instrument  of  the  aristocrats,  prompted  the  lat- 
ter to  promote  an  insurrection  of  the  volcanenos  of 
Santa  Ana  for  their  overthrow.12  Salvador,  though 
under  the  pressure  of  aristocratic  control,  still  had  a 
leaven  of  progression  that  made  itself  felt.  The  pub- 
lication of  El  Amigo  del  Pueblo  was  an  evidence  of  this 
fact.  The  Aycinenas,  Pavon,  Luis  Batres,  and  Chat- 
field,  unable  to  compete  with  it  in  the  field  of  discus- 
sion, demanded  its  suppression.13 

Guzman  in  his  correspondence  with  Pavon  upheld 
that  journal,  and  'Malespin  would  read  it  with  satis- 
faction.14 Guatemala  resolved  at  least  to  use  coercion. 
Carrera  established  his  headquarters  at  Jutiapa  to 
favor  the  volcanenos  in  their  rebellion.15 

The  cordial  reception  given  in  October  to  Colonel 
M.  Quijans,  commissioner  accredited  by  Nicaragua  to 
Salvador  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alli- 

he  was  a  Salvadoran;  and  now  that  Morazan  was  dead,  he  began  to  listen  to 
the  advice  of  his  more  enlightened  fellow-citizens,  and  to  understand  the 
Machiavelisni  of  Aycinena,  Pavon,  and  their  ally  Chatfield. 

12  J.  J.  Aycinena  repeatedly  said  that  the  revolt  could  not  be  quelled,  and 
it  were  better  to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  volcanenos.     This  will  explain  the 
object  of  a  doc.  dated  Oct.  18,  1843,  and  published  at  Comayagua  at  the  govt 
printing-office  under  the  signature  of  Manuel  Jose  Arce.    The  ex -president  had 
taken  advantage  of  an  amnesty  decree  to  return  to  Central  America.     He  was 
now  very  old,  but  still  ambitious  of  power.     In  that  manifesto,  addressed  to 
the  states  of  Cent.  Am.,  he  endeavors  to  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  their 
again  uniting  under  one  govt.     He  spoke  of  Guzman  and  Malespin  trying  to 
hold  power  for  life;  of  intrigues  to  make  the  latter  president,  even  if  some  of 
his  opponents  had  to  be  shot;  of  abuses  he  had  been  subjected  to;  the  war 
those  men  were  planning,  with  the  aid  of  Nic.,  against  Guat.  and  Hond.,  on 
the  false  charge  that  Carrera  intended  to  annex  Salv.  to  Guat.     He  accused 
Malespin  of  atrocities,  and  yet  praises  Carrera,  who  placed  Malespin  in  Salv. 
The  full  text  of  the  manif.  is  in  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  222-5. 

13  The  min.  of  state,  Agustin  Morales,  reminded  him  that  freedom  of  the 
press  was  a  palladium  of  liberty  in  England,  adding  his  surprise  that  her  con- 
sul should  want  such  a  precious  boon  to  disappear  from  Salvador.     Chatfield 
threatened  to  refer  the  subject  to  his  govt,  and  was  told  to  do  so,  not  failing 
to  accompany  the  answers  he  had  received. 

uThe  circulation  of  El  Amigo  del  Pueblo  in  Guat.  was  forbidden;  but  many 
numbers  got  out,  and  were  read  by  artisans,  students,  officials.  •  Chatfield 
often  found  it  on  his  desk  without  knowing  how  it  came  there. 

13  Several  Salvadorans  were  murdered,  and  it  was  proved  that  the  mur- 
derers had  come  from  Jutiapa.  The  govt  of  Guat.  pretended  to  have  had  no 
agency  in  these  acts. 


ance?  was  displeasing  to  Bishop  Viteri,  who  took  ad- 
vantage of  Guzman's  absence  at  San  Vicente,  in  the 
latter  part  of  that  month,  to  bring  about  a  quarrel 
between  him  and  Malespin.  The  latter  at  this  time 
was  said  to  be  in  poor  health,  and  the  bishop  often 
visited  him,  and  in  other  ways  manifested  interest  for 
him.  Viteri  had  directed  his  clergy  to  abstain  from 
interference  in  political  affairs,  and  yet  he  preached 
against  Morazan  and  those  who  had  banished  Arch- 
bishop Casans.  The  Dominican  Vazquez16  was  viru- 
lent, declaring  that  the  ecclesiastical  authority  would 
never  be  under  the  civil,  and  threatening  the  people 
that  the  priests  would  abandon  them  to  suffer  from 
plagues,  epidemics,  war,  and  famine,  if  they  continued 
their  iniquitous  hostility  to  the  church.17 

The  revolution  was  now  a  fact.  Viteri  and  Male- 
spin  supported  Fray  Vazquez,  or  Fray  Veneno,  as  he 
was  nicknamed.  Once  Vazquez  fulminated  from  the 
pulpit  a  number  of  diatribes  against  President  Guz- 
man, at  the  same  time  bestowing  much  praise  on 
Carrera.  The  result  was  an  order  from  Guzman,  then 
at  San  Miguel,  to  bring  the  friar  there  as  a  prisoner. 
The  bishop  remonstrated  to  Malespin  against  the 
order,  demanding  an  escort,  as  he  wished  to  end  the 
insults  to  the  church  by  himself  leaving  the  state. 
Malespin  tried  to  dissuade  him  from  his  purpose,  and 
he  grew  more  energetic.18  A  great  tumult  ensued 
one  night  in  the  city,  when  Viteri,  Malespin,  and 
Vazquez  received  an  ovation  from  the  rabble  of 
La  Vega  and  San  Jacinto,  amid  repeated  cries  of 
"Mueran  los  judios!  mueran  los  herejes!  mueran  los 
impios  !" 

16  In  later  years  he  was  bishop  of  Panama,  but  much  toned  down. 

11  El  Amigo  del  Pueblo  invited  him  to  discuss  public  questions,  but  not 
from  the  pulpit,  where  he  could  not  be  answered.  Vazquez  did  not  heed 'it,  1 
and  went  on  with  his  wrathful  sermons. 

18  In  his  letter  of  Dec.  5th,  he  uses  these  words:  'Jorge  de  Viteri  no  sera 
obispo  de  farsa,  ni  permanecera  jamas  en  un  suelo,  en  que  lapotestad  humana 
coarte  las  amplias  facultades  que  le  conceden,  y  de  que  le  hacen  responsable 
los  sagrados  canones.'  The  correspondence,  and  his  secretary's  address  to 
the  people,  are  given  in  Id.,  351-4,  373. 
HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  III.  19 


Malespin  went  off  to  San  Miguel,  and  had  some 
violent  correspondence  with  the  president;  the  latter 
threatened  to  expose  his  intrigues  if  he  did  not  forth- 
with depart  from  San  Miguel,  and  then  retired  to  his 
hacienda,  leaving  the  state  in  the  hands  of  Malespin.19 
Guzman's  downfall  was  hailed  with  joy  in  Guatemala 
and  Honduras.  In  Comayagua  it  was  celebrated  with 
salvos  of  artillery.  After  Malespin's  return  to  San 
Salvador,  to  please  the  bishop  several  persons  were 
banished,  and  the  Amigo  del  Pueblo  was  suppressed. 
The  executive  office,  by  Guzman's  abandonment  of  it, 
went  into  the  hands  of  Pedro  Arce,  the  vice-president. 
The  two  chambers  of  the  assembly  opened  their  ses- 
sion on  the  30th  of  January,  1844.  No  presidential 
candidate  having  a  constitutional  majority,  the  assem- 
bly chose  Malespin  president,  and  he  assumed  his  new 
duties  on  the  5th  of  February,  after  reading  before 
the  two  bodies  in  assembly  convened  a  discourse  on 
his  great  love  for  law,  justice,  and  peace.  It  would 
have  sounded  well  from  the  lips  of  a  liberal,  and  it  is 
barely  possible  that  Malespin  expressed  his  sentiments 
at  that  moment.  But  his  education,  his  habits,  and 
the  fatal  influence  of  the  men  that  swayed  him,  con- 
stantly took  him  out  of  the  right  path.  As  he  was 
under  the  control  of  Bishop  Viteri,  the  country  must 
go  back  to  the  days  of  obscurantism.  The  effects  of 
it  were  soon  made  patent.20 

The  bishop  succeeded  in  driving  out  of  the  state  the 
opponents  of  his  theocratic  ideas,  and  in  bringing  about 
a  change  in  the  government;  in  fact,  everything  had 
been  conceded  him,  and  his  influence  was  paramount. 
And  yet  he  was  not  satisfied  He  would  have  the 
Salvadorans  believe  him  a  deity,  but  they  arrived  at 

19  The  president  blamed  him  for  leaving  the  capital  at  a  time  of  disturb- 
ance. He,  on  his  part,  demanded  the  government's  return  to  S.  Salv.  to 
attend  to  the  bishop's  complaints.  He  accused  the  president,  in  a  manifesto, 
of  attempting  to  disturb  the  public  peace. 

'^The  ecclesiastical  fueros  were  restored;  the  govt  was  authorized  to  allow 
monasteries  established,  and  the  bishop  to  demand  the  aid  of  the  secular  arm 
to  enforce  his  orders  in  ecclesiastical  affairs.  This  last  act  was,  however, 
issued,  as  it  appears,  with  much  reluctance,  judging  from  the  number  of 
restrictive  clauses  in  it. 


the  conclusion  that  by  a  great  fatality  their  first 
bishop  had  turned  out  to  be  a  pernicious  revolutionist. 
In  connection  with  the  general  history  of  Central 
America,  I  have  given  the  principal  events  of  Salva- 
dor down  to  1845,  when,  under  the  treaty  of  Sensenti, 
after  a  long  and  exhaustive  war  with  Honduras,  the 
state  was  rid  of  the  ominous  rule  of  the  brutal  Ma- 
lespin.  With  the  discontinuance  of  the  war  there  was 
no  need  of  raising  further  loans;  the  military  estab- 
lishment was  reduced  to  a  minimum,  and  the  authori- 
ties and  people  hastened  to  restore  the  constitutional 
regime;  to  which  end  elections  of  senators  and  depu- 
ties were  at  once  had,  in  order  that  the  assembly 
should  meet  on  the  15th  of  January,  1846,  for  the 
term  of  Vice-president  Joaquin  Eustacio  Guzman,  who 
had  charge  of  the  executive  authority,  would  expire 
on  the  1st  of  February.21  On  this  date  he  surrendered 
the  office  to  Senator  Fermin  Palacios.  The  assembly 
did  not  meet  till  four  days  after.  The  presidential 
election  did  not  yield  a  sufficient  majority  in  favor  of 
any  one,  and  the  assembly  then  appointed  Eugenio 
Aguilar.22  The  president  was  a  good  Christian,  and 
attended  with  regularity  to  his  religious  duties  as  a 
catholic;  and  yet  Viteri  called  him  a  heretic;  the 
reason  of  it  being  that  Aguilar  was  a  stickler  for  a 
constitutional  government  of  the  people,  and  the 
bishop  was  an  oligarch.  The  latter  now  invented  the 
fiction  that  the  president  had  the  intention  of  exiling 
him;  he  had  the  people  in  the  wards  of  Candelaria, 
San  Estevan,  and  Calvario  told  that  their  bishop  was 
to  be  sent  out  of  the  country  in  the  night  of  the  llth 
of  July.  He  was  believed  by  the  simple-minded  people 
when  he  assured  them  that  Aguilar  and  others23  were 

21  Guzman  had  waged  war  against  Malespin,  not  for  his  own  aggrandize- 
ment, but  to  do  away  with  arbitrary  rule,  and  to  restore  the  authority  of  the 
constitution.     This  being  accomplished,  he  resolved  to  return  to  private  life. 

22  A  physician  by  profession,  and  a  modest,  honorable  citizen,  actuated 
by  the  purest  motives;  an  excellent  family  man  and  friend;  but  unfortunately, 
as  events  showed,  he  was  weak  when  firmness  and  resolution  were  demanded 
to  uphold  his  position.     Aguilar,  in  his  later  years,  after  losing  his  wife,  was 
ordained  as  a  priest. 

23  Eustaquio   Cuellar,  J.  M.  San   Martin,  J.  M.  Zelaya,  the   clergyman, 
Isidro  Menendez,  and  Indalecio  Cordero. 


at  the  bottom  of  it.  His  report  made  a  commotion 
though  not  quite  so  great  a  one  as  he  had  expected. 
Nevertheless,  he  made  the  most  of  it,  writing  to  the 
president,  on  the  llth  of  July,  that  he  knew  of  the 
plot  to  repeat  with  him  what  had  been  done  with 
Archbishop  Casans,  in  1829.24  Aguilar  was  greatly 
surprised,  and  believing  that  with  a  few  words  he 
could  convince  the  bishop  of  his  error,  that  same  after- 
noon paid  the  prelate  a  visit.  He  found  a  large 
concourse  of  people,  before  whom  the  charge  was 
reiterated,  and  no  assurance  to  the  contrary  was  ac- 
cepted. A  tumult  following,  the  president  had  the  chief 
guard-house  reenforced.  Fortunately,  a  heavy  rain 
scattered  to  their  homes  the  crowds  in  the  streets ;  but 
a  considerable  number  of  men  ran  into  the  episcopal 
residence.  That  night,  several  persons  representing 
Viteri  went  to  the  barracks  and  demanded  Aguilar's 
resignation.  The  president  meekly  assured  them  of 
his  willingness  to  retire  to  private  life  rather  than  be 
the  author  of  any  disturbance.  Yiteri  now  thought 
Aguilar  was  vanquished,  but  he  had  not  counted  on 
the  determination  of  other  Salvadorans  to  uphold  the 
laws  and  the  government.  Quiet  was  restored  for 
the  time,  and  Aguilar  went  to  his  home  at  midnight 
unmolested.  The  next  day  there  was  much  rioting, 
and  an  attempt  failed  to  release  the  prisoners  in 
the  jail.25  The  rioters  were  finally  defeated,  and  the 
bishop  had  nothing  to  show  for  his  conduct  but  the 
blood  shed  at  his  instigation.26  Aguilar  again,  after 
the  people  had  upheld  his  authority,  showed  the  weak- 
ness of  his  character  in  placing  the  executive  office  in 

24  He  hinted  that  he  had  power  to  annex  the  state  to  the  archdiocese  of 
Guat.  The  text  of  his  letter  is  in  Montiifar,  Reseiia  Hist.,  v.  54-5. 

20  The  officer  Anjelino,  sent  to  reenforce  the  guard  of  the  jail,  was  way- 
laid, and  nearly  murdered,  and  in  that  condition  taken  to  the  bishop's  house, 
where  the  bishop  abused  him  by  word  of  mouth,  and  turned  him  over  to  the 
rabble,  by  whom  he  was  stabbed,  beaten,  and  kicked.  He  was,  however, 
rescued  by  the  priest  M.  Serrano,  and  taken  back  into  the  bishop's  house. 
These  facts  were  testified  to  by  Anjelino,  in  the  criminal  prosecution  of 

™Nic.,  Registro  OJic.,  330;  Dunlop's  Cent.  Am.,  249-50;  Iris  Esp.,  Oct.  3, 


the  hands  of  Senator  Palacios;  which  emboldened 
Viteri  to  continue  his  intrigues  and  cause  further 
trouble.  He  issued  a  pastoral  on  the  16th  of  July, 
printed  in  his  own  house,  which  reiterated  the  accusa- 
tion against  the  president,  and  other  matters;  that 
pastoral27  was  fatal  to  his  views,  for  the  people  of 
Salvador  made  Aguilar  resume  the  presidency.  The 
president,  in  a  long  manifesto,  explained  his  conduct, 
and  issued  a  decree  to  enforce  the  articles  of  the  penal 
code  against  ecclesiastics  who  made  use  of  their  min- 
isterial office  to  promote  political  disturbances.28  The 
bishop,  condemned  by  public  opinion,  fled  to  Guate- 
mala, and  the  president  then  on  the  29th  revoked  a 
decree  of  Palacios  of  July  12th,  and  ordered  Viteri 
not  to  return  to  Salvadoran  territory. 

Peace  and  order  prevailed  after  Yiteri's  departure, 
and  the  people  again  devoted  themselves  to  their 
usual  vocations.  But  the  bishop  managed  with  Ma- 
lespin  and  the  Honduran  oligarchs,  notwithstanding 
the  treaty  of  Sensenti,  to  bring  about  a  revolution  in 
Salvador.29  Malespin  attacked  Chalatenango,  in  Sal- 
vador, whereupon  orders  were  given  to  send  troops 
after  him.30  Viteri  who  had  once  excommunicated 
Malespin,  and  aided  in  his  overthrow,  now  said  that 
he  was  destined  by  divine  providence  to  defend  the 
religion  and  rights  of  the  people  of  Salvador,  which 
had  been  infamously  abused  and  usurped  by  their 
government.  Malespin  preached  religion,  and  acted 
like  the  famous  king  of  the  Huns.  But  his  prestige 
was  gone,  and  at  Dulce  Nombre  de  la  Palnaa  he  met 
with  his  first  reverse,  when  he  retreated  to  Dulce 

27  It  is  given  in  full  in  Montufar,  Resena,  Hist.,  v.  70-4. 

28  The  decree  was  dated  July  27,   1846,  and  referred  to  articles  210-13, 

29  The  Salvadoran  govt  published  a  decree  against  seditious  persons  from 
Hond.   Nic.,  Registro  Ofic.,  272-3.     The  authorities  of  Hond.  solemnly  prom- 
ised that  Viteri  should  not  be  allowed  to  reside  near  the  Salv.  frontier;  but 
the  promise  went  for  nothing;  Viteri  and  Malespin  being  aided  from  that 
state.     They  found  material  assistance  in  Nacaome,  Tegucigalpa,  Sensenti, 
and  Guarita.     Guardiola's  note  of  Aug.  31,  1846,  to  the  min.-gen.  of  Salv., 
in  Id.,  v.  87,  254-7. 

3J  His  decree  of  Feb.  23,  and  pastoral  of  June  10,  1845. 


Nombre  de  Maria,  a  town  twelve  miles  from  the  Hon- 
duran  frontier,  and  invited  Viteri  to  join  him;  but 
that  worthy  sent  him  his  blessing,  and  would  not  ex- 
pose his  person  to  the  hazards  of  war.  Malespin  was 
defeated  again  by  eight  hundred  men  under  General 
Nicolds  Angulo,  and  fled  into  Honduras,  leaving  arms 
and  ammunition.  Efforts  were  made  to  induce  the 
people  of  Santa  Ana  to  join  Ignacio  Malespin;  but 
the  bishop's  letters  to  rouse  them  availed  but  little. 
He  found  no  favor  among  the  volcanenos,  and  on  his 
way  along  the  coast  to  reach  Santiago  Nonualco  was 
captured,  prosecuted,  and  executed,  with  some  of  his 
accomplices.31  Francisco  Malespin  was  killed  at  San 
Fernando,  near  Honduras,  the  inhabitants  cutting  off 
his  head,  and  carrying  it  as  a  trophy  to  San  Salvador.32 
Bishop  Viteri  in  1847  went  to  reside  in  Nicaragua, 
becoming  a  citizen  of  the  state,  to  which  diocese  he 
w^as  subsequently  translated  by  the  pope.  Nothing 
worthy  of  mention  occurred  within  the  state  in  1847. 
The  Salvador  government  now  represented  the  liberal 
party  in  Central  America,  and  devoted  its  attention 
to  education,  arts,  and  industries. 

The  presidential  term  under  the  constitution  being 
only  of  two  years,  elections  were  orderly  effected,  and 
the  assembly  opened  its  session  on  the  25th  of  January, 
1848.  Doroteo  Vasconcelos  was  the  popular  choice 
for  the  presidential  term  of  1848,  and  entered  upon 
his  duties  on  the  7th  of  February,  1848.33  In  a  con- 
ciliatory address  he  eschewed  all  spirit  of  partisanship, 
tendering  to  all  his  fellow-citizens  peace,  justice,  and 

31  His  execution  left  a  bad  impression  in  the  public  mind.     Ignacio  Male- 
spin  had  been  a  friend  of  Morazan,  served  with  him  in  1840,  and  was  one  of 
the  heroes  of  the  capture  of  Guatemala  as  well  as  of  the  subsequent  escape. 
He  was  gentle,  kind,  and  sociable,  and  but  for  Viteri's  influence  never  would 
have  joined  the  revolution.     He  ought  to  have  been  spared.     The  women  of 
San  Salvador,  both  old  and  young,  pleaded  for  a  commutation  of  his  sentence, 
but  the  govt  was  relentless. 

32  The  head  was  for  some  time  exposed  in  an  iron  cage,  to  the  disgust  of 
the  community.     It  was  finally  delivered  to  the  family  for  interment. 

33  He  obtained  13,222  votes  out  of  a  total  of  19,215.     Being  governor  of 
San  Vicente,  where  he  was  exceedingly  popular,  he  could  not,  under  the  con- 
stitution, be  a  candidate  in  that  department. 


union.34  For  all  that,  the  oligarchs  abhorred  him. 
Indeed,  his  government  and  Carrera's  could  not  exist 
so  near  each  other.  The  aristocrats  well  knew  he  was 
not  to  be  won  over  to  their  side,  as  well  as  the  diffi- 
culties they  must  work  against  to  undermine  his  popu- 
larity But  they  looked  for  early  success  from 
internal  dissension  and  other  sources.35  Aguilar's  ad- 
ministration had  refused  to  recognize  the  republic  of 
Guatemala,  and  Vasconcelos'  could  do  no  less.36 

The  territory  was  twice  invaded  by  troops  of  Guate- 
mala in  pursuit  of  insurgents,  against  which  Vascon- 
celos remonstrated,  and  satisfaction  was  given  and 
accepted  with  good  grace.  He  was  observing  a  policy 
of  expectancy,  albeit  on  his  guard.  Guatemala  was 
then  in  the  throes  of  revolution  from  which  he  ex- 
pected to  see  the  Central  American  nation  spring  into 
a  second  life ;  but  he  was  mistaken  in  the  means  he 
employed.  A  few  proclamations,  written  in  Guate- 
mala by  well-known  persons,  and  appearing  in  the 
name  of  Francisco  Carrillo,  spoke  of  the  independence 
of  Los  Altos  as  the  aim  of  a  revolution  such  as  Vas- 
concelos wanted.37  Not  that  he  expected  to  see  an 
absolute  equality  of  the  state,  but  that  there  should 
not  be  such  differences  as  existed  under  the  constitu- 
tion of  1824.  He  believed  himself  supported,  arid 
steadily  marched  on  upon  a  path  that  led  to  his  ruin, 

34  Vasconcelos  had  been  a  friend  of  Morazan,  and  prominent  in  Guat.  at 
the  time  the  liberal  party  was  divided  into  ministerialists  and  oppositionists. 

35Chatfield's  pressure  against  Hond.  and  NIC.  inspired  them  with  hopes. 
Vasconcelos  was  a  partisan  of  Central  American  unification  for  various  reasons, 
not  the  least  of  which  was  that  of  checking  the  preposterous  claims  of  the 
Brit,  agent.  This  explains  the  origin  of  future  questions  between  Chatfield 
and  Pavon  on  one  side,  and  Vasconcelos  on  the  other.  In  1849,  the  latter 
was  made  to  appear  before  the  other  states  as  an  innate  foe  of  Guat.,  whose 
debasement  and  destruction  he  strove  for.  The  govt  of  Salv.  gave  explana- 
tions on  its  course  denying  the  charges.  Montufar,  Rosena,  Hist.,  v.  801-8. 

36 Even  Lindo  of  Hond.,  a  militant  in  the  reactionary  ranks  of  Guat., 
though  acknowledging  the  republic,  did  so  with  the  proviso  that  Hond.  left 
intact  and  in  force  Guatemala's  engagements  and  duties  toward  other  states 
as  regarded  the  reestablishment  of  a  gen.  govt.  Guardiola's  note  of  Aug.  10, 
1847,  to  min.  of  relations  of  Guat.,  in  Id.,  260. 

37  He  favored  the  restoration  of  the  state  of  Los  Altos,  in  order  to  divide 
the  power  of  Guat.,  and  counted  on  the  cooperation  or  Guatemalan  liberals; 
but  the  spirit  of  provincialism  was  strong  with  them,  and  a  large  portion 
opposed  him. 


carrying  down  with  him  the  whole    liberal  party  of 
Central  America. 

Yasconcelos  labored  for  a  federation  of  three  states 
--Guatemala,  Salvador,  and  Los  Altos — which  once 
consolidated,  Nicaragua  and  Honduras  would  doubt- 
lessly join,  and  later  on  attract  Costa  Rica  to  do  the 
same.  This  idea  had  no  opposition  before  the  revo- 
lution of  August  1848,  in  Guatemala.  Yasconcelos 
received  many  offers  of  support  to  prosecute  his  plan. 
He  accordingly  instructed  Duenas  and  General  Angulo 
to  enter  into  arrangements  with  General  Nufio  of 
Chiquimula,  and  made  every  possible  effort  to  force 
Can-era's  resignation  on  the  15th  of  August,  1848; 
but  some  of  the  liberals  of  Guatemala,  after  ridding 
themselves  of  Carrera,  neglected  Yasconcelos.  Du- 
enas was  sent  there  with  ample  powers  for  the  organi- 
zation of  a  republic  of  Central  America,  but  he  was 
slighted,  and  accomplished  nothing.  During  his  stay 
in  Guatemala,  a  decree  was  enacted  on  the  14th  of 
September,  1848,  according  to  which  that  state  was 
declared  a  sovereign  nation  and  independent  repub- 
lic.38 Yasconcelos,  with  all  his  liberalism,  and  placed 
as  he  was  at  the  head  of  a  liberty-loving  democratic 
people,  was  still  under  the  influence  of  the  old  colonial 
traditions.  He  as  well  as  his  people  looked  with 
admiration  at  the  greatness  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  but  lacked  the  courage  to  emulate  their 
example.  The  United  States  had  no  official  church, 
but  Salvador  recognized  one.  Licenciado  Ignacio 
Gomez  was  despatched  to  Rome  to  negotiate  the  re- 
call of  Bishop  Yiteri,  the  appointment  of  another  pre- 
late, and  the  conclusion  of  a  concordat.39  His  mission 
was  so  far  successful  that  on  the  3d  of  July,  1848, 
Tomds  Miguel  Pineda  y  Zaldana  was  preconizated  as 
bishop  of  Antigona  in  partibus  infidelium,  and  given 
the  administration  of  the  diocese  of  Salvador,  with 

38  It  was  bitterly  censured  by  the  leading  liberals  of  Salv.,  Nic.,  and  Hoiid., 
and  not  a  few  of  those  of  Guat.,  such  as  Pineda  Mont  and  Rivera  Caberas. 

39  Gomez  was  a  Salvadoran.  educated  abroad,  and  well  versed  in  political 
economy  and  literature. 


the  right  of  succession.  The  news  of  this  appoint- 
ment was  received  with  joy,  and  Vascoricelos  errone- 
ously expected  to  have  a  support  in  the  new  prelate,40 
when  there  was  more  likelihood  of  his  coinciding  with 
Pavon  and  his  confreres.  Indeed,  Zaldana,  from  his 
greater  wariness,  was  a  more  dangerous  man  than 

The  legislative  chambers  met  on  the  5th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1849.  The  president's  term  would  end  with  the 
beginning  of  1850,  and  there  could  be  no  reelection 
under  the  constitution.41  But  Vasconcelos'  friends  in- 
sisted on  his  being  reflected,  necessitating  an  amend- 
ment of  the  fundamental  law,  and  in  spite  of  opposition 
obtained  an  act  of  the  assembly  permitting  the  reelec- 
tion.42 This  was  an  unfortunate  move,  as  it  divided 
the  liberal  party,  and  encouraged  Dueflas,  who  wanted 
the  presidency,  and  was  not  scrupulous  as  to  the  means 
of  attaining  it,  to  redouble  his  manucevres,  even  though 
he  must  call  to  his  aid  Carrera  and  Luis  Batres. 

In  1849,  Salvador  became  involved  in  a  quarrel 
with  the  British  charge  d'affaires,  Chatfield,  resulting 
from  alleged  claims  preferred  by  him  with  his  usual 
haughtiness,  on  behalf  of  fellow-subjects  of  his.  Vas- 
concelos' government  looked  on  these  claims  as  un- 
just, and  refused  them  recognition.  Chatfield  then 
caused  the  blockading  by  a  naval  force  of  La  Union, 
the  port  from  which  Salvador  derived  the  greater 

40  He  committed  an  error  in  •  supposing  that  Zaldana  would  care  more  for 
him  and  his  party  than  for  Archbishop  Garcia  Pelaez,  who  was  influenced  by 
Canon  Larrazabal,  the  mouthpiece  of  Guatemalan  aristocracy. 

41  The  following  is  a  brief  synopsis  of  the  constitution:  No  ecclesiastic  or 
military  man  in  active  service  could  hold  any  civil  office.     Congress  consisted 
of  the  house  of  representatives,  chosen  annually,  and  the  senate,  elected  one 
half  everv  second  year;  it  met  on  the  1st  of  Jan.  of  each  year,  and  its  sessions 
were  limited  to  40  days.     The  president  must  not  be  under  32  years  of  age 
nor  over  60;  must  have  been  a  resident  of  the  state  for  the  five  years  preced- 
ing the  election,  and  own  property  within  the  state  worth  at  least  $8,000. 
He  had  to  receive  an  absolute  majority  of  votes;  otherwise  congress  should 
choose  one  of  the  two  candidates  having  the  largest  number  of  votes.     Term 
of  office  two  years,  without  the  privilege  of  two  terms  in  succession. 

42 Felix  Quiroz  was  chosen  his  substitute.  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  Feb.  16,  March 
7,  1850;  Costa  R.,  Oaceta  Gob.,  March  2,  1850.  Art.  44  of  the  constitution, 
prohibiting  reelections,  was  revived  by  an  act  of  Feb.  25,  1851.  Cent.  Am. 
Pamph.,  iv.  no.  20. 


portion  of  her  revenue.43  Unable  to  resist,  her  gov- 
ernment agreed  on  the  12th  of  November,  1849,  to 
acknowledge  the  indebtedness,  and  make  provision  for 
its  payment.  The  blockade  was  then  raised.44  But 
this  did  not  end  the  disagreements  between  Chatfield 
and  the  Salvador  government.  On  the  6th  of  August 
he  made  peremptory  demands,45  coupled  with  a  menace 
that  if  not  complied  with  at  once  the  coasts  of  the  state 
would  be  blockaded  by  British  war  ships  then  coming 
to  act  under  his  instructions.  The  government  of  Sal- 
vador did  not  comply  with  the  demands,46  and  on  the 
16th  of  October  port  La  Union  was  blockaded  by 
the  British  ship  Champion,  whose  commander  notified 
the  authorities  that  if  within  ten  days  full  satisfaction 
were  not  given  for  the  insults  to  the  British  flag,  the 
blockade  would  be  extended  to  the  whole  coast,  another 
vessel  being  despatched  to  Acajutla  to  enforce  it.  No 
satisfaction  having  been  given  as  demanded,  that 
menace  was  carried  out.  The  difficulties  remained 
unsettled  in  the  latter  part  of  February  1851,  though 
the  British  war  vessels  had  retired.47  But  they  were 
subsequently  arranged  in  an  amicable  manner.  With 
the  exception  of  these  troubles,  and  the  repeated  differ- 
ences with  the  other  states  of  Central  America,  Salva- 

43  The  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  in  his  annual  report  to  the  Salvador 
assembly,  Jan.  29,  1850,  speaking  of  Chatfield's  course,  says:  '  Desatenciones, 
violencias,  bloqueos;  he  aqui  las  relaciones  y  conducta  que  ha  observado  el 
Sr.  consul  ingles.'  Salv.,  Mem.  Rev.,  1850,  5. 

44  The  British  had  also  seized,  with  Tiger  Island  belonging  to  Hond. ,  several 
isles  of  Salvador  in  the  gulf  of  Fonseca.  Salv.,  Gaceta.,  May  17,  1850;  Nic., 
Cor.  1st.,  Dec.   1,  1849;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  30,   1849;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  31st 
cong.  2d  sess.,  Sen.  Doc.,  26-99. 

45  Immediate  fulfilment  of  the  convention  of  Nov.  12,  1849;  and  a  formal 
contradiction  in  a  note  to  him  of  all  accusations  in  official  organs  of  the  Sal- 
vador government  against  Great  Britain  and  her  officials. 

46  It  offered  to  submit  the  questions  at  issue  to  the  arbitration  of  the  U.  S. 
or  any  of  their  agents,  or  to  accept  some  other  device  that  might  promise  an  im- 
partial decision.     The  note  making  the  offer,  dated  Aug.  17th,  was  sent  to 
Chatfield  by  special  courier,  but  he  refused  to  receive  it  because  it  had  not 
been  transmitted  through  the  hands  of  Idigoras,  the  Brit,  consular  agent  at 
San  Salvador.  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  Sept.  5,  26,  Nov.  7,  21,  1850;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Aug. 
23,  Sept.  6,  1850;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  16,  1850;  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  vi.  no.  7; 
El  Progeso,  Sept.  5,  1850. 

"  Salv.,  Mem.  Relations,  1851.  The  blockade  was  removed  at  the  friendly 
mediation  of  the  American  and  Prussian  consuls  and  others.  Nic.,  Co-  1st., 
March  20,  1851. 


dor  has  maintained  friendly  relations  with  foreign 
powers,  most  of  which  have  treaties  with  her  on  terms 
satisfactory  to  all  concerned.48 

Yasconcelos  was  not  more  successful  in  preserving- 
peace  within  the  state  than  in  forcing  Guatemala  to 
abandon  the  policy  she  had  adopted  of  maintaining  an 
absolute  autonomy.  In  his  invasion  of  that  neigh- 
bor's territory  early  in  1851,  as  we  have  seen  in  the 
previous  chapter,  he  was  worsted,  which  roused  pop- 
ular indignation  against  him,  followed  by  a  revolt, 
and  his  deposal  by  congress.49  On  the  1st  of  March, 
the  substitute,  J.  F.  Quiroz,  was  called  to  occupy  the 
executive  chair,  and  did  so.50  The  president  for  the 
constitutional  term  1852-3  was  Francisco  Duerias, 
who  succeeded  in  settling  the  differences  existing 
between  Salvador  and  Guatemala. 

A  serious  disagreement  having  occurred  between 
Salvador  and  Honduras,  leading  to  hostilities,  the 
government  of  Guatemala,  then  at  war  with  Hon- 
duras, despatched  a  force  to  Ahuachapan  in  aid  of 
Duefias,  who  apprehended  an  invasion.51  Toward 
the  end  of  this  term  Jose  Maria  de  San  Martin  was 
chosen  for  the  next.  The  state  now  returned  in  peace 

48  Besides  arrangements  with  sister  states,  the  republic  maintained  treaties 
of  friendship,  commerce,  and  navigation  with  Belgium,  the  U.  S.,  France, 
Great  Britain,  Spain,  Germany,  and  nearly  all  the  nations  of  America.     A 
concordat   on  ecclesiastical   affairs  was   concluded  with   the   pope  in    1862. 
Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  313;  Cent.  Am.,  Miscel.  Doc.,  48;  Costa  R.,  Boletin  Ofic., 
March  7,  1855;  El  Hoi,  Oct.  27,  1854;  Feb.  9,  1855;  Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  March  21, 
1850;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  17,  18o6;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  March  8,  Apr.  12,  1850;  Aug. 
5,  12,  Nov.  25,  1853;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic.,  Feb.  24,  1875;  Id.,  Concordat,  1-20; 
Laferriere  de  Paris  a  Guat.,  319-37;  Annals  Brit.  Leyis.,  1866,  334;  Mex.,  Mem. 
Bel,  1878,  7,  11,  45-54,  119;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  43d  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc. 
1,  pt  1,  112,  pt2,  796,  821;  Id.,  48th  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  pt  1,  236  7. 

49  Congress  was  installed  Feb.  18th,  and  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  house 
of  deputies  was  to  pass  an  act  of  impeachment  against  Vasconcelos,  and  the 
senate  constituted  itself  as  a  court  to  try  him  upon  the  charge  of  violation  of 
the  constitution.     On  the  22d  of  February,  pleading  not  guilty,  he  demanded 

a  trial.     The  result  was  against  him.  Salv. ,  Sen.   y  Cam.  de  Dip d  sus 

comit.,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pampli.,  vi.  no.  9;    Vasconcelos  al  Sen.,  in  Id.,  no.  13. 

60  During  Vasconcelos'  absence  the  office  had  been  in  charge  of  Senator 
Francisco  Dueiias. 

51  Thus  we  see  that  Dueiias,  whose  wont  it  was  while  he  was  working  for 
popularity  to  use  energetic  language  on  behalf  of  liberalism,  now  that  he  has 
reached  the  goal  of  his  ambition,  changes  his  tune  and  calls  for  the  assistance 
of  Carrera  against  Honduras.  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  June  10,  1853. 


to  its  interior  affairs,  adopting  important  improve- 
ments.52 There  were  not  wanting,  however,  some 
attempts  to  disturb  the  public  peace,  which  were  for- 
tunately defeated.  But  the  country  became  at  that 
time  the  victim  of  other  calamities,  such  as  cholera, 
scarcity  of  food  resulting  from  a  visitation  of  locusts, 
and  an  earthquake  which  destroyed  San  Salvador  on 
the  16th  of  April,  1854,53in  consequence  of  which  the 
capital  was  removed  to  Cojutepeque,  where  it  remained 
for  some  time. 

Rafael  Campo  and  Francisco  Duefias  were  elected 
president  and  vice-president,  respectively,  for  the  en- 
suing term  of  1856—7;  and  the  latter  being  in  charge 
of  the  executive  office  in  January  1856,  in  Campo's 
absence,  fitted  out  a  contingent  of  troops  to  aid  Nica- 
ragua in  her  struggle  with  Walker's  filibusters. 
Campo  despatched  reinforcements  in  1857,  the  Sal- 
vador forces  being  under  command  of  General  Gerardo 
Barrios,  who,  according  to  Perez,  never  went  beyond 
Leon,54  but  undertook  to  arrange  the  internal  affairs  of 
Nicaragua,  convoking  a  junta  de  notables,  which  pro- 
claimed Juan  Sacasa  president.  This  had  no  effect, 

The  state  had,  in  1856,  constituted  itself  as  a  free 

52  Public  education  was  duly  attended  to,  new  codes  and  ordinances  im- 
planted to  render  more  regular  the  national  administration. 

53  This  was  the  seventh  time  the  capital  was  destroyed;  the  previous  ones 
being  in  1575,  1593,  1625,  1656,  1798,  and  1839;  none  of  these,  however,  were 
to  be  compared  in  violence  with  the  one  of  1854.     It  had  been  supposed  at 
first  that  at  least  one  fourth  of  the  population  had  been  buried  under  the 
ruins,  but  it  was  subsequently  ascertained  that  the  number  of  killed  did  not 
exceed  one  hundred,  and  of  wounded  fifty;  among  the  latter  were  the  bishop, 
Duenas,  and  a  daughter  of  Pres.  San  Martin.     The  wells  and  fountains  were 
filled  up  or  made  dry.     The  cathedral  and  other  churches  were  greatly  dam- 
aged; the  college  of  the  Asuncion  and  the  university  building  were  ruined. 
Only  a  few  dwelling-houses  remained  standing,  and  all  were  rendered  un- 
inhabitable.   Money  was  raised  by  subscription  for  the  benefit  of  the  destitute, 
the  government  of  Guat.  sending  a  donation  of  $5,000.  Pineda  de  Mont,  Nota, 
in  Guat.  JKecop.  Ley.,  iii.  349-50;  SquiersCent.  Am.,  304-7,  350;  Salv.,  Gaceta, 
May  26,  1854;  Id.,  Diario  Ofic,,  Jan.  26,  1875;  El  Rol,  Dec.  1,  1854;  Guat., 
Gaceta,  Apr.  28,  May  19,  1854;  Costa  R.,  Gaceta,  June  10,  July  29,  1854;  Packet 
Intelligencer,  June  17,  1854.     The  city  and  about  20  surrounding  towns  were 
uestroyed  March  19,  1873;  Pan.  Star  and  Herald,  Apr.  8,  1873;  El  Porvenir, 
Apr.  6,  May  11,  25,  1873;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  5,  1873. 

°*  Campo  on  the  10th  of  May,  1857,  warmly  congratulated  his  fellow-citi- 
zens on  the  end  of  the  campaign  in  Nic.  when  the  news  came  of  Walker's  sur- 
render. Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  May  28,  1857. 


and  independent  nation,  under  the  name  of  Republica 
del  Salvador.55  This  act  was  confirmed  March  19, 
1864,  by  the  national  constituent  congress. 

General  Belloso,  Colonel  Choto,  and  other  officers 
of  the  expedition  deserted  in  June  from  Leon.  Barrios 
sent  troops  after  them,  and  they  were  arrested  in  Sal- 
vador and  taken  as  prisoners  to  Cojutepeque,  where 
they  told  President  Campo  that  Barrios  had  invited 
them  to  make  a  revolution  against  his  government. 
They  were  set  at  liberty  on  the  8th.  Barrios  landed 
at  La  Libertad  with  his  forces  on  the  6th,  and 
marched  to  San  Salvador,  whence  he  wrote  Campo 
he  had  occupied  that  place  to  defeat  the  revolutionary 
schemes  of  Belloso  and  Choto.  Orders  were  sent  him 
to  dissolve  the  forces  and  go  to  Cojutepeque  with  200 
men.  On  the  llth  Barrios,  together  with  his  officers, 
V  made  a  pronunciamiento  to  depose  Campo  and  call 
V  Duenas  to  the  presidency.56  The  president  on  the 
'  12th  called  troops  to  the  support  of  his  government, 
placed  San  Salvador  and  Cojutepeque  under  martial 
law,  and  declared  all  acts  emanating  from  the  vice- 
president  void.  But  it  seems  that  the  latter  refused 
to  lend  himself  to  Barrios'  plan,  but  on  the  contrary, 
supported  Campo.57  Barrios  himself  submitted.58 

Campo's  successor  was  Miguel  Santin  del  Castillo. 
This  president's  tenure  of  office  was  of  short  duration. 
In  1858  a  coup  d'etat  of  Barrios,  then  a  senator, 

65  Am.  Cyclop.,  xiv.  611;  La  Nadon,  Apr.  14,  1857.  The  Salvador  flag  is 
required  to  be  4  varas  in  length,  with  horizontal  stripes,  five  blue  and  four 
white,  the  uppermost  and  lowermost  being  blue;  and  a  red  union  with  14 
white  stars,  covering  a  space  up  and  down  equivalent  to  that  occupied  by 
the  four  upper  stripes,  and  to  the  extent  of  1§  varas.  The  flag-staff  is  20 
varas  high,  exhibiting  the  same  arrangement  of  colors  as  the  flag. 

56  On  the  10th  Barrios  and  a  committee  of  officers  had  demanded  of  Campo 
that  the  troops  should  be  ordered  to  Cojutepeque  to  receive  thanks  for  their 
services,  adding  that  a  dissolution  of  the  force  implied  distrust  of  the  general. 
Campo  disregarded  this,  and  also  a  number  of  propositions  from  Barrios,  re- 
iterating his  order  for  the  disbandment. 

57  Astaburuaga,  Cent.  Am.,  75-6,  assures  us  it  was  so,  highly  commending 
Duenas.     The  president  was  supported  by  public  opinion,  and  many  of  the 
officers  that  had  taken  part  in  the  pronunciamiento  afterward  tendered  him 
their  services.  Guat.,  Boktin  de  Notidas,  June  18,  1857. 

58  '  No  hizo  otra  cosa  que  rendir  la  espada  ante  la  autoridad  de  Campo. 
Perez,  Mem.  Hist.  Rev.  Nic.,  2d  pt,  214. 


in  which  he  was  aided  by  the  vice-president  Guzman, 
his  father-in-law,  forced  Santin  to  resign.  Barrios 
subsequently  obtained  from  the  legislative  assembly, 
sitting  from  January  17  to  February  12,  1859,  the 
sanction  of  his  coup  d'etat,  as  well  as  the  constitu- 
tional amendments  that  he  had  not  been  able  to 
carry  through  legally  during  Santin's  rule,  namely, 
to  extend  the  presidential  term  from  two  to  six  years, 
and  that  of  the  deputies  from  two  to  four  years.59 
The  year  1859  was  one  of  restlessness,  engendered 
partly  by  the  ungrounded  fear  of  invasion  by  Santin's 
friends,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  neighboring  states, 
and  partly  by  Barrios'  efforts  to  secure  his  own  elec- 
tion to  the  presidency,  in  which  he  was  successful. 
In  August  1859  the  existing  disagreements  between 
Salvador  and  Honduras,  resulting  from  intrigues  of 
refugees  from  the  former,  were  brought  to  an  end 
through  the  mediation  of  Guatemala.60 

The  republic  seemed  to  have  attained  a  compara- 
tively stable  condition  at  the  incoming  of  1860.  Bar- 
rios had  been  elected  president,  and  recognized  as  such 
by  the  assembly.61  He  concluded  in  1862  to  hold 
diplomatic  relations  with  the  vice-president,  who  un- 
der the  constitution  of  Honduras  was  entitled  to 
occupy  the  executive  chair  of  that  state  at  the  death 

59  One  half  of  the  deputies  were  to  be  renewed  every  two  years.     The 
assembly  was  to  meet  biennially.  Salv.,  Dimw  Ofic.,  Feb.  21,  1875. 

60  Convention  concluded  Aug.  9,  1859,  between  Guat.  and  Hond.  to  recog- 
nize the  constitutional  authority  established  in  Salvador,  and  to  repress  any 

minister  M.  Irungaray,  Sept.  30th,  the  same  year.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  439- 

4:0  • 

<  A  6! In  his  inaugural  address,  Feb.  1,  1860,  he  promised  a  conservative  policy: 

Orden  progreso,  libertad  bien  entendida La  par  y  el  drden  en  el  interior, 

la  amistad  con  los  estados  vecinos.'  Barrios,  Discurso,  6-7.  But,  as  it  will  be 
shown,  his  policy  both  in  the  interior  and  in  regard  to  the  other  states  of 
Cent.  Am.  met  with  disastrous  results  from  the  animosity  it  engendered. 
He  had  had  himself  made  a  captain-general,  and  was  accused  by  his  enemies 
ot  inordinate  vanity,  insincerity,  fondness  for  unrestricted  power,  and  luke- 
warm patriotism;  and  finally  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  disturber  of  the 
peace  for  his  own  aggrandizement.  He  accepted,  without  leave  of  the 
assembly  a  decoration  tendered  him  by  the  king  of  Sardinia.  Nic.,  Cap.  Gen. 
Bamos,  3-14;  Arriola,  Hep.  del  Salv.,  2. 


of  President  Guardiola,  and  was  favored  by  public 
opinion,  although  Carrera  of  Guatemala  was  uphold- 
ing Medina,  a  usurper  of  the  presidency.  A  treaty 
of  alliance,,  both  defensive  and  offensive,  was  entered 
into  between  Salvador  and  this  vice-president,62  which 
displeased  Carrera;  he  demanded  explanations,  and 
they  were  given  him.63  The  latter  found  an  excuse  to 
pick  a  quarrel  with  Barrios  in  the  question  with  the 
Salvador  clergy,  who  had  been  required  to  take  an 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  government,64  which  they 
refused  to  do,  Bishop  Pineda  y  Zaldana  and  a  num- 
ber of  his  subordinates  repairing  to  Guatemala,  where 
they  were  honorably  received.  Barrios  was  accused 
in  the  official  journal  of  setting  aside  the  conservative 
policy  promised  at  his  inauguration.65  An  expedition, 
under  Colonel  Saenz,  believed  to  have  been  aided  by 
Carrera,  invaded  Santa  Ana  at  the  cry  of  Viva  la  re- 
ligion! Viva  el  obispo!  and  took  the  city,  but  were 
soon  driven  away  by  the  citizens.  Carrera  disclaimed 
any  connection  with  this  affair.  Some  time  after  came 
Maximo  Jerez,  as  minister  of  Nicaragua,  proposing  a 
plan  of  national  union  for  Salvador,  Honduras,  and 
Nicaragua,  with  the  intention  of  inviting  Guatemala 
and  Costa  Rica  to  join  them;  but  the  project  failed 
because  of  the  refusal  of  Honduras  to  enter  into  the 
arrangement.  Carrera  had  meantime  dissuaded  Pres- 
ident Martinez  of  Nicaragua  from  the  scheme. 

The  Guatemalan  government  was  preparing  for  war 
against  Salvador,  and  succeeded  in  winning  the  cooper- 

62  May  13,  1862.  Nic.,  Boletin  Ofic.,  July  19,  1862. 

63  Barrios  was  said  to  entertain  the  plan  of  partitioning  Hond.,  which  was 
not  effected  because  of  Carrera's  disapproval;  but  the  murder  of  Guardiola 
had  afforded  him  an  opportunity  to  harness  Hond.  to  his  car.     He  was  like- 
wise accused  of   scheming  with  the  aid  of  Maximo  Jerez  to  control  Nic. 
Barrios,  El  por  que  de  la  caida,  3-4;  Nic.}  Gaceta,  March  23,  May  23,  June 
6,  1863.     Barrios  claimed  that  he  was  striving  to  secure  the  rights  of  Salva- 
dor, supporting  at  the  same  time  the  patriotic  aims  of  the  Nicaraguan  liberals 
to  establish  a  government  in  their  country. 

64  The  Capuchin  friars  had  also  been  expelled. 

65  The  course  of  the  Salvadoran  govt  was  not  to  the  pope's  liking.  Arnold, 
Hep.  del  Salv.,  2.     However,  the  bishop,  at  papal  suggestion,  offered  to  return 
to  his  diocese,  and  was  told  there  had  never  been  any  objection  to  his  exercise 
of  episcopal  functions.  Barrios,  Prod,  d  los  Pueblos,  1-8. 


ation  of  Martinez.66  Honduras,  being  an  ally  of  Salva- 
dor, Florencio  Xatruch  was  assisted  by  Carrera  to 
make  a  revolt  in  several  departments  against  the  gov- 
ernment of  Honduras.  Salvador  tried  to  avert  hos- 
tilities. Friends  of  peace,  among  them  the  American 
and  British  representatives,  mediated,  but  all  was  of 
no  avail.67 

The  war  contemplated  by  Carrera  was  unpopular 
in  Guatemala,  where  the  people  of  late  years  had  been 
enjoying  peace  and  prosperity,  and  feared  a  recurrence 
of  the  former  desolations.  But  their  ruler  was 
prompted  by  a  deadly  animosity  to  Barrios,  and  by 
the  fear  that  the  alliance  of  the  latter  with  Jarez 
would  endanger  conservatism,  and  consequently  his 
own  power.  Whereupon  he  resolved  to  crush  at  one 
blow  the  disturber  of  the  public  peace,  as  Barrios  was 
called  by  the  oligarchs.68  He  invaded  Salvador  with 
a  large  force,  a  proclamation  preceding  him  to  inform 
the  people  that  the  war  would  be  against  Barrios 
and  not  themselves.  He  felt  certain  of  a  speedy  vic- 
tory, and  blindly  assailed  Coatepeque,  where  Barrios 
was  entrenched.  He  was  repulsed  with  such  heavy 
losses63  that  he  had  to  retreat  to  his  own  capital, 
which  he  entered  March  6th  at  the  head  of  only  3,000 
men.  But  this  reverse  did  not  discourage  him.  He 
fitted  out  another  army,  and  started  upon  a  second 
campaign  that  should  be  decisive70  against  Salvador 
and  Honduras,  the  latter  having  espoused  Barrios' 
cause.  Meantime  Martinez  of  Nicaragua  had  gained 
a  battle  at  the  town  of  San  Felipe  on  the  29th  of 
April,  against  a  united  force  of  Jerez'  partisans  and 

66  A  treaty  of  alliance  was  concluded  with  him  by  Samayoa  and  Duenas, 
ooth  Salvador  refugees,  acting  for  Guat. 

67  Notes  of  E.  0.  Crosby,  U.  S.  minister,  Feb.  2,  1863,  and  Geo.  B.  Mathew, 
Brit,  minister,  Feb.  8,  1863,  to  Pedro  de  Aycinena,  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
of  Guat.  Barrios'  Manifiesto,  44-52. 

68 '  II  ne  vit  dans  cette  derniere  lutte  qu'un  duel  dliomme  a  homme. ' 
Belly,  Le  Nicaragua,  i.  118-19. 

69  This  was  on  the  24th  of  Feb.,  1863.  Salv.,  Dario  Ofic.,  Apr.  8,  1876;  Belly, 
A  Trav.  TAm.  Cent.,  119-20.  Barrios,  in  his  Manifiesto,  32,  asserts  that  his 
own  force  was  4,000  men,  and  Carrera's  6,500. 

79  The  army  was  in  three  divisions,  two  of  which  were  under  generals 
Zavala  and  Cruz. 


Salvadorans.71  Moreover,  Honduras  was  invaded  by 
800  Guatemalans  under  General  Cerna.  The  Salva- 
doran  and  Honduran  troops  were  defeated72  by  the 
allied  Guatemalans  and  Nicaraguans,  on  the  plains  of 
Santa  Rosa,  which  prompted  revolts  in  the  greater 
part  of  the  departments  of  Salvador,  proclaiming 
Duenas  provisional  president,  who  organized  a  gov- 
ernment at  Sonsonate.73  Intrigues  were  successfully 
brought  into  play  upon  several  Salvadoran  command- 
ers to  induce  them  to  revolt  against  Barrios,  and  to 
aid  his  enemies.74  One  of  those  officers  was  General 
Santiago  Gonzalez,  commanding  the  troops  at  Santa 
Ana  during  Barrios'  temporary  absence  at  San  Salva- 
dor. He  made  a  pronunciamiento  on  the  30th  of 
June,  telling  the  soldiers  that  a  similar  movement 
had  taken  place  the  previous  day  at  the  capital,  and 
Barrios  was  a  prisoner,  and  his  government  dissolved. 
On  discovering  the  deception  some  battalions  escaped 
and  joined  the  president  at  San  Salvador,  Gonzalez 
being  left  with  a  small  number  of  troops.  Carrera 
was  now  near  Santa  Ana,  and  demanded  Gonzalez' 
surrender  and  recognition  of  Duenas  as  provisional 
president,  which,  being  declined,  Carrera  attacked 
and  easily  defeated  him  on  the  3d  of  July,75  the  Sal- 
vadoran artillery  and  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition 
falling  into  the  victor's  hands.  Carrera  was  now 
master  of  the  situation,76  and  his  opponent  virtually 

nNic.,  Discurso. .  .prim,  aniv.,  3.  The  Salvadoran  contingent  in  the  action 
was  1,117  men  under  General  Eusebio  Bracamonte;  but  Jerez  had  the  chief 
command  of  the  allied  force.  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Apr.  18,  May  9,  16,  20,  23,  June  6, 
Sept.  12,  1863;  Nic.,  Boletin  del  Pueb.,  July  11,  1863. 

"June  16,  1863.  Nic.,  Boletin  del  Pueb.,  July  4,  1863. 

73  Sonsonate  declared  against  Barrios  June  29th,  Cojutepeque  July  27th, 
Zacatecoluca  Aug.   14th.;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  22,  Sept.  19,   1863;  Id.,  Boletin 
del  Pueb.,  July  23,  1863.     For  map  of  Hond.  and  Salv.,  see  Squier's  Cent.  Am. 

74  It  has  been  said  that  Tallien  de  Cabarrus,  the  French  charge,  endeav- 
ored, after  Carrera 's  defeat  at  Coatepeque,  to  pursuade  a  number  of  French 
officers  who  were  with  Barrios  to  leave  him,  which  they  refused  to  do. 

75Carrera's  official  report  of  July  4,  1863,  in  Nic.,  Boletin  del  Pueb.,  July 
17,  23,  1863;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Aug.  22,  1863. 

76  He  established  his  headquarters  in  Coatepeque.  Zavala  marched  on  and 
occupied  Santa  Tecla,  about  12  miles  from  San  Salvador;  Col  Iraeta  was 
stationed  at  Chalatenango;  and  Col  Parker  in  Ilobasco.  Salv.,  Pronunc., 
1;  NIC.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  8,  1863.  Duenas  in  a  proclamation  at  Santa  Ana,  July 
18th,  promised  that  Carrera  and  his  army,  after  fulfilling  their  mission,  would 
HIST.  CENT.  AM.,  VOL.  Ill  20 


without  means  of  defence,  superadded  to  which  the 
influence  of  the  clergy  had  turned  the  Indians  to 
Carrera's  side.  Barrios  continued  his  efforts,  how- 
ever, and  held  out  four  months  at  San  Salvador, 
though  closely  besieged  and  suffering  from  want  of 
food  and  ammunition.77  He  had  refused  to  listen  to 
proposals  offering  him  the  honors  of  war,  believing 
that  once  in  Carrera's  hands  his  fate  would  be  sealed.78 
At  last  further  defence  was  impossible,  and  Barrios 
escaped  out  of  the  city  early  on  the  26th  of  October, 
and  subsequently  out  of  the  country.79  The  surrender 
of  the  city  took  place  the  same  day,  and  on  the  30th 
Duenas,  now  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs,  decreed 
thanks  and  honors  to  Carrera  and  Martinez,  and  their 
respective  armies.80 

Barrios,  having  with  him  arms  and  ammunition, 
embarked  at  Panamd  in  1865,  on  the  schooner  Manuela 
Pianos  for  La  Union,  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
movement  initiated  by  Cabanas  in  that  port  and  San 
Miguel  in  his  favor.  It  was  only  on  arrival  that  he 

return  to  Guat.  leaving  the  Salvadorans  to  reorganize  a  friendly  government, 
in  lieu  of  the  turbulent  one  of  Barrios,  with  the  assistance  of  Bishop  Zaldafia. 
Barrios  accused  Duenas,  at  Panama  Dec.  8,  1863,  of  having  offered  Carrera 
$100,000  for  his  assistance  to  get  him  into  the  presidential  chair;  to  pay 
which  a  forced  loan  was  decreed.  He  added  that  at  one  time  Carrera  had 
made  war  against  the  govt  of  Hond.  for  $30,000  that  Guardiola  offered  him. 
Banjos,  El  Presid.  legit.,  3-4. 

77  Sept.  18,  1863,  Zavala,  commander  of  the  besieging  army,  and  Duenas 
demanded  a  surrender,  and  submission  to  the  provincial  govt.    Duenas  claimed 
to  be  recognized  as  president  by  Cruat.,  Nic.,  and  Hond.  Nic.t  Boletin  del  Ptieb., 
Oct.  3,  1863;  Id.,  Gaceta,  Oct.  17,  1863. 

78  Carrera  not  long  after  had  M.  Irungaray,  minister  of  state,  Yarzun,  treas- 
urer, Gen.  Perez  and  his  brother,  and  colonels  Abelar  and  Luna  shot,  for  the 
sole  offence  of  having  served  in  Barrios'  administration. 

79 Carrera,  Oct.  30th,  called  it  a  *  vergonzosa  f uga. '  Carrera,  Prod.,  1.  Bar- 
rios was  subsequently  in  1865  allowed  by  Costa  R.  to  reside  in  her  territory 
against  the  remonstrances  of  the  other  Cent.  Am.  states.  These  suspended 
relations  with  her.  Previous  to  this  time  he  had  resided  in  N.  York,  where 
he  made  many  friends.  Nic.  reopened,  through  the  mediation  of  the  U.  S. 
of  Colombia,  on  the  31st  of  May,  1865,  relations  with  Costa  R.,  Barrios  hav- 
ing departed.  Guat.,  Recop.  Ley.,  i.  458-9;  Nic.,  Gaceta,  June  17,  1865;  Id.,  Col. 
Dec.,  1865,  8-9,  52-3. 

89 Nic.,  Gaceta,  Nov.  6,  14,  1863.  The  outrages  committed  byCarerra  and 
his  men  are  said  to  have  been  almost  beyond  description.  One  of  his  acts 
was  to  cause  Morazan's  grave  to  be  broke  open,  and  his  ashes  to  be  scattered 
to  the  winds.  He  insulted,  plundered,  and  persecuted  citizens,  and  carried 
off  the  Salvadoran  artillery  and  trophies.  He  took  with  him  to  Guat.  the 
prisoners  of  rank,  and  confined  them  many  months  in  the  castle  of  San  Fe- 
lipe situated  on  the  deadly  northern  coast 


heard  of  the  failure  of  that  movement,81  and  on  his  re- 
turn the  schooner  was  struck  by  lightning  in  waters 
of  Nicaragua  at  the  Aserradores.  He  sent  to  Corinto 
for  water  and  provisions,  and  the  consequence  was 
that  a  Nicaraguan  force  came  on  board  and  captured 
him.  He  was  taken  to  Leon  on  the  30th  of  June.82 
The  government  of  Salvador  demanded  his  extradition 
that  he  might  be  tried,  the  national  congress  having 
impeached  him.  The  result  of  this  was  a  convention 
entered  into  at  Leon  July  14,  1865,  between  Gregorio 
Arbizu,  minister  of  Salvador,  and  Pedro  Zeledon, 
plenipotentiary  for  Nicaragua,  by  which  the  latter 
government  assented  to  the  surrender  of  Barrios, 
under  the  express  stipulation  that  his  life  should  be 
spared  whatever  might  be  the  result  of  his  trial.83 
But  the  government  of  Salvador,  in  disregard  of  this 
obligation,  had  Barrios  sentenced  to  death  by  a  court- 
martial,  and  he  was  executed  at  4:30  in  the  morning 
of  August  29th,  against  the  remonstrances  of  the  rep- 
resentative of  Nicaragua.  The  latter  could  do  noth- 
ing but  protest,  and  throw  the  infamv  of  the  deed 
upon  Duenas  and  his  administration. 

Bishop  Zaldana  returned  to  his  diocese  at  the  ter- 
mination of  the  war  in  the  latter  part  of  1863,  and 
issued  a  pastoral  letter  recommending  concord  and 
union  among  his  flock.  The  provisional  government 
called  on  the  people  to  choose  a  constituent  assembly 
to  reorganize  the  government  and  frame  a  new  consti- 
tution. This  assembly  met  on  the  18th  of  February, 
1864,  and  on  the  same  date  sanctioned  the  last  revolu- 
tionary movement,  which  deposed  Barrios  from  the 
presidency,  and  called  Duenas  to  fill  it.  His  acts  to 

81  Cabanas  had  gone  off  to  Pan.  in  the  steamer  Guatemala.     Particulars  of 
the  rebellion,  and  measures  against  its  authors,  in  Nic.,  Gaceta,  May  6,  June 
10,  July  1,  1865. 

82  The  vessel  was  sailing  without  the  papers  required  by  law,  as  was  cer- 
tified by  the  U.  S.  consul  in  Corinto.  Nic.,  Col  Acuerd.  y  Doc.,  61-2;  Id., 
Boletin  del  Pueb.,  July  4,  1863. 

83  The  Salv.  minister  solemnly  accepted  this  condition,  and  the  Nicaraguan 
govt  then  delivered  Barrios  on  board  the  brig  Experiment®.   Nic.,  Convenio  !£ 
de  Julio,  1-18;  Nic.,  Docs.  Rel.  d  la  reel,  1-19;  ^c.,  Gaceta,  July  29,  1865. 


that  date  were  approved,  and  he  was  recognized  as 
provisional  executive  till  a  constitutional  one  should 
be  elected.  That  body  at  a  later  date  promulgated  a 
new  constitution  in  104  articles,  which  like  the  funda- 
mental charters  of  the  other  Central  American  states 
at  that  time  was  exceedingly  conservative.  The  only 
religion  recognized  was  the  Roman  catholic. 

At  the  elections  which  took  place  ten  months  after 
the  promulgation  of  the  new  charter,  Duenas  was  ap- 
parently elected  president  for  the  first  constitutional 
term,  and  the  constitutional  congress  recognized  him 
as  such.  He  took  formal  possession  of  the  office  Feb- 
ruary 1,  1865.  Congress  closed  its  session  on  the 
21st  of  the  same  month. 







THE  house  of  representatives  of  the  Estado  Libre  y 
Soberano  de  Honduras,  on  the  30th  of  December, 
1840,  chose  Francisco  Ferrera  president,1  and  he  took 
possession  of  the  office  on  the  1st  of  January,  1841. 
The  chamber  closed  its  session  on  the  6th  of  March. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  here  the  history  of  Hon- 
duras down  to  1844,  as  it  has  been  given  in  connection 
with  other  sections  of  Central  America.  The  state 

had  been  the  sole  candidate,  obtaining  3,400  votes,  which  did  not 
constitute  a  majority.  Ferrera  was  of  obscure  parentage,  and  of  inferior 
ability.  He  was  educated  by  a  reactionary  priest  named  G-arin,  who,  wishing 
him  to  become  a  musician  of  the  parish  church  at  Cantarranas,  sent  him  to 
Tegucigalpa  to  take  lessons  on  the  violin;  but  the  boy  made  no  progress  in 
that  direction,  and  finally  was  made  sacristan  of  Cantarranas,  which  position 
he  held  a  long  time,  till  the  revolutionary  movements  drew  him  into  military 
life,  and  he  began  upholding  liberal  principles.  He  figured  afterward  as  vice- 
jefe,  hating  his  chief,  Joaquin  Rivera,  because  he  was  a  democrat.  Now  we 
see  the  sacristan  of  Cantarranas  made  president  of  the  state.  Francisco 
Giiell,  Francisco  Zelaya,  and  Santiago  Bueso  were  recognized  as  his  substitutes 
in  the  order  named.  It  was  also  decreed  by  the  chamber  that  in  the  event 
of  a  vacancy,  absolute  or  temporary,  if  the  substitutes  should  be  unable  to 
assume  the  executive  duties,  the  latter  should  devolve  on  the  ministers  of 
state.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  191-203-  Wells'  Hond.,  494;  Squier's  Tram.* 
ii.  449 


assembly  was  installed  on  the  llth  of  January,  with 
ceremonies  more  religious  than  political,  as  befitted  a 
country  where  the  influence  of  the  church  was  so  over- 
whelming.2 The  chamber  bepraised  Ferrera  with  as 
much  gusto  as  the  church  had  smoked  him  with 
incense  at  the  cathedral,  and  on  the  26th  he  was 
formally  declared  a  benemerito  de  la  patria,  and  con- 
firmed as  a  general  of  division,  which  rank  had  been 
conferred  on  him  by  the  government  in  March  1839.3 

Much  was  said  at  the  opening  of  the  legislative 
session  about  peace,  but  the  fact  was,  that  a  number 
of  towns  were  greatly  agitated,  owing  to  the  heavy 
burdens  weighing  on  them,  and  to  the  displeasure 
caused  by  many  citizens  having  been  driven  into  exile. 
Among  these  towns  were  Texiguat,  La  Plazuela,  and 
Comayaguela.  Santos  Guardiola  was  sent  against 
them,  and  was  not  successful,  though  he  asserted  in  a 
proclamation  that  he  had  defeated  the  rebels.  The 
war  spread,4  and  Ferrera  deemed  it  expedient  to  leave 
the  executive  office  in  charge  of  the  ministers  for  a 
time,  and  to  personally  take  command  of  the  forces  to 
operate  against  the  insurgents.  Guardiola  defeated 
them  at  Corpus  on  the  1st  of  July,  and  captured  their 
correspondence,  with  Rivera,  Orellana,  and  the  other 

An  insurrection  of  the  troops  at  Olancho  took 
place  in  December,  which  was  soon  quelled,  and 
stringent  measures  were  adopted  by  Ferrera  against 
its  promoters.6  Amid  this  state  of  affairs  Ferrera' s 
term  was  approaching  its  end,  and  he  could  not  be  re- 
elected  a  second  time  under  the  constitution  of  1839. 
Elections  were  held,  and  arrangements  made  so  that 

2  We  are  assured  there  were  44  te  deum  masses  on  that  day 

3  He  was  credited  with  having,  by  his  energy,  wisdom,  and  disinterested 
patriotism,  saved  the  state  from  civil  war  and  anarchy. 

4  The  govt  justly  attributed  the  movement  to  Ex-jefe  Rivera,  Orellana, 
Alvarez,  Castro,  and  others,  believing  the  centre  of  it  to  be  in  Leon.     It  de- 
manded satisfaction  from  Nic.,  but  obtained  none. 

6  The  whole  was^  published  in  El  Descubridor,  official  journal  of  Hond. 
Every  one  of  Rivera's  letters  counselled  discipline,  moderation,  and  honorable 
dealing,  so  as  to  save  the  cause  from  obloquy 

6  Decree  of  Dec.  13,  1844. 


he  could  continue  in  power  as  minister  of  war  with 
the  chief  command  of  the  forces.7  Guardiola  had  been 
also  dubbed  a  benemerito,  and  his  friends  wished  to 
raise  him  to  the  presidential  chair,  but  did  not  succeed.8 
No  candidate  obtained  the  requisite  majority,  and  the 
legislature  chose  Coronado  Chavez  president.9 

Ex-jefe  Rivera,  taking-  advantage  of  the  absence  of 
Ferrera  with  most  of  his  forces  in  Nicaragua,  invaded 
Honduras  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  the  exist- 
ing government.  The  people  failed  to  cooperate  with 
him,  arid  he  was  defeated  and  made  prisoner.  On  the 
4th  of  January,  1845,  he,  with  Martinez,  Landa,  and 
Julian  Diaz  arrived  at  Comayagua  in  irons.  The 
official  journal  announced  that  Rivera  was  to  be  tried 
and  punished.  He  was  in  fact  doomed  to  the  scaffold 
before  he  was  tried.10 

Guardiola's  atrocities  in  La  Union  and  San  Miguel, 
spoken  of  in  a  former  chapter,  won  him  additional 
honors  from  the  subservient  assembly  of  Honduras. 
He  was  a  second  time  declared  a  benemerito,  and 
awarded  a  gold  medal.  Chavez,  the  tool  of  Ferrera, 
was  not  neglected.  He  was  given  the  title  of  Padre 
conscripto  de  la  patria,  with  an  accompanying  medal.11 
The  assembly  closed  on  the  23d  of  March,  well  satisfied 
of  the  wisdom  of  its  measures.  Another  presiden- 
tial election  came  up,  and  no  one  having  the  requi- 
site number  of  votes,  the  assembly,  January  14, 
1847,  chose  Ferrera,  who  declined  the  position,  and 
Juan  Lindo  was  then  appointed,  Ferrera  continuing 

7 1  mentioned  elsewhere  the  defeat  this  year  at  Nacaome  of  a  Nicaraguan 
force  by  the  garrison  under  Commandant  Morales.  The  credit  of  this  victory 
was  given  to  Ferrera,  who  happened  to  be  in  the  place  at  the  time,  by  the 
ministers  in  charge  of  the  executive  office  awarding  him  a  gold  medal  with 
the  inscription,  'Ala  heroicidad  del  General  Ferrera  en  la  batalla  de  Na- 
caome. '  The  supreme  court  had  compared  him  with  Alexander,  Octavius, 
Augustus,  and  Napoleon.  The  soldiers  of  Hond.  made  him  a  Miltiades, 
Temistocles,  and  Demosthenes.  And  finally,  the  official  journal  pronounced 
him  superior  to  Julius  Ctesar.  Montufar,  Resena  Hist.,  iv.  576-9. 

8  Guardiola  was  a  rough  and  cruel  soldier. 

9  His  substitutes  were  Francisco  Giiell,  Leonardo  Romero,  and  Manuel 
Emigrlio  Vazquez. 

la  Rivera,  Landa,  and  Martinez  were  shot  together. 
"Decrees  of  Feb.  4  and  March  19,  1846. 


as  war  minister,  with  the  command  of  the  troops  an- 
nexed, which  was  what  he  desired.  Guardiola  was 
retained  in  the  office  of  minister  of  foreign  relations, 
though  unfit  for  it. 

When  the  army  of  the  United  States  was  in  Mexico, 
Lindo  seemed  greatly  exasperated  thereby;  the  presi- 
dent, without  first  obtaining  the  sanction  of  the  repre- 
sentatives, issued  manifestos,  on  the  1st  and  2d  of  June, 
1847,  which  were  an  open  declaration  of  war  against 
the  United  States.12 

Lindo  desired  to  control  affairs  for  an  unlimited 
time,  and  the  constitution  allowing  him  only  a  two- 
years  tenure,  and  containing,  besides,  several  clauses 
repugnant  to  him,  it  was  doomed.13  A  constituent 
assembly  was  accordingly  called  to  frame  a  new  char- 
ter, which  was  adopted  at  Comayagua  February  4, 

Lindo  continued  as  president  under  the  new  re- 
gime.15 The  legislature  had  assembled  at  Cedros  on 
the  10th  of  June,  1849,  when  the  president  reported 

12  This  proceeding  was  communicated  to  the  governor  of  Chiapa  for  the 
information  of  his  government.     The  proclamations  were  published  in  Mexico, 
and  probably  elsewhere;  but  I  am  not  aware  that  the  American  government 
took  any  action  upon  them.  Id.,  236-7;   Sun  of  Andhuac,   Sept.   14,    1847; 
El  Arco  Ins,  Sept.  22,  Oct.  4,   17,  1847;  El  Razonador,  Oct.  30,  1847;  El 
Sonorense,  Nov.  12,  1847. 

13  It  provided  for  only  one  chamber,  and  he  wanted  another  for  the  aris- 
tocracy.    It  recognized  freedom  of  conscience  and  religion,  which  to  his  mind 
was  heresy. 

14  It  contained  114  articles;  recognized  the  people  as  the  source  of  power 
and  sovereignty.     All  persons  born  in  the  states  of  Cent.  Am.  and  residing 
in  Hond.  were  given  the  privileges  of   full  citizenship.     Foreigners  might 
become  naturalized.     The  right  of  suffrage  was  given  to  citizens  over  21  years 
of  age  who  could  read  and  write.     The  state  recognized  no  other  religion  than 
the  Roman  catholic,  excluding  the  public  exercise  of  all  others.     The  govern- 
ment, declared  to  be  popular  and  representative,  was  vested  in  three  powers, 
namely,  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial.     The  executive  was  placed  in 
charge  of  a  president  for  four  years,  and  not  eligible  for  two  consecutive 
terms.     He  appointed  his  ministers,  who  had  a  seat  in  the  legislature.     There 
was  a  council  of  state  provided,  its  members  being  one  senator  chosen  by  the 
gen.  assembly,  one  justice  of  the  supreme  court,  the  minister  of  the  interior, 

e  treasurer,  and  two  citizens  elected  by  the  gen.  assembly.  The  assembly 
was  formed  of  one  chamber  with  14  deputies,  being  two  for  each  department, 
and  the  senate  with  7  members.  The  judiciary  consisted  of  the  supreme  and 
lower  courts.  The  supreme  court  was  divided  into  two  sections,  of  three  jus- 
tices each  one  to  sit  in  Comayagua,  and  the  other  in  Tegucigalpa.  Each 
department  had  a  jefe  politico  at  its  head.  Hond.,  Constit.  de!848, 1-21;  Squier'* 

C/C/2Z.  Awi. y  ^Oo — OO. 

15 The  next  term  would  begin  on  the  1st  of  Feb.,  1852. 


the  state  at  peace,  and  its  relations  with  the  other 
states  on  a  satisfactory  footing.  But  he  acknowledged 
that  his  government  was  harassed  by  party  conten- 
tions. Order  had  been  maintained  thus  far  by  a  strict 
impartiality  toward  the  factions,  with  the  cooperation 
of  some  good  and  influential  citizens.16  This  was  not 
to  last  long;  for  on  the  12th  of  February,  1850, 
Guardiola,  deceived  by  representations  of  Felipe  Ja"u- 
regui  and  the  aristocrats  of  Guatemala,  in  which  the 
British  charge,  Chatfield,  had  no  little  part,  made  a 
pronunciamiento  at  Tegucigalpa,  where  the  govern- 
ment then  was,  and  Lindo  had  to  flee.  The  latter 
finally  entrenched  himself  at  Nacaome,  near  the  bay 
of  Fonseca,  and  asked  for  assistance  from  the  govern- 
ments of  Salvador  and  Nicaragua,  which  under  the 
terms  of  their  confederacy  they  were  bound  to  afford 
him.  Salvador  at  once  sent  a  considerable  force  under 
General  Cabanas,  and  Nicaragua  prepared  to  do  the 
same  if  necessity  required  it.  Guardiola' s  movement 
was  not  seconded  elsewhere.  But  he  marched  against 
Nacaome,  and  at  Pespire  commissioners  of  Salvador 
and  Lindo  made  him  understand  his  false  position, 
and  an  understanding  was  then  had,  on  the  25th  of 
March,  by  which  he  submitted  to  Lindo's  authority.17 

The  treaties  of  1783  and  1786  between  Great  Britain 
and  Spain  reserved  to  the  latter  the  sovereignty  over 
Belize,  otherwise  called  British  Honduras,  granting  to 
the  settlers  merely  the  privilege  of  cutting  dye  and 
other  woods,18  using  the  spontaneous  products  of  the 

16 Me.,  Cor.  1st.,  Aug.  1,  1849;  La  Union  (S.  Salv.),  June  15,  1849. 

17  The  following  were  the  terms  agreed  upon:  a  general  amnesty;  the  con- 
federate diet  was  to  meet  at  Nacaome,  protected  by  200  Salvadorans  and  as 
many  Nicaraguans  at  the  expense  of  Hond. ;  and  the  state  assembly  also  to 
redress  certain  alleged  grievances;  and  Jauregui's  conduct  in  Costa  R.  to  be 
investigated.     All  of  which  was  done.    Cent.  Am.,  Miscel.  Doc.,  nos.  29-33, 
36-43,  50-5;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  March  15,  Apr.  4,  18,  May  10,  1850;   Costa  R., 
Gaceta,  March  2,   1850;  Nic.t  Cor.  1st.,  Apr.  4,  May  2,  16,  1850;    Gitardiola, 
Carta  Ofic.,  March  30,  1850;  Squiers  Travels,  ii.  182.     The  chambers  on  the 
29th  of  June  declared  Lindo  a  benemerito  de  la  patria,  conferring  on  him  the 
rank  of  general  of  division  for  life,  from  the  expiration  of  his  presidential 
term.     Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Aug.  31,  1850. 

18  The  Spaniards  knew  but  little  of  this  region,  believing  it  unhealthy, 


soil,  fishing  along  the  coast,  repairing  their  vessels, 
and  building  houses  and  stores.  The  colonists  were 
not  to  set  up  any  government,  either  civil  or  military, 
construct  forts  or  defences,  maintain  troops  of  any 
kind,  or  possess  any  artillery.19 

Governor  O'Neill  of  Yucatan  made  an  expedition 
in  1798  against  the  English  settlers  during  war  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  and  destroyed  a  number  of 
settlements  on  the  Rio  Nuevo,  but  was  afterward 
repulsed  by  the  colonists  and  slaves  of  Belize.  This 
circumstance  was  claimed  to  have  given  the  victors 
the  right  of  conquest  over  the  territory  occupied  by 
them.  But  neither  Spain,  nor  Mexico  after  her 
independence,  recognized  that  pretension,  nor  was  it 
admitted  by  the  British  parliament.20  Furthermore, 
the  treaty  signed  in  London,  December  26,  1826,  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  Mexico  was  negotiated  on 
the  express  condition  that  the  treaty  of  July  14,  1786, 
between  the  Spanish  and  British  crowns  should  be 
held  valid  and  observed  in  all  its  provisions.21  There- 
fore the  conclusion  we  must  arrive  at  is,  that  the 
sovereignty  over  Belize  belongs  to  Mexico  and  not  to 
Great  Britain.  Mexico's  claim  has  been  recognized 
by  the  settlers,  when  it  suited  their  interests,  but 
they  were  never  equally  disposed  to  abide  by  the  obli- 
gations of  the  treaty  of  1826. 22  Their  encroachments 

and  had  hardly  made  any  attempts  themselves  to  cut  wood  there.  Cancelada, 
TeL  Mexicano,  1C4-11,  computed  at  nearly  twenty-two  million  dollars  the  loss 
sustained  by  Spain  to  1G12,  including  in  that  sum  the  original  cost,  and  the 
resulting  proiits  which  had  accrued,  mostly  to  the  English. 

19  They  were  likewise  forbidden  to  cultivate  sugar,  coffee,  or  cacao,  or  to 
engage  in  manufactures;  and  they  were  not  to  supply  arms  or  ammunition  to 
the  Indians  dwelling  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Spanish  possessions.  Espnna  e  InyL 
Covenio,  July  14,  1786,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  no.  4,  1-7. 

*>  Certain  acts  of  that  body  in  1817  and  1819,  in  consequence  of  measures 
adopted  to  punish  crimes  committed  in  Belize,  declared  that  the  crimes  could 
not  be  puniched  under  British  laws,  because  that  territory  was  not  a  portion 
of  the  United  Kingdom.  Peniche,  Hist.  Ed.  E*p.  y  Mix.  con  Ingl.,  in  Ancona, 
am.  Yuc.,  iv.  223. 

*l  The  treaty  of  1826,  with  the  annexed  treaties  and  conventions  of  Spain 
With  England  and  other  nations  having  any  bearing  on  the  subject  may  be 
found  in  Mex.,  Derecho  Intern.,  i.  437-524.  ' 

•  ity?1161"8'  Brit>  miu'  in  Madrid>  asked  the  Sp.  govt  in  1835,  and  again 
m  IbJb,  to  cede  to  England  any  right  of  sovereignty  she  might  have  over 

•  nifcoon  °?- d,uras'     The  rcfiuest  v/as  not  granted,  but  it  implied  that  England 
in  1836  did  not  consider  herself  to  possess  the  full  sovereignty  over  Belize. 

BELIZE.  315 

on  Yucatan  have  continued  to  the  extent  that  they  now 
hold  much  more  than  was  conditionally  allowed  them 
for  wood-cutting  by  the  treaty  of  1783.23 

Affecting  to  forget  that  they  were  entitled  merely 
to  the  usufruct  of  the  country,  the  settlers  set  up  as 
early  as  1798  a  government,24  raised  troops,  built  forts, 
tilled  the  soil,  and  exercised  every  right  implying  full 
sovereignty.  Alexander  M'Donald,  while  holding  the 
office  of  superintendent,25  on  the  2d  of  November,  1840, 
set  aside  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  country,  declaring 
that  from  said  date  the  law  of  England  should  be  the 
law  of  the  settlement  or  colony  of  British  Honduras, 
and  that  all  local  customs  and  laws  repugnant  to  the 
spirit  of  the  law  of  England,  and  opposed  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  equity  and  justice,  should  be  null.26  In  later 
years  the  government  has  been  in  the  hands  of  a  lieu- 
tenant-governor, with  an  executive  and  legislative 
council,  and  the  colony  has  the  usual  judicial  estab- 

Villarta,  Mexican  min.  of  foreign  affairs,  refers  to  Velliers'  efforts  in  a  note 
of  March  23,  1878,  to  the  Brit.  govt.  The  latter,  however,  in  1836,  claimed 
a  larger  extent  of  territory,  including  the  whole  coast  as  far  south  as  the 
River  Sarstoon,  and  as  far  inland  as  the  meridian  of  Garbutt's  Falls  on  the 
Belizo  River. 

23  Details  in  Bustamante,  Hist.  Iturbidc,  161;  Squier's  Travels,  ii.  412-14; 
Id.,  Cent.  Am.,  582-4,  627-8;  Arrangolz,  Mej.,  ii.  308;  Mex.  Soc.   Geog.,  Sole- 
tin,  2d  ep.,  iv.   698-710;  Annals  Brit.  Leg-is. t  ii.   84;  Suarez,  Informe,  32-6; 
U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  For.  AS.  (Mess,  and  Doc.,  pt  1,  65-6,  pt  iii.  360-1),  Cong.  39, 
Sess.  1.;  Id.,  Foreign  lid.,  i.  656-61,  Cong.  43,  Sess.  1.;  Salv.,  DiarioOfic.,  Nov. 
21,  1378;  La  VozdeMej.,  Jan.  31,  18G5;  Sept.  19,  Nov.  1,  1882. 

24  The  settlement,  as  it  was  called,  for  it  had  not  even  the  name  of  a  colony, 
was  ruled  by  a  code  of  laws  established  in  1779  by  Sir  W.  Burnaby.     Justice 
was  administered  by  a  board  of   seven  magistrates  chosen  annually.     The 
chief  authority  was  the  superintendent,  a  position  always  held  by  a  military 
officer,  combining  the  duties  both  of  first  civil  magistrate  and  commander  of 
the  forces.  Hendersons  Bnt.  Hond.,  75-9. 

25  He  entitled  himself  then  her  Majesty's  superintendent  and  commander- 
in-chiof  in  and  over  her  possessions  in  Hond. 

2G  M'Donald  then  appointed  an  executive  council.  He  also  assumed  control 
of  the  finances.  Not  satisfied  with  the  right  of  veto,  he  legislated  in  his  own 
person  by  proclamation,  assuming  the  right  of  punishing  any  one  acting 
against  his  authority  or  obstructing  his  mandates.  The  inhabitants  protested 
against  his  usurpation  of  powers,  and  appealed  to  the  British  government 
and  parliament,  obtaining  some  trifling  relaxation.  They  also  petitioned  that 
the  government  should  openly  assume  the  sovereignty,  so  that  they  might 
possess  their  lands  without  reservation  in  respect  to  Spain  or  Mexico.  Their 
petitions  did  not  receive  any  direct  reply.  However,  the  govt  in  1845,  sent 
out  a  chief  justice,  a  queen's  advocate,  and  other  judicial  appendages.  Crowe's 
Gospel,  205-6. 

27  The  coat  of  arms  of  Belize  is  read  as  follows:  Chief  dexter-argent — the 


The  assumption  of  sovereignty  is  not  Mexico's  only 
cause  of  complaint.  Since  the  war  of  races  broke  out 
in  Yucatan  in  1847,  the  people  of  Belize  have  sold 
arms  and  ammunition  to  the  revolted  Indians.  Early 
in  1848  the  authorities  promised  that  the  Indians 
should  not  be  aided,  directly  or  indirectly;  but  the 
promise  was  not  fulfilled.28  The  population  is  mainly 
negro,  originally  introduced  as  slaves;  the  rest,  excep- 
ting a  few  white  men,  is  a  hybrid  race  resulting  from 
intercourse  with  Europeans  and  Indians.  The  total 
population  in  1871  was  nearly  25,000,  of  which  there 
were  probably  1,000  more  males  than  females.29  Slav- 
ery was  abolished  by  an  act  of  the  inhabitants  on  the 
1st  of  August,  1840.30 

The  chief  product  of  the  country  is  mahogany,  of 
which  some  20,000  tons 'were  exported  annually,  but 
the  demand  for  it  lately  has  decreased.  Its  logwood 
is  much  valued,  and  about  15,000  tons  are  yearly  ex- 
ported. Besides  these  staples,  the  country  produces 
other  woods  of  value,  and  the  cahoon  or  coyal  palm 
in  abundance,  from  the  nuts  of  which  is  extracted  a 
valuable  oil.  Sarsaparilla  and  vanilla  are  found  in 
the  interior.  Of  domestic  animals  there  are  enough 

union  jack,  proper.  Chief  sinister,  on  the  proper — the  chief  divided  from  the 
body  of  the  shield  by  a  chevron-shaped  partition  from  the  fess  of  the  dexter 
and  sinister  base.  Points — the  intermediate  space  azure— a  ship  with  set 
sails  on  the  sea,  passant  proper.  Crest,  mahogany  tree.  Motto,  'Sub  umbra 
floreo.'  Supporters,  negroes;  that  to  the  left,  with  a  paddle;  the  other  to  the 
right,  with  an  axe  over  his  shoulder.  Stout's  Nic.,  258. 

28  One  of  the  superintendents — supposed  to  be  Col  Fancourt—  had  relations 
with  the  ferocious  Cecilio  Chi,  which  was  officially  communicated  by  M'ex-ico 
to  the  Brit,   charge,  Doyle,   March  12,    1849.  Ancona,   Hist.    Yuc.,  iv.   234; 
Yuc.,  Expos.  Gob.  Cr6ditos,  98-102. 

29  The  population  about  1804  was  set  down  at  not  more  than  200  white 
persons,  500  free  colored,  and  3,000  negro  slaves.     The  white  pop.  grad- 
ually decreased.     In  1827-8,  the  pop.  was  between  5,000  and  6,000;  in  1838, 
8,000;  in  1850, 15,000;  in  1863,  25,000.  Squiers  Cent.  Am.,  587-  8;  Dunn's  Guat., 
13-14;  Osborne's  Guide,  234;    Valois,  Mexique,  150;  Pirns  Gate  of  the  Pac.,  20. 
The  town  of  Belize,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  same  name,  generally  has 
6,000  inhabitants.     The  dwellings  of  the  wealthy  class  are  large  and  com- 
fortable.    Besides  the  govt  houses,  court-house,  barracks,  and  jail,  there  are 
several  churches,  episcopal,  methodist,  baptist,  and  presbyterian,  and  some 
large  and  costly  fire-proof  warehouses.    The  town  has  experienced  two  destruc- 
tive conflagrations,  one  in  1854  and  another  in  1863.  Packet  IntelUgencer,  June 
17,  1854;  Guat.,  Gaceta,  Sept.  7,  22,  1854;  La  Voz  de  Mej.,  May  9,  1863. 

It  was  effected  without  disturbance,  and  attended  with  the  happiest  re- 
sults. Crowe  s  Gospel,  205. 


for  the  needs  of  the  people.  The  colony  during  the 
last  fifteen  or  twenty  years  has  been  on  the  downward 

In  former  times  the  port  of  Belize  was  an  entrepot 
for  the  neighboring  states  of  Yucatan,  Guatemala,  and 
Honduras,31  but  after  the  opening  of  direct  trade  be- 
tween those  states  and  the  United  States  and  Europe, 
and  the  diversion  of  trade  on  the  Pacific  to  Panama, 
that  source  of  prosperity  ceased.  Total  tonnage 
entered  and  cleared  in  1877,  exclusive  of  coasting 
trade,  73,974,  of  which  46,168  were  British.  Value 
of  imports,  in  ten  years  ending  in  1877,  £1,781,175; 
for  that  year,  £165,756,  of  which  £84,540  were  from 
Great  Britain.  Value  of  exports  for  1877,  £124,503, 
of  which  £94,548  went  to  Great  Britain.32  The 
average  rate  of  duties  on  imports  is  ten  per  cent  ad 
valorem;  machinery,  coal,  and  books  entering  free. 
The  gross  amount  of  revenue  for  1863,  £27,398;  for 
1877,  £41,488.  Public  expenditure  for  the  latter  year, 

The  relations  of  Honduras  with  Great  Britain  were 
during  many  years  in  an  unsatisfactory  state,  due  in  a 
great  measure  to  the  schemes  of  certain  officials  of  the 
latter  government,  who  pushed  ungrounded  claims 
against  the  former  in  the  furtherance  of  their  plans  to 
gain  control  of  a  large  extent  of  the  Central  American 
coast.  On  the  3d  of  October,  1849,  a  British  war 
ship  at  Trujillo  demanded  the  sum  of  $111, 061,  alleged 
to  be  due  to  subjects  of  her  nation.  The  demand  not 
being  complied  with,  an  armed  force  was  landed  from 
her  the  next  day,  which  occupied  the  fort  and  town. 
The  British  commander  finally  accepted  on  account 
$1,200 — all  that  the  Honduran  comandante  could  pro- 
cure— and  on  reem barking  fired  a  volley.33 

31  Much  smuggling  was  carried  on  to  and  from  it. 

32  Annals  Brit.  Legis.,  iii.  388;  v.  263;  vii.  228;  x.  386-7;  391-2;  xii.  139-40; 
xiv.    304;   U.  S.  Comm.   ReL,   1863-77,  passim.      The  Encyclop.  Britan.,  xii. 

33  He  concluded  to  proceed  to  Jamaica  for  further  instructions.  EIRevisor, 
Jan.  5,  Feb.  16,  1850;  Hand.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Oct.  19,  1849. 


On  the  southern  coast  the  British  steamship  Gorgon, 
on  the  16th  of  November,  seized  the  island  of  Tiger, 
hoisting  the  British  flag  at  Amapala.34  The  authori- 
ties of°  Honduras,  after  protesting  against  the  act, 
called  the  attention  of  the  United  States  representa- 
tive to  the  British  proceeding,  for  this  island  had  been 
ceded  to  his  government  in  September  previous.35  It 
is  presumed  that  Chatfield's  purpose,  among  other 
things,  was  to  prevent  the  construction  of  a  canal 
across  Nicaragua  by  Americans.  But  Admiral 
Hornby,  commanding  the  British  naval  forces  in  the 
Pacific,  disapproved  of  the  proceeding,  removing  his 
men  and  restoring  the  Honduran  flag  under  a  salute 
of  twenty-one  guns.36 

A  preliminary  convention  was  entered  into  at  San 
Jose,  Costa  Rica,  December  29,  1849,  between  Felipe 
Jduregui,  calling  himself  commissioner  of  Honduras, 
and  Chatfield,  the  British  charge  d'affaires,  in  nine 
articles,  some  of  which  involved  undue  responsibility 
on  the  part  of  Honduras.37  This  treaty  was  disavowed 
by  her  government,  March  22,  1850,  in  a  note  to 
Admiral  Hornby,  declaring  that  Jauregui  had  no 
authority  to  make  it,  and  its  stipulations  being  offen- 
sive to  the  dignity  of  the  state,  the  legislature  would 

34 Chatfield,  the  Brit,  charge,  was  present  at  the  act.  Id.,  Nov.  30,  1849; 
Stout's  NIC.,  278;  Salv.,  Gaceta,  Feb.  15,  1850.  The  object  of  the  seizure  was 
to  secure  Honduras'  proportion  of  the  indebtedness  of  Cent.  Am.  to  Brit, 

35  Under  a  convention  in  three  articles  concluded  at  Leon  Sept.  28,  1849. 
The  cession  was  for  18  months,"  and  had  been  made  known  the  same  date  to 
all  diplomatic  agents  in  Cent.  Am.  Hond.,  Gaceta  OJic.,  Oct.  19,  1849;  Nic., 
Cor.  1st.,  Nov.  16,  1849.  The  corresp.  of  the  govt  of  Hond.  with  the  Brit, 
charge  appears  in  Cent.  Am.  Correspond.,  Islade  Tiyre,  1-8;  Cent.  Am.,  Miscel. 
Doc.,  nos.  21,  25,  28;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  Cong.  31,  Sess.  2,  Sen.  Doc.  43,  1-26; 
Id.,  Cong.  31,  Sess.  1,  H.  Jour.,  1739,  1801. 

36 Nic.,  Cor.  1st.,  Jan.  16  and  suppl.,  Feb.  16,  1850. 

37 1st.  Great  Brit,  recognized  the  independ.  of  Hond.  as  a  sovereign  repub- 
lic, pledging  her  good  offices  to  avert  any  attempts  against  that  independ. 
Hond.  at  this  time  was  a  member  of  a  confederacy  with  Salvador  and  Nica- 
ragua, and  was  made  to  bind  herself  not  to  dispose  of  any  portion  of  her  ter- 
ritory before  she  had  definitely  settled  Brit,  claims.  2d.  Hond.  was  to  accredit 
within  six  months  a  commissioner  in  Guat.  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  friendship, 
commerce,  and  navigation  with  G.  Brit.  3d.  Hond.  recognized  the  indebted- 
ness of  $111,061.  4th.  She  bound  herself  to  pay  that  sum  in  yearly  instal- 
ments of  $15,000  at  Belize.  The  other  articles  were  of  less  importance.  Salv., 
Gaceta,  Apr.  5,  1850;  Hond.,  Ligeras  Observ.,  1-10. 


never  sanction  them.38  Meanwhile  Honduras  had 
agreed  with  Chatfield  to  accredit  a  commissioner  to 
arrange  with  him  for  the  settlement  of  British  claims. 
This  was  done;  and  the  long  and  tedious  question  was 
finally  arranged  on  the  27th  ot  March,  1852,  Hon- 
duras assuming  an  indebtedness  of  $80,000.39 

The  debt  question  was  not  the  only  source  of  dis- 
quietude for  Honduras  in  her  relations  with  Great 
Britain.  British  officials,  on  trumped-up  pretexts, 
usurped  and  held,  during  several  years,  portions  of  her 
territory.  M'Donald,  superintendent  of  Belize,  occu- 
pied Roatan  and  other  islands  belonging  to  Honduras 
situated  in  the  bay  of  this  name.  The  Honduran 
government  protested  against  such  usurpation,  but  no 
attention  was  paid  to  its  remonstrances.  It  does  not 
appear,  however,  that  Great  Britain  was  claiming 
territorial  rights  over  the  Bay  Islands,  as  they  were 
called.40  Soon  afterward,  a  number  of  Cayman 
islanders  settled  in  Roatan,  and  in  the  course  of  a 
few  years  there  were  about  1,000,  when  the  superin- 
tendent of  Belize  found  a  pretext  to  assume  the  con- 
trol. In  1849,  the  islanders  applied  to  Colonel  Fan- 
court,  then  superintendent  of  Belize,  for  a  regular 
government.  He  promised  to  comply  with  their 
wishes,  but  was  unable,  and  they  continued  choosing 
their  authorities.  At  last,  in  August  1850,  the  war 
schooner  Bermuda,  Lieutenant  Jolly  commanding, 
took  formal  possession  of  Roatan,  Guanaja  or  Bonaca, 
Utila,  Barbarreta,  Morat,  Elena,  etc.,  in  behalf  of  the 
British  crown,  declaring  them  a  British  appendage 
under  the  name  of  Colony  of  the  Bay  Islands;  against 
which  the  acting  chief  magistrate,  William  Fitzgib- 

38Jauregui,  March  24,  1850,  in  a  pamphlet  issued  at  Leon,  defended  his 
conduct,  alleging  that  he  had  ample  powers.  Justific.,  in  Cent.  Am.  Pamph., 
i.  no.  7. 

39  Independent  of  £1,425  paid  for  her  proportion  of  Cent.  Am.  indebted- 
ness to  Finlay,  Hodgson,  &  Co.  of  London.  Jlond.,  Gaccta  Ofic.,  Jan.  30,  1853. 

40  The  British  seized  Roatan  June  3,  1830,  driving  away  the  small  Central 
American  garrison.     Similar  attempts  have  been  made  since  1743  by  British 
subjects,  though  unsuccessfully.     The  seizure  of   1830  lasted  ^only  a  short 
time,  having  been  disallowed  by  the  British  government.  Croive's  Gospel,  212; 
Montiifar,  JKesena  Hist.,  iii.  424-7;  iv.  71-5. 


bon,  protested  on  the  15th  of  September,  1850,  in  the 
name  of  the  sovereignty  of  Honduras.41  The  islands 
were,  in  August  1852,  under  the  rule  of  a  lieutenant- 
crovernor.42  A  treaty  was  finally  concluded  between 
the  queen  of  Great  Britain  and  Honduras,  on  the  28th 
of  November,  1859,  respecting  the  Bay  Islands,  the 
Mosquito  Indians,  and  the  claims  of  British  subjects, 
which  settled  the  question  in  favor  of  the  latter 
power.43  Still  one  more  trouble  has  occurred  between 
the  two  nations,  in  which  the  weaker  one  had  to  sub- 
mit to  the  demand  of  the  other  at  the  mouth  of  her 
cannon.  On  the  19th  of  August,  1873,  the  war  ship 
Niobe,  Sir  Lambton  Loraine  commanding,  bombarded 
Fort  San  Fernando  of  Omoa.44  The  bombardment 
ceased  on  the  Honduran  authorities  agreeing  to  redress 
the  alleged  grievances,  and  paying  damages.45  With 
other  nations  of  Europe  and  America — excepting 
the  sister  states,  with  which  repeated  bickerings 
have  occurred,  leading  sometimes  to  war — Honduras 
has  succeeded  in  maintaining  friendly  relations. 


41  '  Whose  territorial  right  is  indisputable,  '  he  alleged.     He   based   his 
action  on  the  treaty  of  April  19,  1850,  between  the  U.  S.  and  Great  Britain, 
tinder  which  neither  power  was  to  have  colonies  or  settlements  in  Central 
America.     The  U.  S.  took  part  in  defence  of  Honduras'  rights  and  overthrew 
the  British  pretensions.  Squier's  Cent.  Am.,  621-6,  740-8;  Democratic  Rev., 
xxx.  544-52. 

42  Under  a  decree  of  the  superintendent  of  Belize.     The  comandante  of 
Trujillo,  by  order  of  his  government,  protested  against  the  occupation  Sept. 
13,  1852.  Hond.,  GacetaOfic.,  Dec.  15,  1852;  EL  Siglo,  Jan.  1,  1853. 

43  Art.  1.  Great  Britain  recognized  the  islands  to  belong  to  Hond.     The 
latter  pledged  herself  not  to  cede  them  to  any  other  nation.     Art.  2.  The 
former  power  recognized  as  part  of  Hond.  the  country  till  then  occupied  or 
possessed  by  the  Mosquito  Indians  within  the  frontier  of  the  republic,  what- 
ever that  frontier^might  be.  La  Union  de  Nic.,  March  9,  1861;  Pirn's  Gate  of 
of  the  Pac.,  412-15.     Further  details  in  connection  with  the  Bay  Islands  ques- 
tion maybe  seen  in  Bay  Islands,  Queens  Warrant,  etc.;  La  Nacion,  Nov.  9, 
Dec.  26,  1856;  Brit.  Quart.  Rev.,  xcix.  270-80;  Caicedo,  Lat.  Am.,  76-80. 

"The  grounds  alleged  for  this  violent  action  were:  1st,  That  the  Brit. 
vice-consul  s  residence  had  been  broken  into  by  Hond.  troops,  and  robbed; 
2d,  That  Omoa  was  sacked  by  these  troops,  and  goods  to  the  value  of  $100,- 
0  had  been  stolen  from  British  subjects;  3d,  That  some  British  subjects  had 
been  drafted  into  the  army,  and  an  Englishwoman  unjustly  imprisoned.  Nic., 
Gaceta,  Oct.  25,  1873;  El  Porvenir  de  Nic.,  Sept.  21,  1873;  Nic.,  Semanal  Nic., 
July  27,  18/4. 

45Streber,  who  commanded  the  troops  accused  of  these  abuses,  defends 
A  A  <2*S5  Honduras  in  the  controversy,  in  Exposic.  Doc.  Sue.  Omoa,  30- 

46  She  had  to  settle,  in  1850,  claims  of  French  citizens,  and  in   1851   of 


The  boundary  between  Honduras  and  Nicaragua  was 
finally  agreed  upon  in  a  convention  dated  September  1, 
1870.47  In  1866  the  Honduran  government  entered 
into  a  concordat  with  the  pope  for  an  understanding  on 
affairs  ecclesiastical. 

President  Lindo,  having  been  a  third  time  elected 
to  the  presidency  for  the  term  to  begin  February  1, 
1852,  published  on  the  25th  of  November,  1851,  a 
manifesto  to  the  people,  suggesting  the  expediency  of 
calling  some  other  citizen  to  the  executive  chair, 
pleading  at  the  same  time  need  of  rest.48  The  people 
took  him  at  his  word,  and  chose  Trinidad  Cabanas 
president,  who  was  inducted  into  office  at  Comayagua 
on  the  1st  of  March,  1852,49  and  on  the  next  day  in 
his  address  to  the  assembly  pledged  his  word  to  pur- 
sue a  liberal  policy  in  observance  of  the  principles  that 
had  guided  him  throughout  his  career.  His  election 
was  hailed  as  an  auspicious  event,  and  a  safeguard 
against  Guatemala's  encroachments.50  The  state  was 

Prussian  subjects.  Hond.y  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Aug.  31,  1850;  Jan.  15,  1852;  Costa  R.> 
Gaceta,  Nov.  16,  1850. 

47  Nic.  had  claimed  on  the  N.  E.  the  river  Patuca  to  its  mouth,  Hond. 
claimed  the  Coco  to  its  mouth.     The  commissioners  agreed  upon  a  compro- 
mise line  between  those  rivers,  namely,  the  summit  of  the  Dilpito  cordillera, 
from  the  point  where  it  becomes  detached  from  the  main  body,  which  divides 
the  waters  running  to  both  oceans;  and  from  the  point  where  it  and  the  line* 
continues  eastwardly  to  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic  in  lat.  15°  10'  N.,  and 
long.  83°  15'  W.  of  Greenwich.  Nic.,  Mem.  Rel,  1871,  5-7. 

48  About  this  time  he  was  on  the  Nic.  frontier  mediating  for  peace  between 
the  belligerents  of  that  state.     His  efforts  proving  successful,  he  was  warmly 
congratulated  by  his  friends  on  his  return.  Hond.,  Gaceta  Ofic.,  Nov.  26,  1851;, 
El  Sigla,  Dec.  13,  1851;  Cent.  Am.  Pamph.,  vii.  no.  2. 

49  Cabanas,  El  Presid. .  .d  sus  Conciud.,  1-6.     The  office  had  been  provis- 
ionally in  charge  of  Senator  Francisco  Gomez.  El  Stylo,  Feb.  21,  March  19, 

50  Cabanas  was  of  diminutive  stature,